t  ttxt  manual  $mf, 

&  PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


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Division  -"^^Tiv 

Section. . 
Number  . 





Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary  Library 


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CHARLES    THE    GREAT. 


A    HISTORY 


OF 


CHARLES    THE    GREAT 

(CHARLEMAGNE) 


J.    I.    MOMBERT,    D.D 

AUTHOR  OF  "HANDBOOK   OF   THE    ENGLISH    VERSIONS,"    "GREAT  LIVES,"  "LIFE   OF   EBEl" 

"WILLIAM    TYNDALE'S    PENTATEUCH,"     ''HISTORY     OF    LANCASTER   COUNTY" 

TRANSLATOR   OF   "THOLUCK   ON   THE   PSALMS,"    "THE    CATHOLIC 

EPISTLES"    IN    "LANGE'S  COMMENTARY,"  ETC.,    ETC 


NEW  YORK 

D.    APPLETON    &    CO 

i,  3,  and  5  Bond  Street 

1888 


Copyright, 

18S8, 

By  J.  I.  MOMBERT. 


Press  of  J.  J.  Little  &  Co-. 
Astor  Place,  New  York. 


Generations. 

I. 

II. 

III. 

IV. 
V. 


4 
,-i:it-Lni5i.^r,  RELATIONSHIP,  AND   FAMIIV ?   CHARLES   THE   GREAT 
Arnulf,  Bishop  of  Metz  ;   +  6*. 
[Same  as  Ansegisel,  Ansigisus,  etc.]  Anchisus  =  Begga,  d.  of  Pepin  h  1,  assassinated,  685. 

[Same  as  Chalpais,  Alphais.] 


\ 


Hildebrand. 


Bernhard.         Remigius.  Grifo, 

+  753- 


Alpais  —  Pepin  of  Heristal  =  lei;  Title  "  inluster  vir  "  and  "dux-"  +  714 

I 


Swanahild  =  Charles  Martel  =  Rotrud  ;  Title  "  inkdr  ; '  +  741. 


Grimoald  +  714.  Drogo  +  7^8. 


Carloman,  Pepin,  King  =  Berthrada,1  h 

first  duke,  then  monk, 
+  754- 


Hiltrud  =  Odilo  D.  of  Bavaria.     Theodoald,    Godfred.         Hugo, 

illegitimate.  +\»,  «J 


f  VI.  Adalhard.      Wala. 


Ada,]      Adelhaid,      Rothaid,         Gisla, 
Buried  at,  Trees,     Metz,  Metz.  +  810. 


CHARLES  THE  GREAT- 
b.  742.  +  814. 


VI. 


\_  1  2 

—  Himiltrud ;      =  Desiderata  ; 
disowned.  divorced. 


WS,        Itl  +  76,TisU°  7  VMU^  *  °<  "-««"-• 


.  ^  w 


=  Hildegard  ;  3 
+  783. 


=  Fastrada ; 
i      +  794- 


VII.  Pepin  the  Rothaid.  Charles,  Pepin,  blJIS.  Lothair,  Adelhaid,  Rotrud,  Bertha,  Gisla,  Hildegard,         Theodrada.        Hiltrud. 

Hunchback,  +811.     K.of  ItalyEmp.     +780.       +774.      +810.   +775.    +781.     +783. 

+  811.  +  810.       I 


7  8 

Id  i  =  Maltegard.   =  Gersivinda.     =  Regina.   =  Adelhaid. 


VIII. 


Bernhar,    Lothair.     Pepin.  Louis. 

K.  of  Ital. 


~~1  ~\  I 1 

Rothdd.  Adaltrad.       Drogo.     Hugo.     Theoderic.  Theodo 


and  others. 


+  denotes  died.' 


- 


=  denotes  "  married."  t  denotes  "  is; 

-«  Berthrada,  Bertrada,  Bertha,  Berta,  daughter  of  Chaibert.  Count  of  Laon,  and  grand-daughter  of  Bertrada  or  Berta,  founders  of  the  Monastery  of  PrUm.-I      .  13* 
and  his  queen. 

Ada  was  buried  at  Treves.-Mabillon,  /.  c.  t.  i!.,  p.  3cJ(and  Brower,  Annal.  Trevir.,  t.  ii.,  p.  ,93. 


3  Grand-daughter,  or  great  grand-daughter  of  Gottfric 


Duke  of  Alemannia  +  709.— Cf.  Vita  Caroli,  c.  18  ;  Thegani  V.  Hlud.  c. 


Names  in  italics  are  those  of  morganatic  wives. 


note;  Bohmer,  System,  No.  5.  *    Cf.  ibid.  No.  93,adiploma  of  benefactions  to  the  sam<  .  ^ 


nastery  by  Pepin 


PREFACE. 

The  brief  title  of  this  work  is  sufficiently  explicit  to 
mark  its  character  and  aim.  It  is  a  History  of  the  illus- 
trious Charles,  justly  surnamed  "  the  Great,"  whom  his 
contemporaries  called  by  his  German  name  Karl,  or  the 
Latin  appellative  Carolus.  The  English  equivalent  of  these 
names,  accepted  by  the  best  writers,  is  "  Charles."  For 
this  reason  the  French  and  misleading  compound  Charle- 
magne, of  much  later  origin,  has  been  discarded. 

In  this  connection,  I  may  add  that  proper  names,  which 
in  the  authorities  occur  in  bewildering  variety,  have  been 
treated  on  the  principle  that,  this  work  being  designed  for 
readers  of  English  speech,  current  English  forms  should  be 
generally  preferred  to  those  less  familiar  to  English  lips 
and  eyes.  It  appeared  to  me  whimsical  and  pedantic  to 
write  Donate,  Maas,  Wilzen,  Aachen,  Hhedowicus,  Adalgiso, 
and  Pippin,  etc.,  instead  of  Danube,  Meuse,  Welatabians, 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  Louis,  Adelchis  and  Pepin,  etc.  In  un- 
cterrent  names,  the  forms  attested  by  the  highest  authority 
have  been  chosen. 

This  work  has  been  long  in  preparation,  and  for  the  most 
part  is  drawn  up  from  contemporary  authorities,  such  as 
Annals,  Chronicles,  Biographies,  Letters,  Laws,  Diplomas, 
Poems,  Epitaphs,  etc.  The  most  important  of  these,  ac- 
companied by  brief  notes  chiefly  bearing  on  their  critical 
value,  are  enumerated  in  the  Appendix. 

The  material  is  very  copious,  and  its  collection  and  study 
have  entailed  much  expenditure  in  time,  labor,  and  money. 
It  would  have  been  easier  to  present  the  subject  in  three 
volumes  than  confine  it  to  the  limits  of  only  one  volume. 


IV  PREFACE. 

But  regard  for  the  patience  of  the  reader  and  prudential 
reasons  dictated  the  necessity  of  adopting  the  shorter  form. 

I  have  not  followed  the  strictly  chronological  order  of 
events,  but  grouped  under  appropriate  heads  the  most  im- 
portant transactions  of  the  long  reign  of  Charles,  trusting 
that  by  this  plan  prolixity  has  been  avoided,  and  the  inter- 
est of  the  narrative  kept  up,  so  that,  without  sacrificing  accu- 
racy, a  clearer  and  more  philosophical  view  of  the  whole 
period,  and  its  grand  central  figure,  might  be  gained.  The 
Chronological  Annals,  however,  which  precede  the  narrative, 
spread  the  precise  sequence  of  events  before  the  reader. 

By  far  the  greater  portion  of  the  matter  presented  appears 
for  the  first  time  in  English,  and  much  of  it  I  have  not 
seen  in  any  living  tongue.  The  bulk  of  this  volume  is  his- 
tory, although  legend,  tradition,  anecdote,  and  poetry  have 
been  introduced  sparingly  as  serving  to  throw  life,  variety, 
and  color  into  the  picture. 

It  has  been  my  aim  faithfully  to  trace  the  growth  and 
establishment  of  the  peerless  empire  of  the  mighty  Ruler, 
whose  fierce  religious  zeal  stamped  out  heathenism,  awed 
the  miscreant,  enriched  and  exalted  the  Church ;  whose 
great  achievements  exacted  the  homage  of  the  world,  and 
whose  enlightened  liberality  inaugurated  a  new  era  of  civ- 
ilization, which  after  the  lapse  of  a  millennium  may  still 
be  discerned  in  living  institutions.  That  empire  has  long 
been  the  ideal  of  ambitious  sovereigns,  and  the  dream  of  its 
revival  has  not  yet  lost  its  fascination. 

This  work  is  not  written  for  a  particular  class  of  readers, 
but  offered  to  the  public  generally  as  a  modest  contribu- 
tion to  the  literature  of  one  of  the  most  important  and 
interesting  periods  in  History. 

New  York, 
July,  1888. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Genealogical  Table facing  71 

Chronological  Annals 3 


BOOK   I. 

ANCESTRAL  PERIOD.     A.D.   68O-A.D.  768. 
CHAPTER    I. 

Charles  Martel. 

Introductory  remarks. —  Pepin  of  Heristal's  mistake. — Charles  obtains  the 
mastery  of  Austrasia,  Neustria,  and  Burgundy. — Aggressive  war- 
fare.— He  aids  Eudo,  duke  of  Aquitaine,  against  the  Saracens. — The 
deadly  battle  of  Tours. — Reduction  of  Aquitaine,  and  suppression  of 
revolt  in  Burgundy. — Renewed  and  successful  contests  with  the  Sara- 
cens.— Charles  chastises  in  the  same  summer,  the  Saxons,  Proven- 
gals,  and  Saracens. — His  relations  to  the  Church. — Division  of  his 
dominions. — His  death 17 

CHAPTER   II. 

Pepin. 

Fraternal  concord  of  Carloman  and  Pepin. — Carloman  abdicates  and  turns 
monk. — Pepin  sole  ruler. — Pope  Zacharias. — Childeric  III.  deposed. — 
Pepin,  King  of  the  Franks. — Grifo  slain. — Astolf  and  Pope  Stephen. — 
Stephen  visits  Pepin. — Astolf  humbled. —  His  death. — Division  of  the 
kingdom. — Death  of  Pepin 31 

CHAPTER    III. 

Civilization. 

Extent  of  Francia. — Nationalities. — General  immorality — The  Clergy. — 
Superstition.—  Royalty. —  Oaths. — Relics. —  Ordeals. —  Weregeld. — 
Political  division:  hof,  weiler,  markung,  gau. — Domestic  architecture. 
— Agriculture. — Slavery. — Domanial  lands. — The  Judiciary.— Mili- 
tary service 54 


VI  CONTENTS. 

BOOK    IT. 

ROYAL  PERIOD.    A.D.   768- A. D.   800. 

CHAPTER   I. 

Charles  and  Carloman. 

Birth,  childhood,  and  youth  of  Charles. — Dissensions  between  the  broth- 
ers.—Revolt  in  Aquitaine. — Matrimony. — Pope  Stephen  indignant. — 
Desiderata. — Hildegard. — Death  of  Carloman.  — Charles  usurps  his 
kingdom. — Flight  of  Gerberga  and  her  children. — Charles  at  thirty.  .      71 

CHAPTER  II. 
Fall  of  the  Lombards. 

Hadrian  I.,  pope. — Hadrian  and  Desiderius. — Hadrian  invokes  the  aid 
of  Charles. — War  with  Desiderius. — Passage  of  the  Alps. — Siege  of 
Pavia. — Defection. — Visit  to  Rome. — The  Grant. — Fall  of  the  Lom- 
bards      86 

CHAPTER    III. 
Saxon  War,  to  Conversion  of  Wittekind. 

The  Saxons. — Object  and  conduct  of  the  war. — Military  institutions  of 
Charles. —  Eresburg. —  Irminsul. —  Miracle  at  Fritzlar. —  Purpose  of 
Charles. — Treachery. — Miracle  at  Sigburg. — Wholesale  baptism. — 
Wittekind. —  Saxon  raid. — Bocholt. —  Conversions. — Laws  for  the 
Saxons. — Fight  at  the  Suntel. — Butchery  at  Verden.  —  Battles  at  Det- 
mold,  and  on  the  Hase. — Winter  campaign. — Negotiations  with  Witte- 
kind.—  His  conversion. —  Legend. — Baptismal  Formula. —  Alcuin's 
advice 101 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Saxon  War,  to  its  Close. 

Reduction  of  the  Welatabians. — Insurrections. — Camp  at  Liine. — Depor- 
tation and  pacification. — Wigmodia. — Further  deportations. — New 
laws. — Heristellc — Revolt  of  the  Northalbingians. — Abodrite  aid. — 
Counsel  of  Alcuin  and  Angilbert. — Camps  at  Paderbom  and  Hol- 
lenstedt. — The  hunt. — Final  pacification. — Christian  Saxony 127 

CHAPTER    V. 

Invasion  of  Spain. 

Occasion. — Muster. — March. — Saragossa.—  Results.—  Retreat. —  Ambus- 
cade.— Roncesvalles. — Legend. — The  Altabicaren  Cantua. — Roland..    154 


CONTENTS.  Vlj 

CHAPTER    VI. 
Sequel  to  Fall  of  the  Lombards. 

PAGE 

Plot. — Charles  quells  the  revolt  in  Friuli. — Revisits  Italy. — Social  condi- 
tion.— Incidents  at  Parma. — Rome,  Milan,  etc. — Puppet  kings. — Legis- 
lation.— Invasion  and  submission  of  Benevento.  —  War  with  Tassilo. — 
He  is  arraigned  and  deposed. — Annexation  of  Bavaria. — The  penitent 
monk 166 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Conquest  of  the  Avars. 

The  Avars. — Preparations. — March. — Pepin's  raid. — Stampede  of  the  en- 
emy.— Devastation. — The  Avars  seek  Christianity. — Exploit  of  Eric. — 
The  "  Ring." — The  spoils. — Baptism  of  Avars. — Pepin's  aftermath. 
— Missionary  work. — Eric's  victory. — Death  of  Gerold  and  Eric. — 
The  end. — Review  of  Christian  effort  in  Bavaria 189 

CHAPTER    VIII. 
Conspiracies. — Queens  and  Daughters  of  Charles. 

Fastrada. — "  Conspiracy  of  Thuringian  Counts  and  Nobles." — "Conspir- 
acy of  Pepin  the  Hunchback." — Peter  of  Verdun. — Death  of  Fastrada. 
— Liutgard. — The  daughters. — Family  life. — The  Chase. — Diversions.  213 

CHAPTER    IX. 

The  Palace  School. — Charles  and  Alcuin. 

Alcuin  — The  Palace  School. — Pseudonyms. — Colloquies  between  Alcuin 

and  Pepin,  and  Alcuin  and  Charles. — Culture  of  Charles 241 

CHAPTER    X. 

Famous  Men. —  Literature.—  Libraries. —  Architecture.— 
Public  Works. 

Adalhard. — Angilbert. — Einhard. — Theodulf. — Clement. — Peter  of  Pisa. 
— Paulus  Diaconus.  Homiliarinm. — Other  distinguished  men. — 
Schools. — Books. — Libraries. — Astronomy. —  Grammar.  —  Names  of 
the  winds  and  the  months. — Medical  men. — Architecture. — Ba- 
silica and  Palace  at  Aix-la-Chapelle. — Rhine-bridge  at  Mayence. — 
Canal-building 253 


viil  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XI. 

Bohemian  War. — The  Royal  Sons  and  their  Kingdoms. — 

extranea. 

PAGE 

Conquest  of  Bohemia. — Affairs  of  Aquitaine  and  Spain. — Administration. 
— Daniel. —  Monasteries. — Benedict. —  Adalric. —  Wilhelmus. —  Sara- 
cen invasion. — Incident  of  Datus. — Poverty  of  Louis. — Domanial 
lands  and  villas. —  Diplomatic  intercourse  with  the  Saracens. — Mis- 
sion of  Theodulf  and  Laidradus. — Theodulf  on  bribery. — Louis  meets 
his  father  at  Tours. — Alleged  prediction  of  his  succession  in  the  impe- 
rial throne. — Affairs  in  Pepin's  kingdom. — The  Beneventans. — Defeat 
of  the  Byzantines. — Death  of  Adelchis. — Revolt  of  the  Bretons. — 
Piracies. — Anecdote  280 


CHAPTER   XII. 
Charles  and  the  Church,  to  the  death  of  Hadrian  I. 

Inconsistency  of  Charles. — His  relations  to  the  Church. — "  General  Ad- 
monition."— "  Instruction  for  the  Royal  Commissioners." — "Exhor- 
tation."— Theological  questions:  Adoptianism ;  Image  Worship. — 
The  "  Caroline  Books." — Liberal  views  of  Charles. — Death  of  Ha- 
drian.— Charles  and  Hadrian. — Epitaph. — Estimate  of  Hadrian 314 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

Charles  and  Leo  III. 

Leo  III.,  pope. — Rumors. — Conspiracy  against  him. — His  miraculous  re- 
covery.— He  visits  Charles  at  Paderborn. — Conjectures. — Leo  rein- 
stated.— Preparations 339 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

The  Coronation. 

Reception  of  Charles  at  Rome. — Trial  of  Leo. — His  exculpation. — Sym- 
bolical gifts  from  Jerusalem. — Debate  on  the  restoration  of  the  em- 
pire.— The  coronation  :  Charles  crowned  and  anointed  "  emperor;  " 
Charles  the  younger  "king." — Offerings. — Statement  of  Einhard  ex- 
amined.— Judgment  on  the  conspirators. — Imperial  prerogatives  at 
Rome 354 


CONTENTS.  jx 

BOOK    III. 
THE   IMPERIAL   PERIOD.     A.D.   80O-A.D.  814. 

CHAPTER   I. 
The  Diet  and  the  Capitularies. 

PAGE 

The  imperial  "Title." — Forms  of  oath  of  allegiance. — The  Diet :  times 
of  meeting,  and  method  of  business,  in  Committee,  and  in  Joint  As- 
sembly.— Activity  of  the  monarch. — Executive,  and  other  officers. — 
Charles,  supreme  judge. — His  policy  towards  conquered  provinces. — 
Military  service  : — "  Capitulary  of  Boulogne." — Missi. — Despotism  of 
the  Caroline  government. — Kpopular  ratification. — The  Capitularies. 
— Their  classification. — Examples  :  Heristal,  779  ;  Frankfort,  794  ; 
Thionville,  805  or  806. — Legislative  ability  of  Charles. — The  "Pro- 
vincial Synods  : "  their  work,  and  its  redaction  by  Charles. — Abstract 
of  Canons 371 

CHAPTER    II. 

Administration. 

Finances  and  Revenue. — Contributions  in  kind  for  the  army,  the  missi, 
and  the  Court. — Taxes. — Tolls. — The  Pilgrimage.  —  The  Villas  :  their 
government  ;  Capitulary  concerning  them  ;  Inventories. — Commerce. 
— Coinage 394 

CHAPTER    III. 

The  New  Era. 

"  Pacific"  (?)  policy. — The  Empress  Irene. — War  with  Benevento. — War 
with  the  Saracens. — Siege  of  Barcelona. — Capture  of  Zeid. — Surren- 
der of  the  city. — Intercourse  with  Harun  al  Raschid. — The  elephant 
Abul-Abbas. — Fortunatus. — Venetian  affairs. — Discovery  of  the  blood 
of  Christ. — Leo  visits  Charles. — Death  of  Alcuin  — Christmas  cele- 
bration cum  gaudio  at  Thionville. — Partition  of  the  empire 407 


CHAPTER   IV. 

Events  from  the  Division  of  the   Empire  to   the   Death 

of  Pepin. 

In  Italy  :  Piratical  descents  of  the  Saracens. — Grimoald  Storesaiz,  duke 
of  Benevento. — Relations  of  Pepin  to  Leo,  and  to  the  Byzantines. — 
Submission  of  Venetia. 

In  Spain  :  Struggle  for  Tortosa  ;  two  ineffectual  investments  of  the  place. 

In  the  Empire  :  Embassies  to  and  from  Bagdad. — Presents. — Restoration 
of  the  fugitive  king  of  Northumbria. — Danish  invasion,  by  Gottfried, 


X  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

of  Northalbingia. — Fortresses. — Commissioners  of  peace. — Assassina- 
tion of  Thrasco,  an  ally  of  Charles. — Danish  descent  upon  Frisia. — 
Charles  marches  against  Gottfried — His  fate. — Camp  at  Verden-on- 
the-Aller. — Death  of  Pepin. — Domestic  sorrows. — The  epizooty. — A 
prodigy. — The  Filioque 426 


CHAPTER   V. 
Last  Years  of  Charles. 

Provisional  government  of  Italy  by  missi. — Peace  with  Nicephorus. — 
Charles  divides  his  treasure. — Text  of  the  Testament. — Case  of 
Obelierius. — Events  in  the  Eastern  empire. — Michael  I.  emperor. — 
Ratification  of  peace. — Leo  V.  emperor. — Peace  with  Denmark. — 
Affairs  in  that  country. — Norman  and  Saracen  pirates. — Peace  and  war 
in  Spain. — Futile  investment  of  Huesca. — Military  expeditions  against 
the  Vasconians  ;  the  Bretons,  Linonians,  etc. ;  and,  for  the  establish- 
ment of  order,  to  Pannonia  ;  later,  against  the  Welatabians. — Final 
submission  of  Benevento. — Adalhard 451 


CHAPTER   VI. 

The  Man  Charles. 

Death  of  Charles  the  Younger. — Estimate. — Death  of  Adelhaid. — Death 
of  Pepin  the  Hunchback. — Charles  broken  by  grief. — He  appoints 
Bernhard  king  of  Italy. — Attack  of  sickness. — Charles  designates 
Louis  his  associate  in  the  empire. — Version  of  Nigellus. — Opposition 
to  Louis. — He  is  sent  for. — Proclaimed  emperor. — His  coronation. — 
Last  illness  and  death  of  Charles. — His  burial. — Legendary  accounts. — 
Emperor  Otto  III.  opens  the  tomb  of  Charles. — Elevation  of  the 
remains,  and  canonization  of  Charles 471 


CHAPTER   VII. 

RESUME. 

Sorrow  for  Charles. — Omens. — "  Vision  of  Charles  the  Great." — Charles 
"the  Father  of  the  Universe." — Sketch  of  his  empire,  subjects,  and 
tributary  races. — Estimate. — The  night-side  and  light-side  of  his 
character. — Comparison  with  other  illustrious  men. — Names  he  bore 
in  life. — Unanimous  verdict  of  posterity. — The  love  he  inspired. — 
Passage  from  Alcuin. — The  Funeral  Chant 489 


CONTENTS.  xi 

APPENDIX. 

PAGE 

A.  Deposition  of  Childeric  and  Coronation  of  Pepin 509 

B.  "  Patricius,"  Patrician 5IQ 

C.  Grant  of  Pepin 510 

D.  Table  of  Alcuin's  Epistles  to  Charles 511 

E.  Table  of  the  Winds 5*6 

F.  List  of  the  Months 516 

G.  List  of  Capitularies  set  forth  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Great 517 

H.  Rythmus  in  obitum  Caroli  Magni  Augusti 521 

I.  Illustrative  Extracts. 

I.  The  Family  of  Charles,   Theodulf 522 

II.  The  Family  of  Charles,  A?igilbcrt 523 

III.  Image  Worship 524 

K.  Literary  Notes  on  some  of  the  Authorities  for  the  history  of  Charles 

the  Great 526 

Index 543 

Portrait  of  Charles facing  title  page. 

Map  of  the  Empire  of  Charles facing  page  494. 

NOTE  ON    THE   PORTRAIT   OF   CHARLES. 

The  portrait,  printed  by  Montfaucon  in  Momtmens  de  la  Monarchic  Fran- 
coise,  tome  I.,  plate  xxiii.,  page  276,  is  taken  from  a  MS.  drawing  in  the  MSS. 
of  M.  de  Peiresc,  and  believed  to  be  authentic.  At  any  rate  it  is  less  conven- 
tional, and  as  to  expression  and  naturalness  more  satisfactory  than  any  of  the 
numerous  representations  of  Charles  in  print,  or  in  stone,  which  I  have  seen. 

It  represents  him  wearing  the  imperial  crown,  in  the  posture  of  kneeling, 
and  holding  on  his  arm  the  basilica  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin  at  Aix-la-Chapelle 
(see  p.  271  sqq.  and  Index).  The  lower  portions  of  the  body  are  entirely 
hidden  by  an  ample  cloak,  remarkable  for  the  width  of  the  sleeves,  the  impe- 
rial collar,  and  especially  the  buttons,  which  though  seldom  found  in  pic- 
tures of  that  period,  were  nevertheless  in  use  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Emperor 
Constantius. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   ANNALS. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   ANNALS. 


CHARLES   MARTEL, 
Son  of  Pepin  of  Heristal  and  Alpais  (=  Chalpais,  Alphais). 


688,  689 
715 


716 

717 

718  (?) 
719 

720 


722 
723 

724 

725 
728 
73o 
73i 
732 
733 

734 

735 


736 


Conjectured  date  of  his  birth. 

Plectrud  with  her  grandsons  in  power. — Ragenfrid,  mayor  of  the 

palace,  in  Neustria. 
Charles  escapes  from  confinement. — Death  of  Dagobert  III. — Chil- 

peric  II.  rules  Neustria. 
Ratbod,  the  Frisian,  defeats  Charles. 
Charles  surprises  and  defeats  the  Neustrians  at  Ambleve. 
Defeats  the  Neustrians  in  the  decisive  engagement  at  Vincy. 
Pursues  the  fugitives  to  Paris. 

Brings  Plectrud  to  terms  at  Cologne. — Appoints  Chlotair  king. 
Devastates  Saxony  to  the  Weser. 
Defeats  Chilperic,  Ragenfrid,  and  their  ally,  Eudo,  duke  of  Aqui- 

taine,  at  Soissons. — Pursues  Eudo,  who  escapes. 
Makes  peace  with  Eudo. 
Expedition    against  the    Saxons. — Theodoric  IV.  (aged    7),    son  of 

Dagobert  III.,  king. 
Wars  in  the  North.     (The  enemy  not  named.) 
Imprisons  two  sons  of  his  step-brother  Drogo. — Accords  protection 

to  Boniface. 
Marches  against  Ragenfrid,  and  invests  Angers. 
Gains  a  victory  over  the  rebellious  Saxons. 

Invades  and  subdues  Bavaria,  returns  with  Bilitrud  and  Swanahild. 
Revisits  Bavaria,  with  an  army. 

Marches  against  Lantfrid,  duke  of  Alemannia. — Death  of  Lantfrid. 
Marches  against  Eudo,  and  devastates  Vasconia. 
Defeats  the  Saracens  in  the  battle  of  Tours. 
Regulates  the  affairs  of  Burgundy. 
Invades  the  Westergau  in  Frisia. 

Again  invades  the  Westergau,  and  devastates  the  country. 
Death  of  Eudo. — Charles  marches  to  the  Garonne,  and  subdues  the 

country. 
Defeats  the  sons  of  Eudo,  takes  Hatto  prisoner,  and  receives  the 

homage  of  Hunold. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 
CHARLES   MARTEL—  Continued. 


736 
737 

73§ 
739 

740 
741 


Enters  Burgundy  and  subdues  the  country  from  Lyons  to  Marseilles, 
and  Aries. 

Death  of  Theodoric  IV. — Charles  reigns  "  without  another  king." 

Marches  against  the  Saracens,  defeats  them  on  the  Berre,  and  lays 
siege  to  Narbonne. 

Marches  against  the  Saxons,  makes  them  tributary,  and  takes  hos- 
tages. 

Quells  the  rebellion  in  the  Provence. 

Receives  an  embassy  from  Pope  Gregory  III. 

A  year  of  peace. 

Divides  his  dominions  among  his  sons. 

Death  of  Charles,  October  22d. — Buried  in  the  Church  of  St.  Denis. 


CARLOMAN, 
Eldest  Son  of  Charles  Martel. 


74i 

742 
743 

744 

745 

746 
747 


750 
754 


Date  of  his  birth  not  known. 

Receives  as  his  share  of  the  divided  kingdom,  Austrasia,  Suabia,  and 
Thuringia. 

Marches  conjointly  with  Pepin  against  their  step-brother  Grifo. — 
Grifo  prisoner  at  Neufchateau. 

Marches  conjointly  with  Pepin  into  Aquitaine,  against  the  rebels. 

Marches  conjointly  with  Pepin  into  Alemannia,  against  the  rebels. 

Childeric  III.  instituted  king. 

Marches  conjointly  with  Pepin  against  Odilo,  duke  of  Bavaria,  their 
brother-in-law. 

Marches  against  the  Saxons  ;  surrender  of  Hoohseoburg,  and  Theo- 
doric. 

Makes  peace  with  Odilo. 

Expedition  against  the  Saxons;  submission  of  the  frontier  popula- 
tion ;  many  Saxons  baptized. 

Marches  with  Pepin  into  Aquitaine  ;  they  subdue  the  rebellion,  and 
humble  Hunold. 

Sanguinary  punishment  of  the  rebellious  Alemannians. 

Abdicates  together  with  his  son  Drogo  in  favor  of  Pepin  ;  goes  to 
Rome,  receives  tonsure,  builds  a  monastery,  and  withdraws  to 
Monte  Soracte. 

Takes  up  his  abode  in  Monte  Casino. 

Goes  to  Francia  in  the  interest  of  Astolf  against  the  pope,  and 
Frankish  interference. 

Pepin  shuts  him  up  in  a  monastery  ;  probably  at  Vienne. 

Death  of  Carloman,  August  17th. — Buried  on  Monte  Casino. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 

PEPIN, 
Second  Son  of  Charles  Martel.  Mayor  of  the  Palace. 


A.D. 
714 

735 
741 


745 
747 


748 
749 


751 


753 


754 


755 
756 


Birth. 

Visits  the  court  of  Desiderius,  who  adopts  him. 

Receives  as  his  share  of  the  divided  kingdom,  Burgundy,  Neustria, 

and  the  Provence. 
For  the  events  of  741-745,  see  above,  under  "  Carloman." 
Marches  against  Theudbald,  son  of  Duke  Godfred,  into  Alsatia. 
Takes  charge  of  the  kingdom  and  son  of  Carloman  ;  see  before. — 
Carloman  had  several  sons. 
Sets  Grifo  at  liberty. 
Grifo  escapes  into  Saxony. 
Expedition  against  the  Saxons  ;  they  submit ;    Grifo  escapes  into 

Bavaria. 
Successful  expedition  against  Grifo  ;  Grifo  and  Lantfrid,  duke  of 

Alemannia,  taken  prisoners. 
Accords  to  Grifo  twelve  counties  in   Neustria  ;  Grifo  escapes  into 

Aquitaine. 


PEPIN, 
Second  Son  of  Charles  Martel,  King. 


Elected,  and,  with  the  approbation  of  the  pope,  elevated  and 
anointed  king,  by  Boniface,  at  Soissons. 

Childeric  is  shaved  and  sent  to  St.  Sithiu. 

Victorious  expedition  against  the  Saxons. — Iburg. — Advance  to  the 
Wesel. 

Grifo  slain  in  combat. 

January  6.  Receives  Pope  Stephen  III.,  and  promises  him  help 
against  the  Lombards. 

The  Diet,  at  Braisne  {Brennacus),  and  then  at  Quierzy  {Carlsiaco)  re- 
solves upon  war  with  the  Lombards. 

Pepin,  together  with  Charles  and  Carloman  his  sons,  guarantees  to 
the  Church  of  Rome  the  restoration  of  the  possessions  wrested 
from  the  same  by  the  Lombards. — The  document  is  lost. 

Stephen  III.,  at  St.  Denis,  anoints  Pepin,  and  his  sons.     July  28th. 

First  expedition  against  the  Lombards.  Pepin  invades  Italy  ;  his 
van  defeats  the  Lombards  in  the  valley  of  Susa  ;  he  pursues 
Astolf  to  Pavia,  invests  the  city,  dictates  a  peace,  takes  hos- 
tages, and  returns  into  Francia. 

The  old  March-field  is  changed  into  a  May-field,  i.  e.,  the  Annual 
Assembly  is  thereafter  to  meet  in  May.     Death  of  Boniface. 

Second  expedition  against  the  Lombards.  Pepin  defeats  them  at 
the  clauses,  again  invests  Pavia,  and  makes  a  peace  humiliating 
to  Astolf. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   ANNALS. 
PEPIN—  Continued. 


756 

757 

753 

759 
760 
761 

762 

763 

764 
765 
766 
767 

768 


Donation  to  St.  Peter  and  the  Roman  Church  of  the  cities  of  Ra- 
venna, Rimini,  Pesara,  etc.,  etc.,  restored  by  Astolf. — The  in- 
strument of  donation  is  lost. 

Death  of  Astolf. — Desiderius,  king  of  the  Lombards. 

Tassilo  takes  the  oath  of  allegiance  at  Compiegne. 

Victorious  expedition  against  the  Saxons. 

A  year  of  peace. — Birth  of  Pepin  (he  died  in  his  third  year). 

Victorious  expedition  into  Aquitaine.     Waifre  sues  for  peace. 

Pepin,  accompanied  by  Charles,  marches  into  Aquitaine  and  quells 
the  revolt,  with  partial  success. 

New  campaign  in  Aquitaine ;  Charles  and  Carloman  accompany 
their  father  ;  with  partial  success. 

Further  campaign  in  Aquitaine.  —  Tassilo  leaves  the  army  on  the 
march. — Pepin  defeats  Waifre. — Escape  of  Waifre. 

War  with  Waifre  and  Tassilo  prevented  by  negotiations. 

A  year  of  peace. 

Expedition  into  Aquitaine. 

Synod  of  Gentilly  on  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  Image  Worship. 

Expedition  into  Aquitaine. 

Expedition  into  Aquitaine.  The  mother,  sister  and  niece  of  Waifre, 
together  with  his  uncle  Remistan,  are  taken  prisoners.  Remis- 
tan  is  hanged  ;  Waifre  assassinated,  by  his  own  subjects. 

Sept.  23d.  Divides  the  kingdom  between  Charles  and  Carloman  ; 
see  under  "  Carloman,  King  "  and  "  Charles  the  Great." 

Sickness  and  death,  September  24th,  of  Pepin. — Buried  in  the 
church  of  St.  Denis. 


751  (?) 

754 
768 


769 
770 
771 


CARLOMAN, 
Second  Son  of  Pepin,  King. 


Date  of  his  birth. 

Is  anointed  by  Stephen  III.,  in  St.  Denis,  July  28th. 

Receives  as   his  kingdom    Burgundy,  the   Provence,   Alsatia,  Ale- 

mannia,  and  the  half  of  Aquitaine,  Sept.  23d. 
Elevated  and  anointed  king  at  Soissons,  October  9th. 
Meeting  and  disagreement  with  Charles  at  Duasdives. 
Meets  his  mother  at  Selz. 
Breaks  with  Charles.     Danger  of  war. 
Death,  December  4th. — Buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Remigius,  near 

Rheims, 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 
CHARLES   THE   GREAT. 


742 
753 
754 
761 
762 
76S 


769 


770 
771 


772 
773 


774 


775 


776 
777 
778 

779 


Date  of  his  birth,  April  2d. 

Escorts  Pope  Stephen  III. 

Is  anointed  by  Stephen  III.,  in  St.  Denis,  July  28th, 

Accompanies  the  expedition  into  Aquitaine. 

Accompanies  the  expedition  into  Aquitaine. 

Receives  as  his  kingdom  Austrasia,  the  half  of  Aquitaine,  and 
Neustria. 

Elevated,  and,  according  to  some,  anointed  king  at  Noyon,  Octo- 
ber 9th. 

Expedition  into  Aquitaine. — Meeting  with  Carloman  at  Duasdives. 

Builds  Fronsac  on  the  Dordogne. — Lupus  surrenders  Hunold  and 
his  wife. 

Disowns  Himiltrud,  and  marries  Desiderata. 

Breaks  with  Carloman. 

Upon  the  death  of  Carloman,  Charles  seizes  his  kingdom. — Ger- 
berga,  with  the  children  of  Carloman,  escapes  to  Desiderius. 

Disowns  Desiderata,  and  marries  Hildegard. 

First  Saxon  expedition. — Eresburg,  Irminsul. 

Receives  the  legate  of  Hadrian  I.,  invoking  his  aid  against  the 
Lombards. 

Diet  at  Geneva. 

Invades  Lombardy.     Siege  of  Pavia  and  Verona. 

Visit  to  Rome. 

Promises  to  donate  to  St.  Peter  certain  territories. — The  instrument 
of  donation  is  lost.     April  6th. 

Fall  of  Pavia,  and  of  the  Lombards,  June. 

Consecration  of  the  church  at  Lauresham  ;  present,  the  king,  the 
queen  and  their  sons,  Charles  and  Pepin,  August  14th. 

Despatch  of  four  scarce  against  the  Saxons. 

Determines  to  prosecute  war  with  the  Saxons  until  they  are  con- 
verted to  Christianity  or  exterminated. — Diet  at  Quierzy,  Jan- 
uary.— Diet  at  Dtiren,  June  and  July. 

Saxon  expedition. — Hohensyburg,  Eresburg,  Brunisberg. — Defeat 
of  the  Eastphalians. — Treachery. — Defeat  of  the  Westphalians. 
August  to  October. 

Winter  campaign  in  Friuli.     The  revolt  is  quelled.     January  to  July. 

Saxon  expedition.     Subjection  of  the  Saxons  ;  many  are  baptized. 

Diet  at  Paderborn.  Wittekind  absent.  Numerous  baptisms.  Sara- 
cen embassy. 

Invasion  of  Spain.  Advance  to  the  Ebro.  Ambuscade  at  Ronces- 
valles. 

Birth  of  Louis  and  Lothair. — Chasseneuil. 

Raid  by  the  Saxons.     Pursuit  of  the  raiders. 

Hildeprand,  Duke  of  Spoleto,  brings  presents. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 
CHARLES    THE    GREAT— Continued. 


A.D. 

779 
7S0 

781 

782 
782 

783 


784 


785 


786 
786 

787 


Saxon   expedition.     Victory  at  Bocholt.     Submission  of  Westpha- 

lian  and  Transalbingian  Saxons. 
Saxon  expedition.     General  submission.     Saxons  in  the  Bardengau 

and  Northalbingia  receive  baptism. 
Visit  to  Italy. 

Meeting  with  Alcuin  at  Parma,  March. 
Rome. — Hadrian    baptizes    Pepin    (=  Carloman)   and   Louis,    and 

anoints  them  Kings  of  Italy  and  Aquitaine.     Easter. 
Thomas,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  baptizes  Gisla.     June. 
Tassilo  swears  fealty  in  the  Diet  of  Worms. 
Diet  at  the  head-waters  of  the  Lippe. — Wittekind  absent. 
Capitulatio  de  partibus  Saxonies. 
Sclavonians  invade  the  frontiers  of  Thuringia  and  Saxony  ;  Adalgis, 

Geilo  and  Worad  march  against  them. 
Disaster  of  the  Siintel. — Expedition. 
Butchery  at  Verden  on  the  Aller. 

Death  of  Hildegard,  April  30th;  buried  in  St.  Arnulf's  at  Metz. 
Death   of   the   queen-mother  Berthrada,  July  13th  ;   buried  in  St. 

Denis. 
Saxon  expedition  ;  victorious  engagements  at  Detmold,  and  on  the 

Hase. 
Devastation  of  the  country  to  the  Elbe. 
Charles  marries  Fastrada,  before  October  9th. 
Saxon  expedition,  early  in  the  spring  ;  the  king  marches  against  the 

Eastphalians  ;  his  son  Charles  against  the  Westphalians  ;  cav- 
alry fight  in  the  Dreingau  ;  Charles  the  younger  defeats  the 

enemy. 
"Winter  campaign  in  Saxony. — Raids. 
Diet  at  Paderborn.     Louis  is  brought  from  Aquitaine. 
Destructive  warfare  ;  the  Saxons  receive  Christianity. 
Negotiations  with  Wittekind  and  Abbio. 
Wittekind  and  his  following  are  baptized  at  Attigny. 
Surrender  of  Gerona. 

Seneschal  Audulf  chastises  the  rebels  in  Brittany. 
Conspiracy  of  Thuringian  counts  and  nobles. 
Expedition  into  Italy  ;  late  in  the  year. 
Visit  to  Rome.     Demonstration  against  Benevento. 
Arigiso,  Rumoald,  and  the  Beneventans  take  the  oath  of  allegiance, 

and  pay  tribute.     Grimoald,  the  king's  son,  one  of  the  hostages. 
Failure  of  the  matrimonial  alliance  of  princess  Rotrud  and  emperor 

Constantine  Porphyrogenitus. 
Embassies  from  and  to  Tassilo. 
Invasion  of  Bavaria.     Tassilo  submits,  and  accepts  the  duchy  as  a 

fief. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 
CHARLES  THE  GREAT— Continued. 


A.D. 

787 


789 

79O 

791 
792 

793 

794 


795 


Annexation  of  Bavaria. 


796 


797 


Embassy  from  Benevento. 

Despatch  of  Missi. 

Death  of  Rumoald  and  Arigiso. 

Trial  and  deposition  of  Tassilo. 

Grimoald,  duke  of  Benevento. 

Successful  fights  with  the   Avars  on  the  Ips,  the  Danube,  and  in 

Friuli. 
Duke  Hildeprand,  duke  Grimoald  and  Winegisus  defeat  the  Byzan- 
tines in  Calabria. 
Expedition  against  the  Welatabians  ;   their  submission. 
Differences  between  Charles  and  Offa. 
Diet  of   Worms.     Punishment  of   Adalric.     Embassy  from  and  to 

the  Avars. 
First  expedition  against  the  Avars. 
Adoptianism.     Felix  recants.     Synod  of  Ratisbon. 
Revolt  in  Saxony  and  Frisia. 
Conspiracy  of  Pepin  the  Hunchback. 
War  with  Benevento.— The  great  famine. 
Failure  of  the  canal  connecting  the  Altmiihl  and  the  Rednitz. 
Invasion  and  victory  of  the  Saracens  on  the  Orbieu. 
Synod  and  Diet  at  Frankfort.    Adoptianism.- -The  Council  denies  the 
oecumenical  character  of  the  second  Council  of  Nicsea  and  rejects 
its  decree  concerning  image  worship. — Tassilo  apologizes,  and 
renounces  all  claim  to  Bavaria. 
Death  of  Fastrada,  August  10th.     Buried  in  St.  Alban's,  Mayence. 
Saxon  expedition. — Sendfeld. 
Charles  marries  Liutgard. 
Regulation  of  Aquitanian  affairs. 
Saxon  expedition.     The  camp  at  Liine  {Hliunt). 
Embassy  from  the  Tudun. 
Eric,  margrave  of  Friuli,  plunders  the  "  Ring"  of  the  Avars,  and 

carries  the  spoils  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  (796)- 
Louis  receives  embassies  from  Alonso  II.,  and  the  Saracenic  wali, 
Bahlul  Ben  Makhluk,  and  erects  fortresses  on  the  frontiers  of 
Aquitaine. 
Death  of  Hadrian  III.,  Dec.  25th  ;  Leo  III.  elected  pope,  Dec.  26th. 
Distribution  of  the  Avar  treasures. 
Embassies  from  and  to  Leo. 

Baptism  of  the  Tudun  of  the  Avars,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
Saxon  expedition. 

Louis  marries  Hermingard,  daughter  of  Count  Ingram  (?). 
Pepin's  expedition  against  the  Avars. 
Frankish  raid  against  the  Saracens. 
The  wali  of  Barcelona  (Zeik)  makes  his  submission. 


IO 


CHRONOLOGICAL   ANNALS. 
CHARLES    THE    GREAT— Continued. 


A.D. 

797 


798 


799 


800 


Futile  investment  of  Huesca. 

Pepin  takes  the  field  against  Sclavonians,  Eric  against  the  Avars. 
Charles  leads  an  expedition  against  the  Saxons  into  Wigmodia. 
The  Ommaiad    Saracen  Abdallah  commends  himself   to  Charles  at 

Aix-la-Chapelle. 
Charles  sends  Lantfrid  and  Sigimund  as  his  ambassadors  to  Harun- 

al-Raschid. 
Capitulare  Saxonicum. 

Winter  campaign  in  Saxony.     Camp  at  Heristelle.     November. 
Embassy  from  the  Avars. 

Louis  (with  Abdallah)  and  Pepin  return  to  their  kingdoms. 
Embassy  from  Alonso  II. 
Revolt  of  the  Nordliudi,  or  Saxons  beyond  the  Elbe.     Murder  of 

missi. 
General  devastation.    Thrasco  attacks  and  defeats  the  Northalbingians 

at  Zwentinefeld. 
Charles  carries  1,600  Saxon  nobles  as  hostages  into  Francia. 
An  embassy  from  the  empress  Irene  announces  her  accession  to  the 

throne. 
Embassy  from  Alonso  II. 

Piratical  descent  by  the  Saracens  on  the  Balearic  Islands. 
Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans,  and  Laidradus,  missi  to  Septimania 

and  the  Provence. 
Felix,  bishop  of  Urgel,  disputes  with  Alcuin,  and  recants. 
Conspiracy  against  Leo  III.     He  escapes. 
Saxon  expedition.     Camp  at  Paderborn.     Charles  the  younger  in  the 

Bardengau. 
Leo  III.  visits  Charles.     His  restoration. 

Embassies  from  Michael,  patrician  of  Sicily,  and  the  empress  Irene. 
Death  of  Gerold,  chief  count  in  Bavaria,  in  battle,  and  of  duke  Eric 

in  an  ambuscade. 
Deportation  of  many  Saxons. 

The  Balearic  Islands  make  their  submission  to  Francia. 
Count  Wido  quells  a  revolt  in  Brittany. 
The  wali  of  Huesca  sends  the  keys  of  the  city  to  Charles. 
The  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  sends  a  benediction  and  relics  from  the 

Holy  Sepulchre. 
Norman  piracies.     Building  of  a  fleet,  and  of  coast  defences. 
Charles  visits  the  coast,  St.  Riquier,  Rouen,  Tours,  etc. 
Death  of  Queen  Liutgard  at  Tours,  June  4th.     Buried  there. 
Diet  at  Mayence,  August. 

Journey  to  Italy,  with  an  army.     Departure,  before  November. 
King  Pepin  conducts  the  army  to  Benevento,  having  left  his  father 

at  Ancona. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    ANNALS.  1 1 

CHARLES    THE    GREAT— Continued. 


A.D. 

800 


SOI 


802 


8O3 


Reception  of  Charles  at  Rome,  November  24th. 

Trial  of  Leo  III.,  December  1st. 

Leo  exculpates  himself,  December  23d. 

The  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  sends  symbolical  gifts,  December  23d. 

Charles  crowned  Emperor  ;  Charles  the  younger  anointed  and  crowned 

King,  December  25th. 
Condemnation  of  the  conspirators  against  Leo. 
Regulation  of  Roman  and  Italian  affairs. 

Pepin  returns  to  Benevento,  before  January  6th.     Capture  of  Chieti. 
A  destructive  earthquake  in  Italy  ;  it  is  felt  on  the  Rhine,  in  Gaul, 

and  Germany,  April  30th. 
Arrival  of  ambassadors  from  Harun-al-Raschid  at    Pisa,  and  their 

reception  between  Vercelli  and  Ivrea. 
Return  into  Francia,  July. 

Siege  and  capture  of  Barcelona,  date  uncertain. 
Administrative  reforms. 
Formulas  of  the  new  oath  of  allegiance. 
Embassies  from  and  to  the  empress  Irene. 
Synod  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  March. 
Isaac,  the  Jew,  brings  the  presents  from  Harun-al-Raschid,  among 

them  the  elephant  Abulabbas. 
Despatch  of  an  expedition  against  the  Saxons  beyond  the  Elbe. 
Hostilities  in  Benevento.     Indecisive  and  fluctuating  fortunes. 
General  Synod  and  Diet  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  October. 
The  conciliar  canons  and  pontifical  decrees  are  read  and  explained 

to  the  clergy. 
The   rule   of   St.  Benedict   is   read    and   explained    to   abbots   and 

monks. 
All  the  national   laws  current  in   Francia  are  read,  explained,  and 

amended  in  the  secular  division  of  the  Diet,  and  ordered  to  be 

committed  to  writing. 
Grimoald,  duke  of  Benevento,  releases  Winigisus,  duke  of  Spoleto. 
Earthquake  at  and  near  Aix-la-Chapelle.     Great  mortality. 
Missi  sent  out  for  securing  the  popular  ratification  of  the  additions 

to  the  national  codes  lately  set  forth. 
The  emperor,  after  the  Diet  at  Mayence,  repairs  to  Salz  on  the  Saale 

in  Franconia. 
Arrival  of  the  Frankish  ambassadors  to  Constantinople,  accompanied 

by  those  of  Nicephorus,  the  new  emperor  of  the  East. 
Arrival  of  two  ambassadors  from  George,  patriarch  of  Jerusalem. 
Arrival  of  Fortunatus,  patriarch  of  Grado. 
Expedition  into  Pannonia. 
Local  Diet  at  Ratisbon.     Submission  of  the   Tudun,  together  with 

many  other  Avars  and  Sclavonians. 


12 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 
CHARLES    THE    GREAT—  Continued. 


A.D. 
804 


805 


806 


807 


Saxon  expedition  for  the  final  subjection  of  the  country. 

Diet  at  the  headwaters  of  the  Lippe. 

Camp  at  Hollenstedt.  Charles  appoints  Thrasco  king  of  the  Abo- 
drites. 

The  Franks  and  the  Abodrites  expel  the  Saxons.  Wholesale  depor- 
tation.    End  of  the  Saxon  war. 

Proposed  interview  of  Gottfried,  king  of  the  Danes,  and  Charles. 

Alleged  discovery  of  the  blood  of  Christ  at  Mantua. 

Pope  Leo  III.  visits  Charles. 

Return  of  the  pope,  January  14th. 

The  Avars  are  permitted  to  settle  between  Sabaria  and  Carnuntum. 
Death  of  the  khakhan  Theodore  ;  baptism  of  the  new  khakhan 
Abraham. 

King  Charles  invades  Bohemia. 

Remarkable  instructions  for  the  missi. — Military  regulations,  and  di- 
rections relating  to  frontier  trade  and  the  exportation  of  arms. 

Celebration  of  Christmas  at  Thionville  ;  arrival  of  Louis  and  Pepin. 

Obelierius  and  Beatus,  doges  of  Venetia,  together  with  dignitaries 
from  Dalmatia,  make  their  submission. 

Partition  of  the  empire. 

Expedition,  commanded  by  King  Charles,  against  the  Sorabians. 

Expedition  into  Bohemia. 

Arrival  of  a  Byzantine  fleet  in  the  Adriatic.     Blockade  of  Venetia. 

A  Frankish  vessel  runs  the  blockade. 

An  Italian  fleet  drives  Saracen  pirates  from  Corsica. 

Saracen  pirates  capture  the  monks  of  Patelaria. 

Submission  of  Navarra  and  Pampeluna. 

Death  of  Grimoald  III.,  duke  of  Benevento.  Accession  of  Grimoald 
Storesaiz. 

Arrival  of  embassies  from  Harun-al-Raschid,  and  the  patriarch  of 
Jerusalem. 

Alfdeni,  a  Danish  chieftain,  makes  his  submission. 

A  Frankish  fleet,  commanded  by  constable  Burchard,  defeats  the 
Saracen  pirates. 

King  Pepin  makes  a  truce  with  the  Byzantine  admiral  Nicetas. 

Eardulf,  the  fugitive  king  of  Northumbria,  visits  Charles  and  the 
pope. 

Gottfried,  king  of  the  Danes,  invades  the  country  of  the  Abodrites. 

Expedition,  by  King  Charles,  against  the  Linonians  and  Smeldings. 

Erection  of  fortresses  on  the  Eider,  and  on  the  Elbe. 

Strained  relations  of  Pepin  and  the  pope. 

Restoration  of  Eardulf. 

The  Greek  Orobiotae  (mountaineers)  plunder  Pcpulonia,  a  seaport  of 
Tuscia. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   ANNALS.  13 

CHARLES   THE    GREAT— Continued. 


811 


812 


Repulse  of  the  Byzantine  fleet  at  Comacchio  ;  admiral  Paulus  sails 

to  Constantinople. 
Saracenic  descent  upon  Corsica,  April  7th. 
Expedition,   by   Louis,   against  the   Saracens.     Ineffectual  siege  of 

Tortosa. 
Meeting  of  Frankish  and  Danish  commissioners  at  Badenfliot. 
Expedition,  by  Thrasco,  king  of  the  Abodrites,  against  the  Wela- 

tabians  and  Smeldings. 
Council  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  November,  on  the  Procession  of  the 

Holy  Spirit.     The  Filioque. 
Assassination  of  Thrasco.     Erection  of  a  fortress  at  Esesfeld  (Itzehoe). 
Amoroz,  wali  of  Saragossa  and  Huesca,  seizes  the  command  of  the 

late  count  Aureolus. 
Saracen  pirates  plunder  Corsica. 
Expedition,  by  King  Pepin,  against  Venetia. 
Death  of  Princess  Rotrud,  June  6th. 
Descent  of  a  Danish  fleet  on  the  coast  of  Frisia. 
Orders  for  the  building  of  vessels  for  the  protection  of  rivers  and  the 

coast. 
The  emperor,  accompanied  by  King  Charles,  conducts  an  army  into 

Saxony.     Camp  at  Verden  on  the  Aller. 
Assassination  of  Gottfried. 

Capture,  by  the  Welatabians,  of  the  fortress  of  Hohbuoki. 
Death  of  King  Pepin,  July  8th. 

Arrival  of  embassies  from  the  courts  of  Constantinople  and  Cordova. 
Accident  of  the  emperor. 

The  epizooty. — Mortal  powder. — General  prayers. 
Negotiations   for   peace  with    Constantinople,   Cordova,    and    Den- 
mark. 
Raid  into  Spain,  by  the  missus  Ingobert  ;  second  ineffectual  siege  of 

Tortosa. 
Administration  of  Italy  by  missi. 
Testamentary  distribution  of  the  imperial  treasure. 
Embassy  to  Constantinople. 
Deposition  of  the  doges. 
Ratification  of  peace  with  Denmark. 
Despatch  of  armies  against  the  Linonians  and   Bretons,  and  into 

Pannonia. 
The  emperor  inspects  the  fleets  building  at  Boulogne  and  Ghent. 
Siege  and  surrender  of  Tortosa. 
Death  of  Pepin  the  Hunchback,  at  Priim. 
Death  of  King  Charles,  December  4th. 

Death  of  Hemming,  king  of  the  Danes.     Struggle  for  the  succession. 
Harald  and  Reginfrid  kings. 


14 


CHRONOLOGICAL  ANNALS. 
CHARLES    THE   GREAT— Continued. 


A.D. 
8j2 


813 


8l4 


Arrival  of  Byzantine  ambassadors  from  Emperor  Michael  I.,  Rhan- 
gabe. 

Frankish  ratification  of  the  peace  at  St.  Mary's,  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Charles  sends  Bernhard,  son  of  Pepin,  to  Italy. 

Saracen  piracies  in  the  Mediterranean. 

Peace  (armistice)  with  El-Hhakem.     Failure  of  the  siege  of  Huesca. 

Peace  with  Benevento. 

Subjection  of  the  Welatabians. 

Despatch  of  an  embassy  to  Constantinople.     Leo  V.,  emperor. 

Diet  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  (?),  early  in  the  year. 

Provincial  Synods  at  Mayence,  Rheims,  Tours,  Chalon,  and  Aries. 

Burning  of  the  Rhine-bridge  at  Mayence. 

Louis  quells  the  revolt  of  the  Vasconians,  and  crosses  the  Pyrenees. 
Attempted  ambuscade. 

Charles  is  taken  sick  in  the  Ardennes  ;  he  sends  for  Louis. 

General  Diet  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.     Important  legislation. 

Designation,  acclamation,  and  coronation  of  Louis  as  associate-em- 
peror. 

Ratification  of  peace  with  Denmark.     Revolution  in  Denmark. 

Norman  and  Saracen  piracies. 

Charles  has  an  attack  of  fever,  January  22d  ;  pleurisy  sets  in. 

Receives  the  sacrament,  January  27th. 

Death,  at,  9  A.  M.,  January  28th. 

Buried,  the  same  day,  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Mary  at  Aix-la-Chapelle. 


BOOK   I. 

ANCESTRAL    PERIOD, 

A.D.,  680— A.D.,  768. 


BOOK    I. 

ANCESTRAL    PERIOD,  A.D.,  680— A.D.,  768. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CHARLES    MARTEL. 

Introductory  remarks.— Pepin  of  Heristal's  mistake. — Charles  obtains  the 
mastery  of  Austrasia,  Neustria,  and  Burgundy.— Aggressive  warfare.— 
He  aids  Eudo,  duke  of  Aquitaine,  against  the  Saracens.— The  deadly 
battle  of  Tours. — Reduction  of  Aquitaine,  and  suppression  of  revolt  in 
Burgundy. — Renewed  and  successful  contests  with  the  Saracens. — Charles 
chastises  in  the  same  summer,  the  Saxons,  Provencals,  and  Saracens. — 
His  relations  to  the  Church. — Division  of  his  dominions. — His  death. 

The  three  grandest  names  of  Carlovingian  lineage  are  so 
closely  connected,  and  so  nearly  contemporary,  that  the 
history  of  one  of  their  number  necessarily  involves  that  of 
the  others.  For  this  reason  a  sketch  of  the  memorable 
career  of  the  first  Charles,  surnamed  "  the  Hammer,"  may 
not  be  an  inappropriate  introduction  to  the  life  of  his 
grandson,  and  namesake,  called  "  the  Great."  x 

Pepin  of  Heristal,2  the  father  of  Charles  Martel,  and  con- 
queror of  Testry,  presided,  for  a   period  of  twenty-seven 

1  The  surnames  "  Tudites"  and  been  mayor  of  the  palace  in  Austrasia. 
"  Martellus  "  arose  in  the  second  half  He  married  Begga,  daughter  of  Pepin 
of  the  ninth  century,  nearly  a  century  the  Old  (or  "of  Landen  "),  also  a 
after  his  death.  The  first  soon  fell  mayor  of  the  palace,  and  was  the 
into  disuse,  but  the  latter  is  almost  father  of  Pepin  of  Heristal,  the  date 
universal.  of  whose   birth   is   not  known.      See 

2  The  descent  of  Pepin  of  Heristal.  "  Genealogical  Table,"  for  all  matters 
— Arnulf,  bishop  of  Metz,  died  Aug.  relating  to  lineage;  the  "  Chronologi- 
6,  641,  and  left  two  sons:  Chlodulf,  cal  Annals"  for  dates  ;  and  the  "  In- 
bishop   of    Metz,    and    Ansigisil    (or  dex "  for  geographical  details. 
Adalgisel,  Anchisus),  reputed  to  have 

2 


1 8  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

years,  with  singular  ability  and  energy  over  the  affairs  of 
the  Frankish  dominions  in  the  capacities  of  duke  of  Aus- 
trasia,  and  mayor  of  the  palace  of  Neustria.  By  his  au- 
thority not  less  than  four  puppet-kings  maintained  a  phan- 
tom royalty  in  Neustria  and  Burgundy.  So  abject  was 
their  estate  that  the  annals  of  the  period  record  events  in 
such  significant  phrase  as :  "  In  such  a  year  of  the  sover- 
eignty of  Pepin  over  Theoderic,"  and  designate  his  reign 
as  that  of  "  Pepin  with  the  kings  subject  to  his  rule."1 

His  was  unquestionably  the  master  intellect  of  his  age, 
which  held  in  check  the  fierce  nations  encroaching  upon 
Frankish  territory  in  the  East  and  the  South,  devised  and 
enforced  necessary  and  wholesome  legislation,  and  be- 
friended in  powerful  protection  and  liberal  donations  the 
Christian  missionaries  from  England,  Ireland,  and  Rome. 

Unfortunately  he  was  not  free  from  the  polygamy  of  the 
Frankish  sovereigns  and  their  license  of  repudiation.  He 
had  two  wives,  Plectrud  and  Alpais,  but,  his  sons  by  the 
former  being  dead,  committed  the  grand  mistake  of  desig- 
nating, at  the  instance  of  their  imperious  mother,  his  grand- 
son Theodoald,  only  six  years  of  age,  his  successor  in  the 
throne,  to  the  exclusion  of  Charles  and  Hildebrand,  his 
sons  by  Alpais. 

At  his  death  Plectrud  assumed  the  government,  and  im- 
prisoned Charles  at  Cologne. 

A  struggle  was  inevitable.  Charles  soon  succeeded  in  the 
recovery  of  liberty,  and  aided  by  Austrasian  nobles,  who 
scorned  the  rule  of  a  woman,  attempted  to  wrest  it  from 
her  hands. 

The  situation  was  complicated.  The  Neustrians,  with 
their  phantom  king  Dagobert  III.,  revolted  from  Austrasian 
rule,  and  marched  against  the  youthful  Theodoald,  whom 
Plectrud,  under  escort  of  a  strong  force,  had  sent  to  Neus- 
tria. An  engagement  took  place  in  the  forest  of  Cuise, 
in  which  the  Austrasians  were  defeated,  while  Theodoald 
barely  escaped  with  his  life. 

1  Annal.  Metten.,  Fuld.,  Lauriss.,  a.  691. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  MARTEL.  19 

They  then  chose  Ragenfrid  mayor  of  the  palace,  and, 
under  his  lead,  invaded  Austrasia  and  devastated  the  coun- 
try to  the  Meuse. 

In  the  mean  time  Dagobert  died,  and  they  found  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  person  of  the  cleric  Daniel,  whom  they  ele- 
vated to  the  throne  under  the  name  of  Chilperic  II. 

This  new  king  made  an  alliance  with  the  Frisians,  and 
marched  upon  Cologne,  where  Plectrud  had  established 
herself,  and  was  glad  to  purchase  the  departure  of  the 
enemy  at  a  high  price.  The  Neustrians  left,  but  on  the 
march  were  overtaken  and  defeated  by  Charles  at  Ambleve. 

717]  Fruitless  negotiations  ensued,  and  Charles,  the  year 
following,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  entered  Neustria, 
met  and  defeated  the  enemy  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Vincy, 
south  of  Cambray.  Chilperic  and  Ragenfrid  fled  to  Paris, 
while  Charles,  laden  with  spoil,  retraced  his  steps  to  Co- 
logne, and  compelled  Plectrud  not  only  to  open  the  city, 
but  to  surrender  the  treasure  of  Pepin,  and  submit  to  his 
authority. 

In  the  lull  of  war  which  followed  Charles  satisfied  the 
clamor  of  the  populace  for  a  king,  and  presented  to  them 
an  obscure  Merovingian  prince  of  the  name  of  Clothair,  as 
their  puppet-king,  while  he  himself  ruled  the  Frankish  do- 
minions under  the  title  of  duke  of  Austrasia. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  king  of  the  Neustrians,  and  his 
mayor  of  the  palace  had  not  been  idle.  They  opened 
negotiations  and  concluded  an  alliance  with  Eudo,  the 
rebellious  duke  of  Aquitaine,  in  virtue  of  which  he  joined 
them  with  an  army  at  Paris,  and  enabled  them  to  resume 
719]  offensive  operations  against  Charles.  The  opposing 
hosts  met  at  Soissons,  and  in  the  battle  which  they  fought, 
the  arms  of  Charles  were  again  victorious.  He  pursued  the 
flying  foe  first  to  Paris,  and  thence  to  the  Loire,  but  though 
he  moved  by  forced  marches,  such  was  the  speed  of  the 
fugitives,  that  Eudo,  with  Chilperic  and  the  royal  treasure, 
crossed  that  river  before  Charles  was  able  to  overtake 
them. 

720]  The  contest  was  brought  to  a  close  soon  afterward. 


20  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

A  peace  was  concluded  in  virtue  of  which  Eudo  surren- 
dered the  person  and  treasure  of  Chilperic,  and  Charles,  tak- 
ing advantage  of  the  opportune  death  of  his  shadow  king 
Clothair,  set  up  Chilperic  in  his  stead,  and  treated  him 
honorably  to  his  dying  day.  This  happened  in  the  same 
year,  and  necessitated  the  appointment  of  a  new  king. 
Charles  discovered  another  Merovingian  scion  in  the  abbey 
of  Chelles,  summoned  him  forth,  and  launched  him  upon 
his  career  of  royal  indolence  under  the  name  of  Theoderic, 
or  Thierry  IV. 

Thus  established  in  the  undisputed  rule  of  Austrasia, 
Neustria,  and  Burgundy,  Charles  felt  at  liberty  to  under- 
take a  series  of  expeditions  against  the  Frisians  and  Saxons, 
which  though  sometimes  aggressive  and  attended  by  tem- 
porary success,  appear  to  have  resulted  only  in  bloodshed, 
widespread  desolation,  and  invincible  antipathy.  In  one 
instance  we  read  of  a  stinging  defeat  which  he  inflicted 
upon  a  most  savage  Saxon  tribe,  and  not  only  made  it  tribu- 
tary but  took  hostages ;  *  on  another  occasion  he  overran 
Frisia  with  war  and  punished  the  rebels  with  indiscriminate 
devastation  and  extermination.2  The  causes  of  the  revolt 
seem  to  be  unknown. 

Military  expeditions  against  the  Suabians  and  Bavarians 
also  were  aggressive  and  led  to  territorial  acquisitions. 
Charles  crossed  the  Rhine,  traversed  Suabia  to  the  Danube, 
passed  that  river,  occupied  the  frontier  of  Bavaria  and  sub- 
dued the  country.  Besides  great  spoil,  he  returned  with 
Bilitrud  the  widow  of  Grimoald,  duke  of  Bavaria,  and 
Swanahild  her  daughter.  The  latter  he  married,  but  it  is 
doubtful  if  she  enjoyed  the  full  rights  of  a  lawful  wife.  At 
any  rate  he  did  not,  in  the  subsequent  partition  of  his  do- 
minions, treat  Grifo,  his  son  by  Swanahild,  on  equal  terms 
with  his  other  sons  by  Rotrud. 3 

Thus  far  the  military  achievements  of  Charles  had  been 
directed  to  the   consolidation   of  the  Frankish  monarchy, 

1  Fredeg.  Cont.  c.  109  ;  Annal.  3  Fredeg.  Cont.  c.  108  ;  Annal.  S. 
Mosell.,  Lauresh.,  Petav.,  a.  738.             Amandi,  Petav.,  Juvav.  a.  725;  Einh., 

2  Annal.  Lauresh.,  a.  934.  a.  741. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES   MARTEL.  21 

which  his  genius  had  raised  to  the  first  rank  in  the  family 
of  European  nations.  He  was  unquestionably  the  ablest 
ruler  and  best  soldier  of  his  time.  The  fine  discipline  and 
undoubted  valor  of  the  Franks  in  the  hands  of  such  a 
leader  had  quelled  domestic  insurrection,  and  terrified  the 
undisciplined  and  unorganized  pagan  tribes,  which  held  the 
vast  territory  eastward  of  the  Rhine  to  beyond  the  Oder, 
and,  with  only  few  exceptions,  from  the  Alps  to  the  north- 
ern seas.  But  now  there  appeared  another  foe,  the  equal  of 
those  fierce  pagans  in  cruel  ferocity,  but  superior  to  them 
in  military  skill,  numerical  strength,  and  enthusiastic  per- 
severance. He  moved  in  vast  masses  essential  to  the  gi- 
gantic dimensions  of  his  undertaking,  which  at  this  time 
was  nothing  less  than  the  subjugation  of  Europe. 

The  Arab  warriors,  who  had  swept  like  a  whirlwind  to  the 
heart  of  Asia  and  subdued  Persia  and  Syria,  and  with  the 
same  impetuous  velocity  had  conquered  Egypt,  Africa  and 
Spain,  were  thundering  at  the  gates  of  Constantinople  in 
the  East,  and  forcing  the  Pyrenees  in  the  West.  Twice 
already  Moslem  hosts  had  penetrated  into  southern  Gaul, 
but,  though  repulsed  at  Toulouse  and  in  the  Provence,  the 
duke  of  Aquitaine  lacked  the  power  of  dislodging  them 
from  Septimania. 

T32]  Nor  could  he  stem  the  tide  of  a  fresh  irruption  which 
burst  upon  him  from  an  opposite  direction,  when  Abdel- 
Rhaman,  who  had  won  his  laurels  in  the  conquest  of  Africa 
and  Spain,  suddenly  appeared  in  Gallic  Vasconia,  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  which  Arab  writers  estimate  at  eighty 
thousand  strong.  Duke  Eudo  hastily  collected  his  forces 
and  essayed  to  dispute  the  progress  of  the  Saracens,  but 
in  vain,  for  they  compelled  him  to  cross  the  Garonne,  fall 
back  on  Bordeaux,  and  give  them  battle.  He  sustained  a 
crushing  defeat,  but  escaped  ;  while  the  victors  carried  Bor- 
deaux by  assault,  sacked  it,  and  laden  with  spoil,  followed 
up  their  advantage. 

They  overran  the  whole  of  Aquitaine,  crossed  the  Loire, 
and  carried  fire  and  sword  into  Burgundy  as  far  as  Autun 
and   Sens.     All   Gaul  and  Western   Europe  seemed   to  lie 


22  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

open  to  them.  In  his  extremity  the  intrepid  but  perfidi- 
ous Eudo  hastened  to  Charles  and  invoked  his  aid ;  Charles 
granted  it  and  forthwith  summoned  his  heerbann.  The  best 
soldiery  of  the  Franks  and  Burgundians,  with  Suabians, 
Bavarians  and  Thuringians  from  beyond  the  Rhine,  flocked 
to  his  standard,  and  at  his  bidding  marched  westward  to  the 
rendezvous  on  the  Loire. 

The  Arab  leader,  in  the  mean  time  advanced  to  Poitiers, 
which  had  closed  its  gates  and  prepared  for  defence,  laid 
siege  to  the  place,  and  attempted  to  carry  it  by  assault,  but 
failed.  Believing  it  unwise  to  waste  time  under  the  walls 
of  a  city  which  in  wealth  could  not  compare  with  Tours,  he 
raised  the  siege  and  marched  upon  that  place. 

Under  the  walls  of  Tours  he  heard  that  the  Franks  were 
coming,  and  ordering  a  retreat,  pitched  his  camp  either  at  a 
place  called  Cenon  (formerly  Sesone)  and  situated  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Clain  and  Vienne  near  Poitiers,  or  at 
Mir6,  nearer  to  Tours,  in  a  plain  known  as  the  Landes  de 
Charlemagne. 

The  Franks  arrived  late  in  September  or  early  in  Octo- 
ber. The  numbers  of  the  opposing  armies  are,  as  usual, 
greatly  exaggerated.  An  Arab  authority  says  that  the 
Christian  hosts  "  could  not  be  numbered,"  and  a  Christian 
writer  fables  of  a  Moslem  loss  in  slain,  which  he  sets  down 
at  the  incredible  number  of  three  hundred  and  seventy-five 
thousand.  Leaving  alone  the  actual  numbers,  those  en- 
gaged on  both  sides  were  doubtless  of  considerable  magni- 
tude, and  probably  of  equal  strength,  for  they  lay  in  com- 
parative inactivity  in  sight  of  each  other  for  the  space  of  an 
entire  week. 

On  the  morning  of  the  seventh  or  eighth  day  the  Arab 
leader  began  the  fight,  which  soon  became  general.  Again 
and  again  the  fierce  Moslem  horse  charged  upon  the  Frank- 
ish  army,  whose  serried  ranks  stood  "  firm  as  a  wall,  and 
impenetrable  as  an  iceberg,"  and  were  repulsed  with  great 
loss.  In  consequence  of  a  report,  called  by  the  Arab  his- 
torian, "  a  false  alarm,"  that  the  Franks  were  in  the  rear  of 
the  Moslems,  and  plundering  their  camp,  several  squadrons 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  MARTEL.  23 

of  their  horse  rode  from  the  main  line  to  protect  the  rear. 
The  movement  was  misunderstood  as  one  of  retreat ;  con- 
fusion ensued  ;  the  whole  Arab  host  gave  way,  and  suffered 
terribly  at  the  hands  of  the  Franks,  whose  spears,  falchions, 
and  battle-axes  dealt  destruction  in  their  scattered  ranks. 

Abdel-Rhaman  tried  in  vain  to  rally  them,  and  was  slain 
in  the  attempt.  The  fall  of  their  leader  was  the  signal  of 
general  flight,  in  which  multitudes  of  the  Moslems  were  slain. 

The  personal  valor  of  Charles,  the  terrible  and  deadly 
effect  of  his  blows,  inspired  his  host  to  heroic  efforts,  and 
earned  for  him,  but  not  until  much  later,  the  surname 
"  Martel,"  that  is,  the  hammer. 

When  night  set  in,  both  armies  withdrew  to  their  camps. 

The  Arab  account  of  the  battle  is  most  interesting.  It 
runs  as  follows :  "  Near  the  river  Owar  (Loire  ?)  the  two 
great  hosts  of  the  two  languages  and  the  two  creeds  were 
set  in  array  against  each  other. 

"  The  hearts  of  Abderrahman,  his  captains,  and  his  men, 
were  filled  with  wrath  and  pride,  and  they  were  the  first  to 
begin  the  fight.  The  Moslem  horsemen  dashed  fierce  and 
frequent  forward  against  the  battalions  of  the  Franks,  who 
resisted  manfully,  and  many  fell  dead  on  either  side,  until 
the  going  down  of  the  sun.  Night  parted  the  two  armies ; 
but  in  the  gray  of  the  morning  the  Moslems  returned  to 
the  battle.  Their  cavaliers  had  soon  hewn  their  way  into 
the  centre  of  the  Christian  host.  But  many  of  the  Mos- 
lems were  fearful  for  the  safety  of  the  spoils  which  they 
had  stored  in  their  tents,  and  a  false  cry  arose  in  their  ranks 
that  some  of  the  enemy  were  plundering  the  camp  ;  where- 
upon several  squadron  of  the  Moslem  horsemen  rode  on  to 
protect  their  tents.  But  it  seemed  as  if  they  fled :  and  all 
the  host  was  troubled.  And  while  Abderrahman  strove  to 
check  their  tumult,  and  to  lead  them  back  to  battle,  the 
warriors  of  the  Franks  came  around  him,  and  he  was  pierced 
through  with  many  spears,  so  that  he  died.  Then  all  the 
host  fled  before  the  enemy,  and  many  died  in  the  flight. 
This  deadly  defeat  of  the  Moslems,  and  the  loss  of  the  great 
leader  and  good  cavalier  Abderrahman,  took  place  in  the 


24  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

hundred  and  fifteenth  year."  *  The  account  differs  in  some 
respects  from  that  recorded  by  Christian  chroniclers,  but 
the  main  point  of  a  "  deadly  defeat  "  is  fully  corroborated. 

The  Frankish  warriors  slept  in  their  camp,  but,  unless  all 
the  Christian  records  are  at  fault,  the  disorder  and  confu- 
sion incident  upon  the  disaster  of  the  defeat,  the  loss  of 
their  commander,  and  the  dread  of  the  expected  pursuit, 
must  have  banished  sleep  from  the  eyes  of  the  Moslems. 
It  is  said,  or  surmised,  that  the  recriminations  of  the  emirs 
led  to  armed  conflict,  that  for  want  of  a  competent  leader, 
the  several  commands  acted  for  themselves,  and  under  shel- 
ter of  the  night  stealthily  but  hastily  made  good  their  es- 
cape. At  break  of  day  the  Franks  stood  under  arms  pre- 
pared to  renew  the  fight  ;  but  there  was  no  sign  of  the 
presence  of  the  dusky  foe  ;  the  unwonted  stillness  of  the 
hostile  camp  caused  surprise,  and  could  only  mean  strata- 
gem or  flight.  To  solve  the  matter  some  Franks  were 
despatched  to  reconnoitre  ;  they  entered  the  camp  without 
opposition  and  found  it  deserted  ;  the  Arabs  had  fled  and 
left  the  bulk  of  their  booty  behind.  It  is  known  that  their 
flight  was  precipitate  and  unchecked,  until  they  reached 
Septimania  and  felt  safe  within  the  fortifications  of  Nar- 
bonne.  It  is  also  known  that  Charles  Martel,  doubtless  on 
prudential  grounds,  forbore  to  pursue  the  flying  enemy,  and 
disbanded  his  army  ;  his  course  seems  to  justify  the  reflec- 
tion that  "  the  inactivity  of  a  conqueror  betrays  the  loss  of 
strength  and  blood,  and  the  most  cruel  execution  is  in- 
flicted, not  in  the  ranks  of  battle,  but  on  the  backs  of  a 
flying  enemy."  2  Had  he  ordered  a  pursuit,  he  might  have 
annihilated  the  Moslems,  and  crushed  at  one  blow,  or  at 
least  in  one  campaign,  a  foe  against  whom  he  had  to  march 
in  two  subsequent  campaigns,  and  who  maintained  himself 
in  Narbonne  twenty-seven  years  longer,  until  he  was  finally 
dislodged  by  his  son  Pepin  in  759. 

1  Conde,    Historia   de   la   Domina-  tion  271.     The  year  is  that  of  the  He- 

cion  de  los  Arabos  en  Espana,  Madrid,  gira. 

1820,    cited    by    Creasey    in    Fifteen         2  Gibbon,   Decline   and  Fall,    etc., 

Decisive   Battles   of  the   World,  sec-  ch.  Hi. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES   M ARTEL.  2$ 

The  great  victory  of  the  battle  of  Tours,  in  which  the 
genius  of  Charles  Martel  directed  the  stout  hearts  and  iron 
hands  *  of  his  Teuton  warriors  to  the  utter  discomfiture  of  the 
Arabs,  and  bade  them  abandon  all  hope  of  lifting  the  victo- 
rious Crescent  in  Central  Europe,  cannot  be  overestimated. 

"  It  was  a  struggle  between  the  East  and  West,  South 
and  North,  Asia  and  Europe,  the  Gospel  and  the  Koran, 
and  we  now  say,  on  a  general  consideration  of  events,  peo- 
ples, and  ages,  that  the  civilization  of  the  world  depended 
upon  it."  2 

An  English  writer  thinks  that  the  victory  of  Charles  Mar- 
tel deserves  to  rank  higher  than  that  of  Arminius  "  among 
those  signal  deliverances  which  have  affected  for  centuries 
the  happiness  of  mankind  ;  "  3  while  a  German  historian  in- 
dicates as  "  one  of  the  most  important  epochs  in  the  history 
of  the  world,  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  when  on 
the  one  side  Mohammedanism  threatened  to  overspread 
Italy  and  Gaul,  and  on  the  other,  the  ancient  idolatry  of 
Saxony  and  Frisia  once  more  forced  its  way  across  the 
Rhine.  In  this  peril  of  Christian  institutions,  a  youthful 
prince  of  Germanic  race,  Charles  Martel,  arose  as  their 
champion,  maintained  them  with  all  the  energy  which  the 
necessity  of  self-defence  calls  forth,  and  finally  extended 
them  into  new  regions."  4 

The  lesson  he  taught  the  Moslems  has  never  been  forgot- 
ten ;  their  writers  constantly  advert  to  the  "  deadly  battle 
of  Tours,"  call  it  a"  disgraceful  overthrow,"  and  even  now, 
after  the  lapse  of  more  than  eleven  centuries,  the  reminis- 
cence of  that  trial  of  strength,  in  which  the  splendid  army  of 
the  redoubtable  Abdel-Rhaman  gave  way  under  the  iron 
strength  of  the  Frankish  host,  the  first  they  had  ever  met, 
lives  in  the  designation  of  "  Frank,"  by  which  Orientals  of 

1  "Gens   Austrice  membrorum  pre-  2  Guizot,  History  of  France,  V.  I., 

eminenta   valida,    et    gens    Germana  ch.  ix. 

corde  et  corpore  prcestantissima,  quasi  3  Arnold,    History    of    the    Later 

in  ictu  oculi,  manu  ferrea,  et  pectore  Roman  Commonwealth,  V.  II.,  p.  317. 

arduo,  Arabes  extinxerunt. "     Roderic.  4  Ranke,  History  of  the  Reformation 

Toletan.,  c.  XIV.  in  Germany,  V.  I.,  p.  5. 


26  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

Mohammedan  faith  are  wont  to  speak  of  European  Chris- 
tians. It  was  the  "  Frank  "  who  taught  them  to  respect 
the  Cross. 

733]  After  the  battle  of  Tours,  Eudo,  as  the  vassal  of 
Charles,  had  enough  to  do  with  repairing  the  damage  done  to 
his  duchy,  while  Charles  was  busy  with  the  work  of  recover- 
ing and  reuniting  to  the  Frankish  monarchy  the  kingdom  of 
Burgundy  and  the  rich  Provence.  He  retook  Lyons,  Vi- 
enne,  Valence,  and  the  country  as  far  as  the  Durance,  and 
appointed  local  governors  charged  with  the  double  duty  of 
keeping  his  involuntary  subjects  in  order,  and  of  protecting 
the  country  from  further  Arab  incursions.  They  failed  in 
both  respects,  promoted  disaffection,  and,  thanks  to  the  trea- 
sonable overtures  of  Maurontius,  patrician  of  Aries,  the 
Moslems  returned,  overran  and  occupied  the  whole  country 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhone  for  the  space  of  two  years. 

The  death  of  Eudo  occasioned  fresh  trouble  in  Aqui- 
taine  ;  Charles,  who  had  hastened  thither  and  thrown  Frank- 
ish garrisons  into  Bordeaux  and  Blaye,  subdued  the  coun- 
try, overcame  the  resistance  of  Eudo's  sons,  and  took  Hatto, 
one  of  them,  prisoner,  but  confirmed  Hunold,  the  other,  who 
swore  fealty,  in  the  possession  of  the  duchy  under  Frank- 
ish suzerainty.  Then  followed  the  day  of  reckoning  in  Bur- 
gundy and  Gothia,  or  Septimania. 

He  sent  his  brother  Hildebrand  with  an  army  to  Avignon 
to  lay  siege  to  it,  soon  after  followed  in  person  with  a 
second  army,  and  took  the  city  by  storm  ;  crossed  the 
Rhone,  entered  Septimania,  and  marched  upon  Narbonne, 
the  stronghold  to  which  the  Saracens  had  retired.  A  fresh 
body  of  Arabs,  sent  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  city,  ar- 
rived, and  effected  a  landing  at  a  point  between  Narbonne 
and  the  modern  Cap  de  la  Franqui.  The  movement  was 
discovered,  and  its  object  defeated,  for  Charles,  leaving  part 
of  his  army  before  the  city,  marched  against  the  new-comers 
and  almost  annihilated  them  within  sight  of  their  brethren. 
An  attempt  to  carry  the  city  by  storm  failed,  while  news  of 
a  fresh  revolt  of  the  Saxons  compelled  him  to  leave  the 
seat  of  war.     His  march  lay  through  the  Septimanian  towns 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES   MARTEL.  2? 

of  Nimes,  Agde,  Beziers,  and  Maguelonne,  which  he  set  on 
fire  ;  and  he  also  destroyed  all  the  strongholds  of  the  coun- 
try. 

But  this  wholesale  devastation  of  an  inimical  religion 
only  incensed  the  people  to  renewed  revolt,  and  provoked 
a  fresh  incursion  of  the  Arabs.  Charles,  with  his  wonted 
energy,  hastened  to  chastise  the  Saxons,1  and  in  the  same 
season,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  retraced  his  steps  with 
739]  the  greatest  speed  to  the  south  of  France.  He  retook 
Avignon,  crossed  the  Durance,  and  subdued  the  whole 
country  to  the  sea  ;  then  swept  with  his  conquering  legions 
through  the  Provence,  drove  out  the  Moslems,  made  him- 
self master  of  Marseilles  and  Aries,  and  added  the  whole  of 
Southern  Gaul  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhone  to  his  domin- 
ions. 

Such  is,  in  brief  outline,  the  military  career  of  Charles 
Martel.  It  remains  to  speak  of  him  in  other  respects.  His 
relations  to  the  Church  were  peculiar.  The  Gallican  clergy 
saw  in  him  a  sacrilegious  and  tyrannical  spoiler  of  the 
Church,  while  Boniface  the  apostle  of  Germany  and  Willi- 
brord  the  apostle  of  Frisia,  and  last,  not  least,  the  pope,  re- 
garded him  as  the  saviour  of  Christendom,  the  zealous  and 
invincible  champion  alike  against  the  fierce  pagans  of  the 
North,  and  the  fanatical  miscreants  of  the  South.  Without 
his  patronage,  writes  Boniface,  he  would  not  have  been 
able  to  guide  the  people  or  defend  his  clergy,  or  without 
his  express  command  and  the  fear  of  his  displeasure,  forbid 
in  Germany  the  practice  of  pagan  rites  and  the  sacrilegious 
worship  of  idols. 

But  why  was  he  so  obnoxious  to  the  Gallican  clergy? 

1  It  is  certain,  that  Charles  in  738  he  subdued  the  whole  country  to  the 

entered  the  Saxon  country,  devastated  sea,  advancing  as  far  as  Marseilles. 

it,  made  the  people  tributary,  and  took  Some  place  these  events  partly  in  738 

many  hostages  (Fredegar.  Cont.  109  ;  and  739  ;  the    authorities    leave    the 

Annal. M osell. ,  Lauresh.,  Petav.) — and  matter   undecided.      (Fredeg.    /.    c. ; 

probable,  that  he  hastened  from  Sax-  Annal.     Mosell.,     Lauresh.,     Petav. 

ony  to  the  south  of  France  to  join  the  Alam.   ad   739. — Paul.   Diac.  Histor. 

army  under  his   brother  Hildebrand.  Langob.  VI.,  54  in  MG.  SS.  I.,  554  ; 

After  the  flight   of   duke  Maurontius  cf.  Chron.  Moiss. 


28  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

The  matter  is  easily  explained.  His  wars  were  costly,  his 
revenue  was  small,  and  the  Church  was  rich.  He  followed 
the  example  of  the  Merovingian  kings  and  former  mayors 
of  the  palace,  and  applied  the  possessions  of  the  Church  to 
the  conduct  of  his  military  expeditions  and  the  reward  of 
the  powerful  chiefs  who  enabled  him  to  conduct  them. 
This  he  did  on  a  large  scale  and  in  various  ways.  He  gave 
the  domains  of  the  Church,  "  with  the  title  of  benefices  in 
temporary  holding,  often  converted  into  proprietorship  and 
under  the  style  of  precarious  tenure,  to  the  chiefs  in  his 
service," '  and  even  rewarded  them  with  the  highest  eccle- 
siastical dignities,  such  as  abbacies  and  bishoprics. 

The  measure,  which  under  constitutional  governments, 
and  by  legislative  enactments,  has,  in  principle  at  least, 
been  often  adopted,  was  not  a  tyrannical  spoliation,  but  a 
necessity,  and  had  the  express  approbation  of  an  ecclesias- 
tical synod  at  which  Boniface  was  present.  "  The  impend- 
ing wars,"  the  Synod  declared,  "  and  the  persecution  of  the 
pagan  nations  surrounding  us,  move  us,  under  the  advice  of 
the  servants  of  God  and  the  Christian  people,  to  resolve  that 
certain  portions  of  the  possessions  of  the  Church  be  applied, 
for  some  time  to  come,  to  the  maintenance  and  support  of 
the  army,  yet  so  that  their  tenure  be  precarious  and  subject 
to  the  payment  of  an  annual  rent."  2 

The  Gallican  clergy,  nevertheless,  loathed  the  measure  as 
the  unpardonable  sin  in  this  world  and  the  next,  not  only 
during  the  lifetime  of  the  high  criminal,  but  for  generations 
after  his  death.  The  true  sentiment  of  the  Frankish 
bishops  may  be  read  in  the  famous  letter,  which  those  as- 
sembled at  Rheims  in  858  addressed  to  Louis  the  Ger- 
manic, in  which  they  say  that  "  St.  Eucherius,  bishop  of 
Orleans,  who  now  reposeth  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Tru- 
don,  was  ravished  to  the  realms  of  eternity  and  saw  there 
Charles  Martel  delivered  over  to  the  torments  of  the 
damned  in  the  nethermost  hell,  by  sentence  of  the  saints 

1  Guizot,  History  of  France,  Vol.  I.,  Rom.  ac  Germ.,  p.  391,  ed.  Argent., 
ch.  9.  1751. 

2  Heineccii     Histor.    Juris.     Civil. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES   MARTEL.  29 

who,  at  the  last  day  of  judgment,  will  sit  with  Jesus  Christ 
to  judge  the  world  ;  that  then  St.  Eucherius,  having  de- 
manded the  reason  thereof,  was  told  by  the  angel  his  guide, 
that  he  was  sentenced  to  this  punishment  for  having  robbed 
the  churches  of  God  of  their  possessions,  by  which  act  he 
had  become  guilty  of  the  sins  of  all  those  who  had  endowed 
them,"  etc.,  etc. ' 

Charles  Martel's  relations  to  the  pope  were  friendly  but 
not  intimate.  Towards  the  close  of  his  reign  pope  Gregory 
III.  invoked  his  aid  against  the  Lombards ;  he  sent  a  for- 
mal embassy  of  two  nuncios  with  great  presents,  among 
which,  the  keys  of  St.  Peter's  tomb  and  the  filings  of  his 
chains  are  specially  mentioned,  and  begged  him  to  accept 
the  vague  dignity  of  a  Roman  Consul.  Charles  received  the 
nuncios  with  distinguished  honor,  returned  the  civility  by 
ambassadors  of  his  own,  the  bearers  of  still  more  precious 
gifts,  but  declined  to  be  drawn  into  the  dispute.  He  was 
on  terms  of  amity  with  the  Lombards,  and  could  not  forget 
the  invaluable  service  which  Liutprand  at  the  head  of  an 
auxiliary  force  had  recently  rendered  him  in  the  campaign 
against  the  Saracens;2  but  promised  to  use  his  influence 
with  the  king  in  the  direction  of  a  more  pacific  policy. 
Such  was  the  extent  of  the  negotiations  between  Charles 
and  Gregory  when  both  died  within  a  month  of  each  other. 
Charles  died  October  22d,  and  the  pope  in  November,  741. 
Charles  was  buried  in  the  Church  of  St.  Denis. 

The  last  act  of  Charles  Martel  has  been  censured  as  un- 
wise ;  he  divided  the  dominion,  to  whose  reconstruction  and 


1  A.  85S  apud  Carisiacum,  ed.  Ba-  that  Charles  invoked,  and  Liutprand 
luze,  t.  II.,  art.  7,  p.  109. — Cf.  Roth,  rendered,  the  aid  he  sought.  His  re- 
Beneficialwesen,  466-470.  lations  to  the  Lombard  were  cordial ; 

2  The  epitaph  of  Liutprand  asserts  he  sent  his  son  Pepin  to  the  court  of 
his  personal  presence  in  the  Saracenic  Liutprand,  requesting  him,  in  further 

war deinde  tremuere  token  of  their  amity,  to  adopt  Pepin 

feroces  usque  Saraceni,  quos  dispulit  by  the  symbolic  act  of  cutting  his  hair, 

impiger,  ipsos  cum  premerent  Gallos,  Paul.  Diac,  H.  L. ,  53  sq.  in  MG.  SS. 

Karolo    poscente,    juvari.      Note    to  Lang.,  183;  cf.  II  with  Chron.  Noval. 

Paul.     Diacon.,    apud    Muratori,     c.  Ill,  I. 

lviii.     The  Lombard   historian  states 


30  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

defence  he  had  devoted  so  many  years  of  toilsome  and 
heroic  effort,  between  his  two  sons  Carloman  and  Pepin, 
and  made  certain  provision   for  Grifo,  his  youngest  son  by 

'  Swanahild,  a  princess  of  Bavaria,  to  whom  he  was  married 
morganatically.1 

In  the  division  Carloman  received  Austrasia, 2  Suavia  (or 

'  Alemannia,  as  the  latter  province  or  duchy  was  then  called), 
and  Thuringia ;  while  to  Pepin  was  assigned  the  rule  of 
Burgundy,  Neustria,  and  the  Provence.  The  provision  for 
Grifo  was  restricted  to  sundry  estates  in,  or  portions  of, 
Neustria,  Austrasia,  and  Burgundy,  which  were  given  to 
him  as  vassal  of  his  brothers,  not  as  an  independent  sover- 
eign.8 


1  Some  deny  the  marriage  altogeth-  The  current   title  of  Charles  Martel 

er.      See   authorities   for  the   contro-  was  :  Inluster  vir  K.  maiorem  domus 

versy  in  Bohmer-Muhlbacher,  /.  c,  No.  filius  Pippini  quondam. 

37  c.     The  fact  that  her  name  appears  2  On    the  extent   of  Austrasia,  see 

in  a  contemporary  document  as  inlus-  Spruner-Menke,  Hand-Atlas,  Vorbe- 

ttis  tnatrona  seems   to  favor  a  mar-  merk.,  33. 

riage.  See  Bohm.-Miihlb.  /.  c,  No.  43.  3  Annah  Metten. 


CHAPTER  II. 

PEPIN. 

Fraternal  concord  of  Carloman  and  Pepin. — Carloman  abdicates  and  turns 
monk. — Pepin  sole  ruler. — Pope  Zacharias. — Childeric  III.  deposed. — 
Pepin,  king  of  the  Franks. — Grifo  slain. — Astolf  and  Pope  Stephen. — 
Stephen  visits  Pepin. — Astolf  humbled. — His  death. — Division  of  the 
kingdom. — Death  of  Pepin. 

Pepin  and  Carloman  entered  upon  their  inheritance  as 
mayors  of  the  palace,  probably  under  the  title  of  dukes.1 

The  evil  consequences  of  the  injudicious  partition  became 
soon  apparent.  Insurrections  broke  out  among  the  Saxons, 
Alemannians  and  Bavarians ;  Hunold,  the  new  duke  of 
Aquitaine,  attempted  to  recover  his  independence,  and  the 
restive  Arabs  of  Septimania  renewed  their  predatory  and 
vexatious  incursions. 

The  German  notables,  moreover,  disliked  and  viewed 
with  suspicion  the  prolonged  vacancy  in  the  nominal  royal 
throne.  This  difficulty  was  easily  overcome,  for  the  broth- 
ers discovered  the  last  descendant  of  Clovis,  and  in  due 
course,  probably  at  the  next  March-field  (743  ?),  effected 
his  elevation. 

Their  brother  Grifo,  also,  at  the  instigation  of  his  mother, 
the  Bavarian  princess  Swanahild,  rose  in  arms  and  claimed 
the  inheritance.     They  marched  against  him,  took  Laon 

1  Carloman's  title  is  given  generally  also  appears  ordinarily  as  "  ?naiorem 

as  :  " K.  maiorem  domusfilius  Karoli  domus"  with  the  additional  "  inlaster 

quondam  j"  but  the  Capitulare  a.  743  vir /"  but  the  Capitulare  of  Soissons 

(?)  (of  Liftinas=Lestines,  now  Estin-  (Baluz.  I,  155)  a.  744  introduces  him 

nes,  in  Belgium  S.E.  of  Mons. — Jafte,  as   "dux'et  princeps  Francorum  ;" 

Bibl.  Ill,   129   No.   2)   apud    Baluz.  this   applies,  of  course,  only   to  the 

Capit.  I.,  825,  introduces  it  as:  "  dux  et  portion  of  his  reign  prior  to  Novera- 

princeps  Francorum." — That  of  Pepin  ber,  751. 


32  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

which  he  had  seized,  and  placed  him  in  close  confinement 
in  the  fortress  of  Neufchateau  in  the  Ardennes. 

Fortunately  they  had  the  good  sense  of  clinging  together 
in  cordial  union,  with  the  result  that  their  authority  was 
acknowledged  at  home,  and  its  recognition  speedily  en- 
forced in  the  outlying  provinces  and  dependencies  of  the 
Frankish  empire. 

743]  Their  energy  was  remarkable  ;  in  one  year  they  un- 
dertook two  successful  expeditions  against  the  Aquitanians 
and  Alemannians,  and  in  the  next,  jointly  defeated  and 
routed  the  army  of  their  rebellious  brother-in-law,  Odilo, 
744]  duke  of  the  Bavarians  ;  then  they  separated,  and  while 
Carloman  chastised  the  Saxon  Theoderic,  Pepin  stamped 
out  a  revolt  in  Alsatia. 

This  harmonious  co-operation  continued  two  years  longer, 
and  was  followed  by  the  mysterious  and  still  unexplained 
abdication  of  Carloman  in  favor  of  Pepin.  It  was  a  strange 
act,  and  although  we  may  take  our  choice  among  the  rea- 
sons which  have  been  given,  and  speculate  on  the  extent  of 
his  "  devotion,"  "  predilection  for  the  contemplative  life," 
or  "  remorse  for  cruelty  in  war,"  we  cannot  understand  how 
any  or  all  of  them  could  justify  it  in  so  far  as  it  affected  the 
future  of  his  sons.  The  spontaneous  character  of  his  abdi- 
cation may  be  true  in  his  own  case,  but  few  thinking  peo- 
ple will  believe  that  it  was  unaccompanied  by  pressure  in 
the  case  of  the  sons  who,  though  he  commended  them  to 
Pepin,  lost  their  inheritance,  and  practically  vanished  out  of 
existence.1  His  case,  though  the  most  conspicuous,  is  not 
the  first  example  of  the  kind.  Ceolwulf  was  the  eighth 
Anglo-Saxon  prince  who  turned  monk,  and  Hunold,  duke 
of  Aquitaine,  after  an  act  of  atrocious  cruelty,  donned  the 
monastic  garb  in  the  island  of  Rh6,  where  his  father  was 
buried.  His  case  was  singular.  He  lured  his  brother  Hatto 
from  the  city  of  Poitiers,  had  his  eyes  put  out,  abdicated  in 

1  Annal.  Einh.;  Vita  Caroli  M.  c.  2;  reliquit    filiosque   suos  Pippino  fratri 

Annal.    Petavian.,    MG.  SS.    I,    n  ;  commendavit. "  Chron.    Moissiac,   a. 

Ill,  170;  Vita  Zacharise,   apud   Mu-  745. 
rat.  SS.    Ill,  164. — "  Sponte  regnum 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  33 

favor  of  his  son  Waifre,  turned  monk,  and  remained  in  that 
monastery  until  his  son  died,  a  quarter  of  a  century  later. 
Then  he  returned  to  his  duchy,  and  to  his  wife, *  but  not  to 
stay,  as  the  sequel  will  show. 

Carloman  soon  executed  his  purpose,  went  to  Italy,  took 
the  monastic  vows,  and  built  a  monastery  on  Mount  So- 
racte,  where  he  "  enjoyed,  for  several  years,  the  seclusion  he 
desired  ;  but  so  many  Franks  made  the  pilgrimage  to  Rome 
to  fulfil  their  vows,  and,  on  the  way,  insisted  upon  paying 
their  respects  to  him,  as  their  former  lord,  that  the  repose 
he  so  much  loved  was  broken  by  these  frequent  visits,  and 
he  was  compelled  to  change  his  abode.  Accordingly  .  .  . 
he  abandoned  the  mountain,  withdrew  to  the  monastery  of 
St.  Benedict,  near  the  castle  of  Monte  Casino,  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Samnium,"  2  and  remained  there,  until,  in  an  access 
of  political  aspiration,  he  returned  to  the  world,  to  the 
indignation  alike  of  the  pope  and  his  brother,  and  to  his 
own  unspeakable  sorrow. 

His  abdication  left  Pepin  sole  ruler  of  the  Franks.  Pepin, 
though  short  of  stature,  was  a  man  of  prodigious  strength, 
and  his  physical  endowment  a  fair  exponent  of  his  will 
power  and  intellectual  calibre. 

About  this  time  Grifo  effected  his  escape.  He  fled  first 
into  Saxony,  then  into  Bavaria,  collected  a  large  army, 
seized  the  government,  and  constrained  Tassilo,  duke  of 
Bavaria,  to  make  his  submission.  This  course  angered 
Pepin,  who  marched  against  him,  took  him  prisoner,  re- 
stored Tassilo,  but,  in  token  of  his  fraternal  good  feeling,  and 
with  a  view  to  reconciliation,  set  Grifo  over  twelve  coun- 
ties in  Neustria.  His  unruly  step-brother,  however,  dis- 
liked the  arrangement,  soon  broke  loose  again,  and  fled  to 
Waifre,  duke  of  Aquitaine. 

Retracing  the  course  of  events  to  the  time  of  the  acces- 
sion of  Pepin  and  Carloman,  the  situation  in  Italy  now 
claims  attention. 

The  imperilled  fortunes  of  the  Church  of  Rome  passed 

1  Muratori,  Annali  d' Italia,  a.  747.  2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  2. 

3 


34  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

about  the  same  time  into  the  able  hands  of  Zacharias,  who 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  pontificate  without  the 
formality  of  its  confirmation  by  the  Greek  emperor,  or  his 
representative,  the  exarch ;  and  concluding  that  neither  of 
these,  nor  the  Frankish  princes,  were  likely  to  espouse  his 
cause  against  the  Lombards,  established  amicable  relations 
with  Liutprand,  and  maintained  them  with  growing  cordi- 
ality until  he  died. 

Liutprand  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Hildebrand,  for 
nine  years  past  his  associate  in  the  throne ;  but  his  reign 
was  of  short  duration,  for  after  only  seven  months  the  peo- 
ple deposed  him  and  elevated  Rachis,  duke  of  Friuli,  to  his 
place. 

With  him  also  Zacharias  lived  on  pleasant  terms — and, 
strange  to  tell,  such  was  the  magic  of  his  presence,  that 
Rachis,  at  his  bidding,  not  only  gave  up  all  hostile  designs 
upon  the  city  of  Perugia,  which  he  had  invested,  but  ab- 
dicated the  throne,  turned  monk,  and  joined  the  whilom 
duke  of  Austrasia  in  the  cloister  of  Monte  Casino.  Nor 
was  the  conversion  confined  to  the  person  of  the  king,  for 
his  wife  and  daughter  also  gave  up  the  pomp  and  glory  of 
the  world,  and  withdrew  to  the  retirement  of  the  neighbor- 
ing convent  of  Piombaruola. 

749]  The  presence  of  two  royal  converts  In  a  monastery 
within  his  call  added  lustre  to  the  fame  for  sagacity  which 
the  successful  intervention  of  Zacharias  in  public  affairs  had 
spread  throughout  Europe.  And  so  it  came  to  pass  that 
Boniface,  who  was  a  warm  admirer  and  earnest  partisan  of 
the  pontiff,  and  had  the  ear  of  Pepin,  suggested  the  expe- 
dient of  submitting  to  his  decision  the  vexed  question  of 
the  Frankish  kings. 

The  mockery  of  that  phantom  royalty,  so  long  maintained, 
was  universally  felt,  and  its  utter  uselessness  as  universally 
acknowledged.  Charles  Martel  reasoned,  if  he  did  not  say 
so,  that  it  were  better  to  have  no  king  at  all  than  the  con- 
temptible puppets  who  disgraced  their  ancestry  and  the  royal 
office.  It  was  his  policy,  and  indeed  that  of  all  the  mayors 
of  the  palace,  to  lessen  respect  for  the  effete  Merovingian 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  -,. 

race,  and  prepare  the  nations  united  in  the  Frankish  confed- 
eration for  the  accession  of  a  new  dynasty.  This  is  doubt- 
less the  true  reason  why  he  allowed  the  throne  to  remain 
vacant  for  the  space  of  four  years.1 

Pepin,  now  sole  ruler  of  the  Franks,  thought  the  time  had 
come  for  a  radical  change,  and  had  the  mettle  and  tact  to 
accomplish  it. 

He  designated  Burchard,  bishop  of  Wurzburg,  and  Fol- 
rad,  his  priest-chaplain,  ambassadors  to  Rome',  and  in- 
structed them  to  submit  the  whole  case  to  the  wise  judg- 
ment of  Zacharias.  The  story  of  their  mission  and  of  the 
coup  d'etat,  for  such  it  was,  of  contemporary  record,  reads 
as  follows  : 

"  A.D.  750.— Pepin  sent  ambassadors  to  Pope  Zacharias 
to  ask  his  opinion  in  the  matter  of  the  kings  of  the  Franks, 
who,  though  of  the  line  royal,  and  bearing  the  regal  title! 
took  no  part  in  the  conduct  of  the  government  except  that 
official  documents  were  issued  in  their  name;  they  were 
destitute  of  power,  and  only  did  what  the  mayor  of  the  pal- 
ace told  them. 

_ "  When  upon  the  set  day  of  the  March  Assembly  the 
gifts  of  the  people,  according  to  ancient  usage,  were  pre- 
sented to  the  sovereign,  the  king,  surrounded  by  the  military, 
sat  in  his  chair,  the  mayor  of  the  palace  standing  before 
him,  and  proclaimed  such  laws  as  had  been  established  by 
the  Franks.  When  this  was  done  he  returned  home,  and 
stayed  there  during  the  remainder  of  the  year. 

"  Pope  Zacharias,  therefore,  in  virtue  of  apostolic  author- 
ity, told  the  ambassadors  that  he  judged  it  better  and  more 
advantageous  that  the  regal  title  and  office  should  inhere  in 
the  person  already  clothed  with  executive  power,  and  not  in 
that  of  one  who  was  falsely  called  king. 

'■'  The  said  pontiff  accordingly  enjoined  the  king  and  the 
people  of  the  Franks,  that  Pepin,  already  clothed  with  regal 
power,  should  be  duly  called  king  and  raised  to  the  throne. 

"  And  this  was  done  by  St.   Boniface,  archbishop,  who 

1  "Sine  alio  rege  imperavit."— Geneal.  Reg.  Merov.  MG.  SS.  II.,  308. 


36  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

anointed  him  king  in  the  city  of  Soissons.  Pepin  was 
called  king,  and  Childeric,  falsely  called  king,  was  shaven, 
and  sent  to  the  monastery."  l 

The  story  of  this  revolutionary  change  of  dynasty  is 
adroitly  placed  by  Einhard,  or  Eginhard,  the  biographer  of 
Charles  the  Great,  at  the  beginning  of  his  work,  composed 
after  the  death  of  his  patron.     It  reads  as  follows : 

"  The  Merovingian  family,  from  which  the  Franks  used 
to  choose  their  kings,  is  commonly  said  to  have  lasted 
until  the  time  of  Childeric,  who  was  deposed,  shaven,  and 
thrust  into  the  cloister  by  command  of  the  Roman  pon- 
tiff Stephen.2  But  although,  to  all  outward  appearance,  it 
ended  with  him,  it  had  long  since  been  devoid  of  vital 
strength,  and  conspicuous  only  from  bearing  the  empty  epi- 
thet royal ;  the  real  power  and  authority  in  the  kingdom 
lay  in  the  hand  of  the  chief  officer  of  the  court,  the  so-called 
mayor  of  the  palace,  and  he  was  at  the  head  of  affairs. 
There  was  nothing  left  the  king  to  do  but  to  be  content 
with  his  name  of  king,  his  flowing  hair,  and  long  beard  ;  to 
sit  on  his  throne  and  play  the  ruler ;  to  give  ear  to  the  am- 
bassadors that  came  from  all  quarters,  and  to  dismiss  them  as 
if  on  his  own  responsibility,  in  words  that  were,  in  fact,  sug- 
gested to  him,  or  even  imposed  upon  him.  He  had  noth- 
ing that  he  could  call  his  own  beyond  this  vain  title  of  king, 
and  the  precarious  support  allowed  by  the  mayor  of  the 
palace  in  his  discretion,  except  a  single  country-seat,  that 
brought  him  a  very  small  income.  There  was  a  dwelling- 
house  upon  this,  and  a  small  number  of  servants  attached 
to  it,  sufficient  to  perform  the  necessary  offices.  When  he 
had  to  go  abroad  he  used  to  ride  in  a  cart,  drawn  by  a  yoke 
of  oxen,  driven,  peasant  fashion,  by  a  ploughman ;  he  rode 
in  this  way  to  the  palace  and  general  assembly  of  the  peo- 
ple, that  met  once  a  year  for  the  welfare  of  the  kingdom, 
and  he  returned  home  in  like  manner.     The  mayor  of  the 

1  Annal.    Lauriss.  minor.   MG.  SS.  2  This  is,  of  course,  a  mistake.    Sub- 
I.,  116.     See   the   authorities  for  the  stitute    "  Zacharias."     See  also    Hal- 
deposition  of  Childeric  and  the  corona-  lam,  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii. 
tion  of  Pepin,  in  the  "  Appendix,"  A 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  37 

palace  took  charge  of  the  government,  and  of  everything 
that  had  to  be  planned  or  executed  at  home  or  abroad. 

"  At  the  time  of  Childeric's  deposition,  Pepin,  the  father 
of  King  Charles,  held  this  office  of  mayor  of  the  palace,  one 
might  almost  say,  by  hereditary  right ;  for  Pepin's  father, 
Charles,  had  received  it  at  the  hands  of  his  father,  Pepin, 
and  filled  it  with  distinction." ' 

The  instructions  given  to  Burchard  and  Folrad  were 
doubtless  precise  and  minute,  and  Zacharias  could  have  no 
hesitation  as  to  the  answer  he  was  expected  to  give,  and 
gave. 

It  was  published  far  and  near,  in  preparation  of  the  com- 
751]  ing  event,  in  the  year  following,  when,  in  the  presence 
and  by  consent  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  hierarchy, 
nobility,  and  people,  was  enacted  the  formal  deposition  of 
Childeric  III.,  and  the  proclamation  of  Pepin  as  king  of 
the  Franks. 

There  was  the  customary  and  time-honored  acclamation, 
the  impressive  clash  of  arms,  the  significant  elevation  on 
the  buckler,  and  the  grand  ceremonial  of  the  Church,  ad- 
ministered by  the  venerable  Boniface,  who  poured  holy  oil 
on  the  head  of  the  first  king  of  the  Franks  of  Carlovingian 
lineage. 

The  ecclesiastical  fiction  of  unction  being  the  seal  of 
divine  authority,  or  conferring  the  same  right  as  that  di- 
vinely bestowed  on  the  kings  of  Israel,  was  probably  an 
unction  to  the  soul  and  uneasy  conscience  of  Pepin,  and 
served  the  purpose  of  salving  over  his  dubious  title  to  the 
throne. 

In  plain  speech,  the  deposition  of  Childeric  was  a  politi- 
cal necessity,  the  coronation  of  Pepin  perhaps  a  necessary 
usurpation,  and  the  reference  of  the  case  to  papal  decision 
a  precedent  as  dangerous  to  the  prince  and  his  successors, 
as  salutary  to  the  aspirations  of  Zacharias  and  the  pre- 
tensions of  his  successors. 

1  The  version  of   the  text  is  taken      Monumenta    Germanics,    New   York, 
from  Turner's    translation  of    Egin-      iSSo. 
hard's     Life    of    Charlemagne,    from 


38  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

Common  sense  and  even-handed  justice  demanded  the 
important  preliminary  inquiries,  if  the  alleged  powers  of 
the  mayors  of  the  palace  had  been  rightfully  acquired,  if 
the  proposed  change  in  the  dynasty  was  founded  in  justice, 
and  if  the  pope  had  any  vested  right  enabling  him  to  dis- 
pose of  what  did  not  belong  to  him  and  adjudicate  a  case 
in  which  only  one  side  was  heard.  Possession,  it  seems, 
was  even  then  nine  points  of  the  law,  might  was  right,  and 
beyond  this  the  will  of  the  Franks  was  the  most  valid  title 
to  the  elevation  of  Pepin,  who,  perhaps  because  of  the  de- 
fective character  of  that  title,  added,  it  is  believed,  for  the 
first  time  the  words  "  by  the  grace  of  God  "  to  his  official 
designation. 

Volumes  have  been  written  on  the  subject  that  Pepin 
became  king  by  authority  of  the  pope.  It  is  doubtful  if 
the  words  "  authority,"  "  injunction,"  "  commandment," 
etc.,  designated  at  the  time  more  than  simple  approbation, 
but  certain  that  thenceforth  arose  the  opinion  that  the 
vested  right  of  deposing  or  appointing  kings  at  will  inhered 
in  the  pontifical  office.  Gregory  VII.  cited  this  case  as  a 
precedent  establishing  his  indubitable  right  of  deposing 
emperors. 

Impartiality  imposes  the  duty  of  a  parting  word  on  be- 
half of  the  last  Merovingian  kings,  who  are  so  constantly 
mentioned  by  the  annalists  in  contemptuous  phrase.  They 
wrote  under  the  new  dynasty,  and  felt  that  representing 
their  shortcomings  in  the  most  odious  light  was  the  best 
way  of  gilding  those  of  their  successors.  They  describe 
them  as  cowardly  and  imbecile  sluggards,  but  also  record 
the  fact  that  the  craft  and  machinations  of  the  mayors  of 
the  palace  made  them  such.  If  a  man  is  bound  hand  and 
foot,  locked  up  in  a  monastery  or  on  a  farm,  it  is  difficult  to 
tell  if  he  is  industrious  or  lazy,  courageous  or  craven,  quick 
or  slow  in  his  movements.1 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  Pepin  became  king,  and  poor  Chil- 
deric,  shorn  of  his  royal  beard  and   locks,  found   a  living 

1  This  is  the  drift  of  some  capital  reflections  made  by  Schmidt,  "  Ge- 
schichte  der  Deutschen"  ii,  p.  131. 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  39 

tomb  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Sithiu  at  St.  Omer.  Pope 
752]  Zacharias  died  soon  after,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Stephen,  the  second  or  third  pontiff  of  that  name.1 

753]  One  of  the  first  military  acts  of  King  Pepin  was 
the  suppression  of  an  almost  annual  revolt  of  the  Saxons ; 
he  devastated  their  country,  took  many  prisoners  and  great 
spoil,  and  bound  them  by  oaths  to  the  punctual  payment 
of  an  annual  tribute  of  three  hundred  horses,  to  fidelity, 
and  the  reception  of  Christian  missionaries.2 

Upon  his  return  he  heard,  probably  at  Bonn,  that  Grifo, 
his  brother,  was  dead.  On  his  flight  to  the  Lombards,  he 
had  an  encounter  with  Theodoin,  count  of  Vienne,  and 
Frederic,  count  of  Burgundy,  in  the  valley  of  Maurienne, 
on  the  southern  declivity  of  the  Jura  range,  in  which  he 
was  slain.3 

About  the  same  time  alarming  intelligence  was  received 
from  Italy.  King  Astolf,  true  to  the  aggressive  policy  of 
his  predecessors,  had  entered  the  exarchate  and  possessed 
himself  of  Ravenna,  in  direct  and  flagrant  violation  of  the 
provisions  of  a  treaty  of  amity  recently  entered  into  by 
the  pope  and  himself.  The  treaty  had  been  concluded 
for  forty  years,  but  did  not  last  more  than  four  months. 
Stephen  protested,  but  in  vain,  for  Astolf  was  imperious, 
menacing,  and  exacting.  He  proposed  the  alternative  of 
war,  or  instant  submission  of  Rome  and  the  payment  of 
tribute. 

All  remonstrance  was  in  vain  ;  an  imperial  representative 
protested  against  the  invasion  of  the  exarchate,  but  his 
protest  was  not  heeded.  The  king,  at  the  head  of  an  army, 
marched  upon  Rome,  and  was  approaching  the  city. 

Great  was  the  consternation  of  the  pope  and  the  Roman 
people.4  He  appointed  a  solemn  procession,  in  which  he 
walked  barefooted,  and  the  Romans,  with   ashes  on  their 

'The  third,  if  the  immediate  sue-  2  Fredeg.  cont.  c.  118;  Annal.  Lau- 
cessor  of   Zacharias,   also   called  Ste-      riss.,  Mett. 

phen,  who  died  a  day  after  his  elec-  3  Annal.     Lauriss.,     Mett.,    Petav., 

tion,  is  counted.  Chron.   Adon.,    Fredeg.  cont.   c.   118. 

4  Anastas.,  Vita  Steph.  II. 


40  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

heads,  made  the  round  of  all  the  sacred  places ;  he  carried 
the  famous  picture  of  Christ,  called  the  Antecopsita,  fas- 
tened a  copy  of  the  broken  treaty  to  the  holy  cross,  and  in- 
voked the  aid  and  vengeance  of  Heaven  against  the  perfid- 
ious and  sacrilegious  Lombards.  But  the  times  were  not 
favorable  to  a  miraculous  deliverance  by  means  of  litanies 
and  comminations  ;  neither  the  prayers  nor  the  curses  ar- 
rested the  progress  of  the  enemy ;  and  in  the  extremity  of 
his  despair  the  pope  appealed  to  Pepin,  the  patrician  of 
Rome.1 

The  king  of  the  Franks  had  his  hands  full  with  domestic 
troubles,  especially  with  the  refractory  duke  of  Aquitaine, 
and  the  Moslems,  who  still  held  Narbonne,  and  could  not, 
so  late  in  the  year,  undertake  an  expedition  into  Italy.  But 
the  pressure  was  great,  and  Stephen  now  proposed  a  visit  to 
the  king.  The  matter  was  discussed  in  a  national  assembly 
of  the  Franks,  and  Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz,  together 
with  duke  Autchar,  were  commissioned  to  set  out  for  Italy 
and  escort  the  pope. 

Stephen  nerved  himself  to  undergo  the  fatigue  and  peril 
of  so  long  a  journey,  but  though  miracles  attended  his  prog- 
ress, he  neither  disdained  to  make  an  attempt  of  plundering 
the  treasures  of  the  Church  at  Ravenna,  nor  shrunk  from 
that  of  entreating  or  awing  the  king  of  the  Lombards  into 
compliance  with  his  demands,  which  were  the  immediate 
restoration  of  all  the  Lombard  conquests.  Astolf  would 
fain  have  diverted  him  from  his  journey  and  retained  him, 
but  the  ambassadors  of  Pepin  protected  him,  and  enabled 
him  to  leave  Pavia  unhurt.  At  the  convent  of  St.  Maurice, 
where  he  hoped  to  find  Pepin,  he  was  met  by  duke  Rot- 
hard  and  abbot  Folrad,2  with  a  message  from  the  king,  and 
orders  to  conduct  him  to  the  court. 

The  king's  eldest  son,  Prince  Charles,3  then  only  in  his 

1  See,  on  the  meaning  of  the  term  3  This  is  the  first  mention  of  Charles 
"patrician,"  the  Appendix,  B.  in  history.     I  accept  April  2,  742,  as 

2  The  same  who  submitted  the  the  date  of  his  birth.  The  marriage 
question  to  Pope  Zacharias,  and  of  Pepin  and  Berthrada  is  said  to  have 
was  now  abbot  of  St.  Denis.  taken  place  in   744,  some  say  as  late 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  4 1 

twelfth  year,  at  the  head  of  a  cavalcade,  met  him  at  a  dis- 
tance of  a  hundred  miles  from  Ponthion  ;  at  a  distance 
of  three  miles  from  the  palace  Pepin  himself,  with  Queen 
Berthrada  and  the  royal  family,  and  attended  by  a  glitter- 
ing assemblage  of  courtiers,  gave  him  greeting.  The  papal 
biographer  reports  that  the  king  at  his  approach  dis- 
mounted, and,  together  with  the  queen,  his  sons,  and  the  no- 
bility present,  fell  prostrate  on  the  ground  before  him,  and 
that  the  king  walked  by  his  side  and  held  his  stirrup. 

The  pope  and  his  clergy  gave  vent  to  their  feelings  in 
hymns  of  thanksgiving,  and  proceeded  chanting  to  the  pal- 
ace, where,  if  the  Frankish  records  are  true,  the  [754,  Jan.  6] 
pope  and  his  clergy,  clad  in  sackcloth  and  with  ashes  on 
their  heads,  returned  the  compliment  of  prostration  and  re- 
fused to  rise  until  the  king  had  promised  his  aid  against 
Astolf. 

He  passed  his  royal  word  under  oath  to  do  as  the  pope 
requested,  and  bade  him  take  up  his  abode  in  the  abbey  of 
St.  Denis. 

Meanwhile  an  embassy  was  sent  to  Astolf  requiring  him 
to  give  assurance  of  not  further  molesting  the  patrimony  of 
St.  Peter.  This  he  refused  to  do,  and  thereupon  the  An- 
nual Assembly  of  the  Franks  resolved  to  go  to  war.1 

This  national  act  indicates  the  pope's  personal  influence. 
The  general  sentiment  of  the  Franks  was  opposed  to  armed 
intervention,  but  the  persuasion  of  his  eloquence  and  judi- 

as  749.     The  earlier  date  is   attested  This  circumstance,    moreover,  may 

in    the    Annales     communicated    by  explain  the   silence  of   Einhard,  and 

Goldmann  in  Neues  Archiv  XII,  404:  the  bitter  feelings  between  the  broth- 

"  744.     [con]  junctio  Pippini  regis  et  ers  ;  for  Carloman,  said  to  have  been 

Bertrade   regine  ;  "  the  latter  date  in  born  in  751  (Annal.  Petav.   MG.   SS. 

Annal.  Bertiniani,   749,    rec   Waitz  :  I,  11),  may  have  claimed  the  preroga- 

"  Pippinus  coniugem  duxit  Bertradam  tive   of   legitimacy,  and   denied   it  to 

cognomine    Bertram,  Chariberti  Lau-  his  elder  brother. — Hahn,  J 'a hrbucfyr 

dunensis  comitis   filiam."     It  is  dim-  d.  /rank.    Reichs,   pp.    5,    151  sqq.; 

cult  to  set  aside  this  testimony,  which  Oelsner,    Jahrb.    d.   f.  Reichs   unter 

seems  to  establish  the  fact  that  Pepin  Konig  Pippin,  pp.   18,  352  ;  Simson, 

lived  with  Berthrada  before  his  mar-  id.  unter  Karl.  d.  Grossen,  2d  ed.   I., 

riage,  and  that  Charles  was  born  be-  13. 

fore  that  event.  J  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.  a.  754. 


42  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

cious  attentions  in  the  form  of  presents,  together  with  the 
halo  of  sanctity  attached  to  his  person,  overcame  it.  For 
he  was  the  first  pope  who  had  ever  crossed  the  Alps,  and 
the  distinguished  honors  which  Pepin  lavished  upon  him,  as 
well  as  the  impassioned  earnestness  of  his  appeal,  evoked 
the  hearty  sympathy  and  unanimous  support  of  the  estates 
of  the  realm.1 

Astolf,  for  his  part,  remained  not  idle  and  tried  to  prevent 
the  war  by  every  means  in  his  power.  As  a  last  resort  he 
despatched  an  envoy  in  the  person  of  Carloman,  the  king's 
own  brother,  thinking  his  influence  sufficient  to  break  the 
new  alliance  between  Pepin  and  the  pope.  The  choice  was 
unfortunate,  for  the  relations  of  the  two  brothers  were  not 
happy.  Carloman  doubtless  grieved  over  the  harsh  treat- 
ment of  his  family,  and  may  have  thought  the  juncture  fa- 
vorable to  the  reassertion  of  his  rights.  At  any  rate  his  ap- 
pearance on  the  scene  strengthened  the  papal  cause,  and 
hurt  his  own. 

The  clergy  explained  his  course  by  diabolical  influence ; 
Pepin  saw  in  it  a  peril  and  a  menace,  and  the  pope  de- 
nounced it  as  an  unjustifiable  breach  of  his  vows.  The  re- 
sult was,  that  the  unfortunate  and  deluded  monk-prince  was 
imprisoned  for  life  in  the  monastery  at  Vienne,  and  that  his 
sons  were  shaven,  and  thus  disqualified  in  the  succession. 

The  imprisonment  of  Carloman  was  not  of  long  duration  ; 
he  took  a  fever,  was  nursed  by  queen  Berthrada,  and  died 
Dec.  9,  754,  before  Pepin  returned  from  Italy.  His  remains, 
by  order  of  the  king,  were  taken  to  Monte  Casino,  where  he 
had  assumed  the  monastic  garb.2 

Both  Pepin  and  Stephen  again  exhorted  and  entreated 
Astolf  to  surrender  peaceably  the  possessions  of  the  Church 
and  of  the  Roman  Commonwealth,8  but  he  was  deaf  to  en- 
treaty or  menace,  and  prepared  to  dispute  the  progress  of 
the  Frankish  army  on  its  descent  from  the  Alps.  He  at- 
tacked the  vanguard  of  the  Franks  and  was  defeated  ;  Pepin 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  6.  sell.,    Lauresh.,   Petav. — Anast.    Vita 

2  Annal.   Einh.  a.   753,  755. — Mo-     Steph. 

3  Vita  Steph.  31-33. 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  43 

with  the  bulk  of  his  troops  pursued  him  to  Pavia,  invested 
the  city,  and  compelled  him  to  accept  the  terms  of  an  igno- 
minious peace,  according  to  which  he  pledged  himself  on 
oath  to  restore  the  territory  of  Rome,  and  never  at  any  fu- 
ture time  vex  it  with  hostile  incursions.  He  also  gave  hos- 
tages, and,  according  to  one  authority,  not  only  paid  Pepin 
an  indemnity  of  thirty  thousand  gold  solidi,  but  promised 
the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute  of  five  thousand  more.1 

Stephen  would  fain  have  persuaded  Pepin  to  prolong  his 
stay  in  Italy  until  the  terms  of  the  peace  had  been  fulfilled, 
but  the  king  took  the  hostages  and  returned  to  Francia. 
He  had  no  sooner  passed  the  Alps  than  Astolf  voided  the 
solemn  engagement,  and  a  month  later  marched  with  an 
army  upon  Rome,  ravaged  the  country,  blockaded  the  city, 
and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  pope.  Nothing  short 
of  that  would  satisfy  him.  He  stood  under  the  walls,  and 
harangued  the  Romans,  saying:  "  Open  to  me  the  Salarian 
gate  that  I  may  enter  the  city,  and  deliver  to  me  your  pon- 
tiff." 2  In  case  of  refusal  he  threatened  to  destroy  the  city, 
and  avowed  his  purpose  not  to  restore  so  much  as  a  foot  of 
land  to  St.  Peter  or  the  Roman  Commonwealth.3 

In  the  extremity  of  his  distress,  Stephen  despatched 
messengers  by  sea  to  Pepin,  with  letters  urging  his  speedy 
return.  In  a  first  letter,  he  wrote  that  his  royal  ally  "  haz- 
arded eternal  damnation  if  he  did  not  complete  the  donation 
which  he  had  vowed  to  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Peter  had  prom- 
ised him  eternal  life.  If  the  king  was  not  faithful  to  his 
word,  the  apostle  had  his  handwriting  to  the  grant,  which 
he  would  produce  against  him  in  the  day  of  judgment."  A 
second  letter,  which  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Frank- 
ish  envoy,  the  martial  abbot  Warnerius,  came  on  the  heels 
of  the  first.  It  depicted  the  terror  of  the  situation,  the 
menace  of  Astolf,  that  unless  the  pope  were  surrendered  he 
would  put  the  whole  city  to  the  sword.  He  had  already 
burned  all  the  villas  and  suburbs,  plundered  and  defiled  the 

1  Fredegar.  cont.   c.   120. — cf.  An-  2  Steph.  epist.  Gretser,  261. 

nal.  Metten. ;  Lauriss.  maj.,  et  minor.  3  Ibid. 

a.  753- 


44  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

altars ;  his  soldiers  had  laid  violent  hands  on  nuns  and 
matrons  ;  all  the  horrors  of  war  were  about  to  burst  on  the 
devoted  city,  which  had  endured  a  siege  of  fifty-five  days. 
He  adjured  Pepin,  by  all  that  was  sacred,  to  hasten  to  the 
rescue,  and  promised  him,  as  the  guerdon  of  his  deliverance, 
"  victory  over  all  the  barbarian  nations,  and  eternal  life." 

Still  a  third  letter  followed,  the  most  extraordinary  of  all, 
written,  indeed,  by  the  hand  of  Stephen,  but  composed  in 
heaven  by  no  less  a  personage  than  St.  Peter,  who  delivers 
messages  from  the  Mother  of  God,  the  thrones  and  domin- 
ions and  all  the  host  of  heaven,  adjuring  the  tardy  Pepin 
and  his  Franks  to  hasten  to  the  rescue  of  Rome,  informing 
him  that,  as  of  all  nations  under  heaven  the  Franks  are 
highest  in  the  esteem  of  St.  Peter,  and  that,  as  they  owe  to 
him  all  their  past  victories,  so  he  promises  them  thereafter 
long  life,  happiness  and  triumphal  success  on  earth,  and  the 
richest  felicity  in  heaven,  in  recompense  of  their  swift  obe- 
dience, yet  threatening  them  with  exclusion  from  the  king- 
dom of  heaven,  and  the  loss  of  eternal  life,  as  the  just  retri- 
bution of  their  disregard  of  his  exhortation.1 

Among  the  most  striking  passages  of  this  unique  epistle 
are  the  following : 

"  Peter  called  to  be  an  apostle  by  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of 
the  Living  God,  who  reigning  from  everlasting  with  the 
Father  in  the  Unity  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  was  in  these  last 
days  incarnate  and  became  man  for  the  salvation  of  us  all, 
and  has  redeemed  us  with  His  precious  blood  through  the 
will  of  the  paternal  glory,  as  He  has  determined  in  the 
Holy  Scriptures  through  His  holy  prophets ;  and  through 
me  [Peter],  all  the  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Church  of  Rome, 
the  head  of  all  the  Churches  of  God,  founded  through  the 

1  See  the  Epistles  in   Cod.    Carol,  of  men  ;  the  temporal  promises  of  the 

(ed.  Jaffe),  Nos.  6-IO.     "This  letter,  ancient   law   are  mixed   up   with   the 

like  those  preceding  it,  is  full  of  quib-  spiritual  promises  of  the  Gospel,  and 

bles.     The  Church   signifies   not   the  the  most  sacred  motives  of  religion  are 

company  of  believers,    but   temporal  pressed  into  the  service  of  a  simple 

possessions  consecrated  to  the  service  affair  of  state." — Fleury,  Eccl.  History, 

of  God;  the  flock  of  Christ  is  repre-  1.  xlvii,  c.  17. 
sented  by  the  bodies,  not  by  the  souls, 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  45 

blood  of  our  Redeemer  on  the  firm  rock  (pctram),  with 
Stephen,  chief  (prasul)1  of  that  gracious  Church,  pray  :  that 
grace,  peace,  and  power  for  plucking  the  said  Holy  Church 
of  God,  and  the  people  of  Rome  to  me  committed,  out  of 
the  hands  of  her  persecutors,  may  be  abundantly  ministered 
from  the  Lord  our  God  unto  you  most  excellent  men, 
Pepin,  Charles,  and  Carloman,  three  princes,  and  to  the 
most  holy  bishops,  abbots,  presbyters,  and  all  the  religious 
monks,  as  well  as  to  the  dukes,  counts,  and  people  in  France. 

"  I,  Peter  the  Apostle,  even  as  I  have  been  called  by 
Christ  the  Son  of  the  Living  God,  after  the  counsel  of  clem- 
ency supernal,  so  I  have  through  His  power  been  preordained 
illuminator  of  the  whole  world  by  the  express  sanction  of 
the  Lord  our  God,  to  wit,  '  Go  ye,  teach  all  nations,  baptiz- 
ing them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Spirit '  (Matthew,  xxviii.) ;  and  again,  '  Receive  ye  the 
Holy  Spirit,  whosoever  sins  ye  remit,  they  are  remitted  unto 
them  '  (John,  xxi.),  and  to  me  His  poor  servant  and  called  an 
apostle,  He  severally  did  commit  all  His  sheep,  when  He 
said  :  '  Feed  my  sheep  ;  feed  my  lambs,'  and  again,  '  Thou  art 
Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  will  I  build  my  Church,  and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  her.  And  I  will  give 
unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  Whatsoever 
thou  shalt  bind  upon  earth,  shall  be  bound  also  in  heaven, 
and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  upon  earth,  shall  be  loosed 
also  in  heaven.'     (Matthew,  xvi.) 

"  Wherefore,  all  who  hearing  my  words  (prczdicatio- 
neni)  shall  fulfil  the  same,  will  assuredly  believe  that  by 
divine  appointment  their  sins  are  loosed  in  this  world,  and 
that  they  shall  enter  the  life  to  come  pure  and  immac- 
ulate.    .     .     . 

1  Prcesul.     The  origin  of  this  appel-  Salii  on  the  1st  of  March  and  several 

lation  or  title  of  the  popes,  which  they  successive  days,  was  wont  to  leap  and 

appear  to  have  greatly  affected,  is  his-  dance  through  the  city.     The  prcesul 

torically     demonstrable.       In     Pagan  was  the   chief   of  the  Salians,  and  so 

Rome  it  was  the  specific  title  of  the  called    from   his  dancing   before   the 

chief  priest  oiMars  Gravidus,  or  leader  rest ;  the  etymology  of  the  word  being 

of  the  Salii,  who  during  the  festival  pra,  before,  and  salio,  to  leap, 
of  Mars,  which  was  celebrated  by  the 


.46  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

"  Under  no  circumstances,  most  dearly  beloved,  think 
otherwise,  but  most  assuredly  believe  that  I  myself,  as  if  I 
were  in  the  flesh,  and  stood  alive  in  your  presence  before 
you,  through  this  exhortation  bind  and  oblige  you  by  valid 
adjurations,  because  according  to  the  promise  given  unto  us 
by  the  same  Lord  God  and  our  Redeemer,  we  hold  you,  even 
all  the  people  of  the  Franks  in  peculiar  favor  and  higher 
than  all  other  nations.  For  which  reason  I  Peter,  the 
Apostle  of  God,  protest,  admonish  and  conjure  spiritually1 
{tanquavi  in  cenigmate)  and  by  this  valid  obligation,  you,  the 
Most  Christian  Kings,  Pepin,  Charles,  and  Carloman,  with 
all  the  priests,  bishops,  abbots  and  presbyters,  and  all  relig- 
ious monks,  as  well  as  all  judges,  dukes,  counts,  and  all  the 
people  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks,  even  as  if  I  were  bodily 
in  the  flesh,  and  alive  present  before  you,  firmly  to  believe 
that  the  words  of  this  exhortation  are  addressed  to  you,  and 
that  though  I  be  bodily  absent,  I  am  spiritually  present, 
even  as  it  is  written :  '  He  that  receiveth  a  prophet  in  the 
name  of  a  prophet,  receiveth  a  prophet's  reward.'  (Matthew, 
x.  41.) 

"  Our  Lady,  also,  the  Mother  of  God,  the  ever  Virgin 
Mary,  with  us  adjures,  protests,  admonishes  and  commands 
you  by  most  solemn  obligations,  she  as  well  as  the  thrones 
and  dominions,  and  all  the  hosts  of  heaven,  together  with 
all  the  martyrs  and  confessors  of  Christ,  and  all  who  in  any 
way  are  pleasing  to  God,  even  all  these  unite  in  this  our 
solemn  exhortation,  protestation,  and  adjuration. 

"  That  you  may  tenderly  grieve  for  this  city  of  Rome, 
to  us  divinely  committed,  and  for  the  flock  of  Christ  there 
abiding,  and  for  the  Holy  Church  of  God,  to  me  commended 
by  the  Lord  ; 

"  That  you  will  defend  and  deliver  her  without  unneces- 
sary delay  from  the  persecuting  hands  of  the  Lombards  ; 

1  Tanquam  in  cenigmate,  I  have  ren-  ligence  it  must  always  remain  an  in- 

dered    simply  "spiritually,"  for  "as  soluble  enigma  how  the  spirit  of  the 

it  were  in  an  enigma,"  though  literal,  defunct   apostle   could    have    spoken 

appeared  to  me  to  be  too  enigmatical,  through   the  mouth  of  his  pretended 

but    perhaps   not   more    so    than  the  vicar,  as   he   is   represented    to  have 

thing  itself  ;  to  men  of  ordinary  intel-  done. 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  47 

"  Lest,  God  forbid,  my  body  which  for  the  Lord  did  suf- 
fer cruel  torments,  and  my  house,  where  by  divine  appoint- 
ment it  is  laid  to  rest,  be  by  them  defiled,  and  my  peculiar 
people  be  yet  more  lacerated  and  massacred  by  the  wicked 
race  of  the  Lombards,  infamous  for  flagrant  perjury,  and 
notorious  for  their  transgressions  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures  ; 
"  Extend,  then,  by  the  aid  of  God  and  with  all  the  power 
at  your  command,  your  mighty  help  to  my  people  of  Rome, 
your  brethren,  to  me  of  God  committed  in  this  life,  that  I, 
Peter,  called  an  apostle  of  God,  may  protect  you  in  this  life 
and  in  the  day  of  judgment,  preparing  for  you  the  most 
glorious  mansions  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  promising 
to  you  the  richest  prize  of  eternal  reward,  as  well  as  the  in- 
finite delights  of  Paradise,  if  as  quickly  as  you  may  be  able 
you  will  hasten  to  the  defence  of  this  my  city  and  own  peo- 
ple of  Rome,  your  brethren,  from  the  hands  of  the  wicked 
Lombards. 

"  Hasten,  oh,  hasten,  I  exhort  and  adjure  you  by  the  liv- 
ing and  true  God,  hasten  and  assist  us,  before  the  living 
fountain  of  your  spiritual  life  and  renovation  is  dried  up ; 
before  the  residue  of  the  glimmering  spark  of  the  burning 
flame  from  which  your  light  has  been  drawn  is  wholly  ex- 
tinct ;  before  your  spiritual  mother,  the  Holy  Church  of 
God,  wherein  you  hope  to  find  eternal  life,  is  humbled,  in- 
vaded, violated,  and  defiled  by  impious  hands.     .     .     . 

"  I  adjure  you,  I  adjure  you,  most  dearly  beloved,  as  afore- 
said, by  the  living  God,  and  without  reserve  protest,  that  ye 
will  not  in  any,  not  the  least  wise  allow  this,  my  city  of 
Rome  and  the  people  therein  abiding,  to  be  any  longer  lac- 
erated by  the  race  of  the  Lombards,  lest  your  own  bodies 
and  souls  be  lacerated  and  tormented  in  everlasting  and  in- 
extinguishable hell  fire,  with  the  devil  and  his  pestilential 
angels,  and  the  sheep  of  the  Lord's  flock  (to  me  by  God 
committed),  that  is  to  say,  the  Roman  people,  to  be  any 
longer  scattered. 

"  May  the  Lord  not  scatter  and  cast  you  forth,  as  He  has 
scattered  the  people  of  Israel.     .     .     . 

"  Behold,  most  dearly  beloved  sons,  I  have  charged  and  ad- 


48  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

monished  you,  that  if  you  obey  speedily  great  will  be  your 
reward,  and,  by  my  suffrage,  you  shall  in  this  life  be  crowned 
with  victory  over  all  your  enemies,  blessed  with  length  of 
days,  and  filled  with  all  the  good  things  of  earth,  and  made 
partakers  of  the  bliss  of  eternal  life  in  the  world  to  come. 

"  If,  however,  as  we  do  not  believe,  by  reason  of  any  de- 
lay or  pretext  whatsoever,  you  linger  in  giving  effect  to  this 
our  exhortation,  that  is  to  say,  if  you  do  not  hasten  to  de- 
liver this  my  city  of  Rome,  and  the  people  there  abiding,  as 
well  as  the  Holy  Apostolic  Church  (to  me  by  the  Lord  com- 
mitted), together  with  the  Head  {prcesulem)  of  the  same, 
know  ye,  by  authority  of  the  Holy  and  Sole  Trinity,  through 
the  apostolic  grace  to  me  by  Christ  the  Lord  committed, 
that  for  such  transgression  of  our  exhortation  you  shall  be 
alienated  from  the  Kingdom  of  God,  and  from  eternal  life. 

"  But  God  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  who  has  redeemed 
us  with  His  precious  blood,  brought  us  to  the  light  of  the 
truth,  and  appointed  us  to  be  preachers  and  enlighteners  of 
the  whole  world,  grant  you  to  know,  understand,  and  pro- 
vide all  things  necessary  to  your  speedy  arrival  for  the  de- 
liverance of  this  city  of  Rome,  and  of  all  the  people,  or  the 
Holy  Church  of  God  (to  me  by  the  Lord  committed),  and  of 
His  infinite  mercy,  and  by  my  suffrage,  deign  to  enrich  you 
with  length  of  days,  security,  and  victory  in  this  life,  and  in 
the  life  to  come  multiply  to  you  the  blessings  of  His  reward 
in  the  company  of  His  saints  and  chosen.     Fare  ye  well." 

The  reader  may  well  pause  and  take  breath,  after  perusing 
so  daring  and  impious  a  forgery.  What  shall  we  think  of 
it  ?  Stephen  knew  Pepin  and  his  sons,  as  well  as  their  coun- 
cillors, and  unless  he  had  believed  them  capable  of  being 
influenced  by  such  means,  would  hardly  have  hazarded  so 
perilous  and  audacious  an  experiment.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  seems  incredible  that  Pepin  and  his  court  could  be  thus 
duped,  and  more  probable  that  he  acted  from  policy  or 
resentment.  But  all  speculation  on  the  subject  is  idle,  for 
the  fact  remains  that  he  hastened,  with  a  large  army,  to  the 
relief  of  Stephen  and  the  further  punishment  of  Astolf. 

He  advanced  by  way  of  Chalons-sur-Marne  and  Geneva 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  49 

to  the  valley  of  Maurienne,  where  Grifo  had  been  slain, 
crossed  Mount  Cenis,  defeated  the  Lombards  at  the  Cluses, 
invested  Pavia,  and  compelled  Astolf  to  agree  to  the  terms 
of  an  ignominious  peace. 

Astolf  might  live  and  rule,  but  only  on  delivering  forth- 
with one-third  of  the  royal  treasure  then  at  Pavia,  and  en- 
gaging, by  means  of  new  oaths  and  hostages,  never  there- 
after to  rebel  against  Pepin  and  the  Franks,  and  to  pay 
the  annual  tribute  which  the  Lombards,  for  a  long  time 
past,  had  been  wont  to  pay  the  Franks ;  he  likewise  under- 
took the  instant  restoration  of  all  the  cities  and  territory 
belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  Empire,  but 
then  under  Lombard  occupation.1 

This  treaty  was  concluded  in  presence  of  the  Byzantine 
representative,  who  claimed,  or  proposed,  on  tempting 
terms,  the  restitution  to  the  emperor  at  Constantinople  of 
Ravenna  and  the  exarchate.  Pepin,  acting  in  the  interest, 
not  improbably  under  the  inspiration,2  of  the  pope,  disal- 
lowed it,  and,  alleging  the  right  of  conquest,  declared  that 
he  had  undertaken  the  war  solely  from  veneration  for  St. 
Peter,  and  forthwith  disposed  of  the  whole  territory  in  ques- 
tion, which  comprehended  (in  modern  phrase)  the  Romagna, 
the  Duchy  of  Urbino,  and  part  of  the  Marches  of  Ancona, 
in  favor  of  the  pope  and  his  successors.3 

The  pope,  whose  influence  and  intercourse  with  the  prince 
of  the  apostles4  appears,  from  his  own  letters,  to  have  been 

1  Fredegar,  cont.  c.  45,  121;  cf.  the  most  curious  things  in  these  strange 
Chron.  Moiss. ,  Annal.  Lauriss.  mai.  chapters  of  history.  He  not  only 
et  min.,  a.  755  ;  Vita  Stephani,  c.  writes  letters  and  delivers  messages 
46.  from  the  Holy  Virgin  and  all  the  hie- 

2  In  his  letter  to  Pepin,  Stephen  is  rarchy  of  heaven,  but,  by  the  potency 
at  pains  to  impress  him  with  his  duty  to  of  his  intercession,  heals  the  sick,  con- 
protect  the  Catholic  Church  against  ma-  founds  the  enemies  of  the  Church,  and 
licious  wickedness  (which  malitia  Mil-  conducts  the  Franks  to  victory,  while, 
man  correctly  understands  to  refer  to  in  the  exercise  of  his  high  prerogatives, 
the  iconoclastic  heresy  of  the  emperor)  he  also  dispenses  eternal  blessings  and 
and  to  keep  her  property  secure.  punishments.     But,  singularly  enough, 

3  See  the  authorities  for  the  grant  in  from  some  cause  inexplicable  and  un- 
the    "Appendix,"  C.  recorded,  he  is  powerless  at  Rome  to 

4  The  agency  of  St.  Peter  is  one  of  deliver  the  Church  and  her  sanctuaries 

4 


50  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

singularly  frequent  and  intimate,  may  have  received  his 
sanction  of  accepting,  on  his  behalf,  a  territory  which  of 
right  belonged  to  his  liege  lord,  the  emperor  at  Constanti- 
nople. But,  as  the  emperor's  iconoclastic  heresy  absolved 
the  pope  from  allegiance  to  him,  so,  by  parity  of  reasoning, 
it  seems  to  have  deprived  him  of  his  vested  territorial  rights  ; 
and  he  saw,  therefore,  no  reason  for  refusing  the  generosity 
of  Pepin  and  possessing  himself  of  the  splendid  donation, 
which,  while  it  crippled  and  humbled  the  hateful  Lombard, 
raised  him  to  the  dignity  of  a  temporal  sovereign.  The 
service  of  Zacharias  and  the  ceremonial  at  St.  Denis  were 
thus  speedily  and  magnificently  rewarded ;  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  deep  workings  of  conscience  and  supersti- 
tious awe  were  important  factors  in  the  donation,  but  the 
pope  was  nevertheless  the  beneficiary. 

Astolf  did  not  long  survive  his  misfortune  ;  he  was  acci- 
dentally killed  on  a  hunt,  doubtless,  if  the  clerical  writers  of 
the  day  are  to  be  credited,  in  punishment  of  his  sins,  and, 
in  the  opinion  of  Stephen,  met  his  reward  in  the  nether 
abyss  of  the  infernal  regions.1  Rachis,  the  monk,  and 
brother  of  the  late  king,  and  Desiderius,  his  constable, 
claimed  the  succession.  The  pope  opposed  that  of  Rachis 
on  ecclesiastical  grounds,  and,  for  a  valuable  consideration, 
supported  Desiderius,  who  ascended  the  throne  with  the 
express  approbation  of  Pepin  and  the  Franks.2 

The  fame  of  Pepin  spread  throughout  the  world,  and  even 
the  emperor  Constantine  Copronymus  sent  an  embassy  to 
him  with  presents,  including  an  organ,  the  first  ever  seen  in 
Francia. 

He  now  devoted  himself  to  necessary  legislation,  the 
establishment  and  consolidation  of  his  large  empire,  and  the 

from  the  oppressive  and  sacrilegious  inferni  voraginem  demersus."     Epist. 

presence    of    the    Lombards.       The  ad  Pippin.  VI. 

pope,  by  a  strange  and  incomprehen-  2  Fredeg.    cont.    c.    122.,    cf.    Vita 

sible  want  of  faith,   seems,  upon  the  Steph.  c.  49.     Paul.  Diac.    MG.  SS. 

whole,    to  prefer  the  earthly  arms  of  Langob.,  217.      Thus  Faenza,  Imola, 

the  Franks  to  the  spiritual  weapons  of  and  other  castles,   together  with    the 

St.  Peter.  Duchy  of   Ferrara,  passed  under  the 

1  "  Divino  ictu  percussus  est  et  in  jurisdiction  of  Stephen. 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  5 1 

pacification  of  outlying  and  populous  provinces,  impatient 
of  subordination. 

Among  these  Bavaria  claimed  his  first  attention.  The 
attitude  of  its  duke,  Tassilo,  his  nephew  and  vassal,  was  de- 
fiant and  haughty.  Summoned  to  the  Diet  of  Compiegne,  he 
was  required  and  compelled  to  take  the  customary  oath  of 
vassalage,  and  in  further  confirmation  thereof,  renew  it  on 
the  tombs  of  St.  Denis,  St.  Martin,  and  St.  Germain  ;  in  the 
same  way  the  oath  of  fidelity  was  administered  to  the  nobles 
in  his  train. 

But  Tassilo,  in  spite  of  this  solemn  swearing,  persisted  in 
his  refractory  mood,  and  not  many  years  after,1  on  pretence 
of  sickness,  left  Pepin's  army  at  a  critical  time,  declaring 
again  on  oath  that  he  would  be  independent,  and  never 
thereafter  obey  the  royal  mandate.  He  kept  this  oath,  en- 
tered into  close  alliance  with  the  Lombards  by  marrying  a 
daughter  of  Desiderius,  and  lived  to  repent  his  course. 

The  Saxons  kept  Pepin  busy  in  the  north,  while  the  Mos- 
lems in  the  south,  together  with  Waifre,  the  rebellious  duke 
of  Aquitaine,  taxed  all  his  energies.  Waifre,  like  Astolf, 
Tassilo,  and  other  crowned  heads  of  that  and  the  next  gen- 
eration, had  the  habit  of  swearing  in  the  most  reckless  man- 
ner, and  forgetting  the  obligations  of  his  oaths  after  they 
had  been  taken. 

The  Aquitanian  revolt  lasted  nine  years ;  campaign  suc- 
ceeded campaign,  until  Pepin  succeeded  in  chastising  the 
province  into  loyalty  and  compelled  the  unfortunate  Waifre 
to  roam  the  forest  in  quest  of  an  asylum  from  his  revenge. 
Even  there  he  could  not  escape  his  doom.  Four  scarae  of 
Frankish  troopers  tracked  his  steps,  surrounded  the  woods  of 
Edobola,  his  hiding-place,  and  hunted  him  down.  He  was 
assassinated  by  his  own  subjects,  but  by  the  king's  command.2 

The  conquest  of  Septimania  and  the  final  expulsion  of  the 
Moslems  belong  to  an  earlier  period,  and  might  have  been 
long  delayed  but  for  a  secret  understanding  between  the 
generals  of  Pepin  and  the  Christian  Goths  of  Narbonne,  who, 

1  In  763,  on  the  march  to  Aquitaine.         2  Fredegar.    cont.    c.   135  ;    Annal. 

Lauriss. 


52  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

tired  of  Arab  oppression  and  the  hardships  of  war,  opened 
the  gates  of  the  city  which  then  passed  definitely  under 
Frankish  rule. 

The  inhabitants  were  guaranteed  the  "  free  enjoyment  of 
their  Gothic  and  Roman  law  and  of  their  local  institutions. 
It  even  appears  that  in  the  province  of  Spain  bordering  on 
Septimania  an  Arab  chief,  called  Solimary,  who  was  in  com- 
mand at  Gerona  and  Barcelona,  between  the  Ebro  and  the 
Pyrenees,  submitted  to  Pepin  himself  and  the  country  under 
him.  This  was  an  important  event,  indeed,  in  the  reign  of 
Pepin,  for  here  was  the  point  at  which  Islamism,  but  lately 
aggressive  and  victorious  in  southern  Europe,  began  to  feel 
definitely  beaten,  and  to  recoil  before  Christianity."  " 

Pepin,  at  the  close  of  his  last  Aquitanian  expedition, 
elated  with  the  final  subjugation  of  the  refractory  province, 
returned  to  Saintes,  making  a  prolonged  stay  for  the  pro- 
motion of  salutary  legislation.2  In  the  midst  of  his  labors 
he  fell  sick ;  but  ill  as  he  was,  and  prompted  by  the  su- 
perstitious belief  of  his  age,  hastened  to  Tours,  and  ear- 
nestly prayed  on  the  tomb  of  St.  Martin  for  his  recovery. 
But  the  saint  at  Tours  was  as  deaf  to  his  entreaties  as  St. 
Denis,  to  whose  monastery  he  then  proceeded.  His  wife  and 
his  sons,  Charles  and  Carloman,  were  with  him.  Convinced 
that  his  sickness  was  incurable — he  had  the  dropsy — he 
provided  for  the  transmission  of  his  empire  to  other  hands. 
He  summoned  all  the  notables  of  the  realm,  the  dukes  and 
counts  of  the  Franks,  together  with  the  bishops  and  clergy, 
to  his  presence,  and  directed,  with  their  consent,  that  his  two 
sons,  Charles  and  Carloman,  should  divide  between  them  the 
whole  of  his  dominions,  in  such  wise  that  the  kingdom  of 
Charles,  the  elder,  should  embrace  Austrasia  and  Neustria, 
and  that  of  Carloman,  the  younger,  consist  of  Burgundy, 
the  Provence,  Gothia  (Septimania),  Alsatia  and  Alemannia ; 
the  duchy  of  Aquitaine,  which  he  had  so  recently  conquered, 
he  divided  between  them.3 

The  biographer  of  Charles  states  that  the  Franks,  in  a 

1  Guizot,  /.  c.  t.  I.,  c.  9.  3  Fredegar.     cont.  c.    136.    Annal. 

2  Capitul.  Aquit.  MG.  Leges,  II., 13.      Mett. 


Chapter  II.]  PEPIN.  53 

general  assembly  of  the  people,  made  them  both  kings  on 
condition  that  they  should  divide  the  kingdom  equally  be- 
tween them,  Charles  to  take  and  rule  the  part  that  had  be- 
longed to  their  father,  Pepin,  and  Carloman  the  part  which 
their  uncle,  Carloman,  had  governed.1  This  is  true  in  so  far 
as  the  last  clause  is  concerned  ;  the  earlier  requires  to  be 
modified  by  the  particulars  before  indicated,  which  doubtless 
imply  Pepin's  designation  of  his  sons  as  his  successors,  and 
the  solemn  ratification  of  his  will  by  the  free  choice  of  the 
estates  of  the  realm.  This,  though  in  conformity  with  ancient 
law,  was  in  the  present  case  a  mere  formality,  for  the  Franks 
were  bound  by  the  solemn  oath  which  Stephen  adminis- 
tered to  them  at  the  time  of  Pepin's  consecration,  thence- 
forth to  choose  their  kings  only  of  the  race  of  Charles  M artel.2 

We  may  complain  of  want  of  clearness  as  to  the  line  of 
division,  and  hesitate  to  take  sides  in  this  obscure  and  knot- 
ty question,  but  can  hardly  err  concerning  the  principle  on 
which  it  was  made.  That  was  the  preservation  of  the  unity 
of  the  Frankish  empire,  and  in  the  division  Pepin  accord- 
ingly avoided  the  separation  of  nationalities,  as  fatal  to  the 
maintenance  of  such  unity. 

He  gave  to  each  of  the  brothers  a  kingdom  containing  a 
mixed  population  of  Germans  and  Romans ;  the  former 
predominating  in  the  kingdom  of  Charles,  the  latter  in  that 
of  Carloman,  anticipating  the  necessary  and  salutary  result 
that  the  kings  should  observe  a  just  regard  to  the  national 
peculiarities  of  their  subjects,  and  the  people  of  the  one 
kingdom  cherish  fraternal  feelings  for  those  of  the  other.3 

Soon  after  Pepin  died  and  was  buried  [Sept.  24,  768] 
in  the  basilica  of  St.  Denis  the  Martyr.4 

1  Einhardi  Vita  Caroli,  c.  3.  quieu,  Esprit  des  Loix,  1.   XXI.   ch. 

2  "  J'y  vois  deux  choses  en  quelque  xvii. — cf.  Canisius,  Lect.  antiques  t. 
facon  contraires  :  qu'il  fit  le  partage  II.  Annal.  Mett.,  and  Einhardi  s.  a. 
du  consentiment  des  grands  ;    et   en-  768  ;  Claus.  de  Pippini  Elect. 

suite,  qu'il  le  fit  parun  droit  paternel.  3  Waitz,  D.  V.  G.,  III.,  96  ;  2d  ed. ; 

Cela  prouve   ce    que  j'ai  dit,  que  le  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  29;  2d  ed. 

droit  du  peuple  dans  cette  race  etoit  *  The  date  of  his  death  is  mentioned 

d'elire  dans  la  famille  ;  e'etait  a  pro-  in  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Mett.,  S.  Amandi, 

prement  parler,  plutot  un  droit  d'ex-  Guelf.,  etc.     For  variations  see  Boh- 

clure,  qu'un  droit  d'elire."     Montes-  mer,  Regesta  :  s.  a.  768. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CIVILIZATION. 

Extent  of  Francia. — Nationalities. — General  immorality. — The  Clergy. — 
Superstition. — Royalty. — Oaths. — Relics. — Ordeals. —  Weregeld. — Political 
division:  hof,  weiler,  markung,  gau. — Domestic  architecture. — Agriculture. 
— Slavery. — Domanial  lands. — The  Judiciary. — Military  service. 

According  to  the  biographer  of  Charles,  the  kingdom  of 
Pepin  was  confined  "  to  that  part  of  Gaul  included  between 
the  Rhine  and  the  Loire,  the  Ocean  and  the  Balearic  Sea  ;  to 
that  part  of  Germany  which  is  inhabited  by  the  so-called 
Eastern  Franks,  and  bounded  by  Saxony  and  the  Danube, 
the  Rhine  and  the  Saale — the  stream  which  separates  the 
Thuringians  from  the  Sorabians  ;  and  to  the  country  of  the 
Alemannians  and  Bavarians."  l 

Many  of  these  nations  were  of  Germanic  origin,  and  their 
names  were  thought  to  express  characteristics  of  their  race  ; 
thus  the  Franks  claimed  that  they  were  bom  frank,  that  is, 
free  ;  the  Alemannians  proudly  asserted  their  manhood,  say- 
ing that  they  were  all  men ;  the  Saxons,  divided  into  East- 
phalians,  Westphalians,  and  Angrians,  derived  their  name, 
in  the  opinion  of  some,  from  the  immemorial  usage  of  their 
race  of  carrying  a  distinctive  knife,  the  formidable  sacks  or 
sax,  and  in  that  of  others  from  their  inalienable  right  to  the 
land  they  occupied,  of  which  they  were  the  sassen,  that  is, 
on  which  they  sat,  or  were  firmly  established. 

The  same  civilization,  or,  more  accurately,  the  want  of  it, 
was  common  to  all  the  nations,  directly  or  indirectly  con- 
nected, with  the  Franks.  Vasconian,  Aquitanian,  Burgun- 
dian,  Frank,  Saxon,  Lombard,  Roman,  and  all  the  rest, 
were  involved  in  the  same  moral,  intellectual,  and  social 

'  Einhardi  Vita  Caroli,  c.  15. 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  55 

degradation.  The  culture,  splendor,  and  glory  of  ancient 
Rome  had  departed,  and  only  its  vices  remained.  The 
ancient  pagan  superstitions  were  blended  with  the  religion 
of  the  age,  which,  with  a  few  illustrious  exceptions,  failed  to 
improve  even  the  highest  classes. 

Kings,  princes,  and  even  the  higher  clergy  flagrantly 
violated  every  commandment  of  the  decalogue.  The  testi- 
mony of  Boniface  is  terrible. 

He  says  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Pope  Zacharias,  "  that  for 
sixty  or  seventy  years  past  religion  had  vanished  ;  that  for 
eighty  years  the  Franks  had  had  neither  a  synod  nor  an 
archbishop  ;  that  most  of  the  bishoprics  were  held  by  greedy 
laics,  or  adulterous,  worldly-minded  ecclesiastics  ;  that  most 
of  their  deacons  had  lived  from  their  youth  up  in  fornica- 
tion and  uncleanness,  and  kept  even  in  the  diaconate  four 
or  five,  and  even  more  concubines  ;  that  in  spite  of  this  they 
stood  up  in  public  to  read  the  Gospel,  and  ultimately  became 
bishops;  that  some  of  the  bishops,  though  alleging  their 
chastity,  were  addicted  to  drunkenness,  injustice,  and  hunt- 
ing, or  wont  to  go  armed  to  battle,  and  indiscriminately,  with 
their  own  hands,  shed  the  blood  of  Christians  and  pagans."1 
Priests  sometimes  celebrated  mass  "  gorged  with  food  and 
dull  with  wine."  2  The  case  of  Gewillieb,  Bishop  of  May- 
ence,  is  remarkable. 

His  father  Gerold  was  slain  in  battle  in  an  engagement 
with  the  Saxons.  Gewillieb,  though  a  man  of  good  report, 
but  uneducated,  and  a  notorious  lover  of  dogs  and  hawks, 
was  appointed  his  successor.  In  the  next  campaign  he  in- 
quired for  the  Saxon  who  had  slain  his  father,  and  having 
learned  his  name,  invited  him  to  a  friendly  interview,  and 
treacherously  stabbed  him  in  the  Weser.  This  case  was 
considered  by  a  synod,  and,  at  the  instance  of  Boniface,  he 
was  deposed.3 

The  synods  forbade  the  clergy,  on  pain  of  deposition,  to 
engage  in  war  or  the   chase;    to   practise  witchcraft  and 

*Labb.  Condi.  VI.,  i494  ;  Ep.  49  3  Neander,  Church  History,  V.,  90 
ad  Zachar.  scl* 

2  Pitra,  Viede  St.  Uger,  p.  172  sqq. 


56  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

soothsaying;  the  use  of  amulets  and  chrism  as  a  remedy 
for  diseases.1 

The  ignorance  of  the  clergy  was  appalling  ;  some  could 
not  read  ; 2  it  was  necessary  to  forbid  the  ordination  of 
priests  unable  to  recite  the  form  of  renunciation  in  baptism, 
and  the  confession  of  sins  in  the  vernacular.  Boniface 
charged  Virgilius,  an  Irish  priest,  with  the  administration  of 
baptism  in  nomine  p atria,  et  filia.  But  this  must  be  taken 
with  a  grain  of  allowance,  for  that  priest  was  not  a  favorite 
with  Boniface,  who  accused  him,  among  other  things,  of 
holding  the  heretical  notion  "  that  under  the  earth  existed 
another  world,  and  other  men."  This  is  sometimes  explained 
of  the  antipodes,  but  such  an  explanation  is  hardly  in  keep- 
ing with  the  intelligence  of  the  eighth  century.  Virgilius, 
at  any  rate,  must  have  satisfied  the  pope  of  his  orthodoxy, 
for  he  was  not  only  restored  to  the  priesthood,  but  advanced 
to  the  episcopate,  and  ultimately  exalted  to  canonization. 

The  degraded  condition  of  the  clergy  is  also  apparent 
from  the  facility  with  which  vagabonds  passed  themselves 
off  with  the  ignorant  and  credulous  multitude  as  priests. 
They  shaved,  donned  the  priestly  garb,  imitated  the  cere- 
monies of  the  Church,  and  made  a  good  living  as  sooth- 
sayers. 

A  certain  Desiderius  went  about  in  a  cowl  and  a  shirt  of 
goats'  hair,  pretending  to  lead  a  strictly  abstemious  life,  and 
enjoy  frequent  intercourse  with  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul. 
Many  sick  people  were  brought  to  him  to  be  healed.  If  the 
species  of  faith  cure  which  he  practised  did  not  succeed,  as 
in  the  case  of  lame  people,  he  called  in  the  aid  of  science, 
administered  by  muscular  attendants,  who  pulled  the  hands 
or  feet  of  the  poor  patients  with  great  violence  until  the 
refractory  limbs  became  straightened  in  life — or  death. 

Another  man  pretended  to  be  Christ,  and  travelled  about 
with  a  woman  whom  he  introduced  as  the  Virgin  Mary.  The 
people  brought  their  sick  that  he  might  heal  them  by  his 
touch.     He  also  claimed   to   be   a   prophet,  and  deceived 

1  Neander,  Church  History,  V.,  77.  2  Labbe,  /.  c.  V.,  1030. 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  57 

more  than  three  thousand  people,  among  whom  were  some 
priests.  Gregory  of  Tours,  who  records  these  things,  de- 
scribes what  occurred  in  the  sixth  century,  but  his  state- 
ments apply  to  the  eighth,  when  so-called  Christian  minis- 
ters, in  order  to  please  the  rude  populace,  mixed  up  pagan 
customs  with  Christian,  and  even  sacrificed  bulls  and  goats 
to  the  idol  deities  of  the  pagans.1 

In  opposing  such  '  shocking  enormities  Boniface  was 
taunted  with  the  reply  that  they  were  followed  at  Rome, 
and  wrote  to  the  pope,  asking  if  it  could  be  true  that  such 
pagan  usages  as  feasts  at  the  kalends  of  January,  phylac- 
teries worn  by  women,  enchantments  and  divinations  were 
tolerated  there  ? 

His  information  was  doubtless  correct,  and  the  admixt- 
ure of  pagan  usage  with  Christian  is  expressly  attested  by 
an  intelligent  observer,  who  saw  in  Italy  inscriptions  in 
which  the  dii  manes  appear  conjointly  with  the  Holy 
Spirit.2 

The  condition  of  society  under  the  Merovingians  almost 
beggars  description.  There  can  be  but  one  opinion  on  the 
subject.  "  The  facts  of  these  times  are  of  little  other  im- 
portance than  as  they  impress  on  the  mind  a  thorough  notion 
of  the  extreme  wickedness  of  almost  every  person  concerned 
in  them,  and  consequently  of  the  state  to  which  society  was 
reduced."3  It  is  a  succession  of  atrocities,  each  more  out- 
rageous than  the  rest,  which  makes  up  the  history  of  the 
period  as  unfolded  in  the  heavy  tomes  of  Fredegarius  and 
Gregory. 

One  sickens  to  read  the  story  of  the  bestial  Canitius,  a 
bishop,  who  had  to  be  carried  by  four  men  from  the  table, 
and  ordered  one  of  his  priests  to  be  buried  alive;4  of  the 
revolting  crimes  of  Brunhild  and  Fredegonda ;  of  a  prince 
delighting  in  the  pastime  of  torturing  slaves  with  fire  ; 5  of 
deeds  too  foul  to  be  spread  on  these  pages,  and  of  cruelties, 
such  as  the  mutilation  of  persons  doomed  to  undergo  the 

1  Greg.  Tur.  IX.,  6  ;    X.,  25  ;  Nean-         3  Hallam,  Middle  Ages.     Ch.  I. 
der,  /.  c.  V.,  73,  77.  4  Greg.  Tur.  IV.,  12. 

2  Mabillon,  Itiner.  Ital.  p.  63.  5  Ibid.  V.,  3. 


58  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

most  dreadful  tortures  and  find  the  consummation  of  their 
miseries  in  the  flames,  or  on  the  wheel. 

Among  the  least  revolting  are  the  court  anecdotes  of  the 
period.  Fredegonda  and  Rigontha,  her  daughter,  had  vio- 
lent altercations  in  which  they  often  came  to  blows.  On 
one  such  occasion  the  daughter  was  in  the  act  of  taking 
something  out  of  an  open  chest,  when  her  angry  mother 
violently  flung  the  lid  over  her  head,  and  would  have 
strangled  her  but  for  the  opportune  intervention  of  some 
maid-servants  who  saved  the  unfortunate  princess  from  the 
cruel  hands  of  her  infuriated  mother.1 

This  Rigontha  was  betrothed  to  the  king  of  the  Visigoths, 
and  set  out  with  a  strong  escort  for  her  new  Spanish  home. 
The  very  first  night  fifty  men  of  the  escort  deserted  with  a 
hundred  of  the  best  horses ;  such  robberies  and  desertions 
were  of  daily  occurrence,  and  upon  the  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  her  father,  Duke  Desiderius,  her  chosen  protector, 
stole  what  was  left,  and  locked  her  up  in  Toulouse.2 

Austragild,  queen  of  King  Gontram,  lying  on  her  death- 
bed, bound  her  husband  to  put  to  death  her  two  physicians, 
because  she  believed  that  they  had  caused  her  own.  Gon- 
tram kept  the  promise.3 

This  Gontram,  in  the  naive  language  of  Gregory,  was  an 
honest  man,  but  so  much  given  to  perjury  that  he  was  sure 
to  break  the  most  sacred  promise  and  betray  the  friend  to 
whom  he  had  pledged  his  oath.4  In  the  ethical  code  of 
Gregory,  habitual  perjury  and  shameless  treachery  were  com- 
patible with  a  general  reputation  for  honesty. 

Conjugal  fidelity  was  almost  unknown,  and  seldom  ob- 
served by  the  kings,  the  princes,  and  the  hierarchy  of  the 
Franks.  A  certain  Eulalius,  who  took  pains  to  reclaim  his 
peccant  wife  from  one  with  whom  she  had  eloped,  incurred 
for  his  weakness  universal  derision.5 

It  was  customary  to  put  kings  under  bond  and  oath  that 
they  would  not  repudiate  their  wives.6   They  gave  the  bond 

'Greg.  Tur.  IX.,  34.  4  Ibid.  V.,  14. 

2  Ibid.  VII.,  9.  5  Aimoin.  Dc  Gest.  Franc.  III.,  5. 

3  Ibid.  V.,  36.  6  Greg.  Tur.  III.,  27. 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  59 

and  took  the  oath,  but  the  royal  word  was  often  as  worthless 
as  the  tipnd. 

The  rjranks  were  proverbial  for  the  number  of  their  oaths, 
and  the  facility  with  which  they  broke  them.  With  a  view 
to  increasing  their  sanctity,  it  became  custom  to  administer 
them  ovlr  the  relics  of  saints,  under  the  belief  that  their 
violation  exposed  the  perjurer  to  the  peculiar  vengeance  of 
God  and  the  departed. 

In  cases  of  special  importance,  the  common  method 
of  makinV  a  person  swear  with  his  hand  on  the  relics  was 
deemed  iisufficient ;  he  was  conducted  to  the  tomb  of  a 
saint  reputed  for  the  miracles  he  wrought,  and  sometimes 
required  U  make  the  round  of  all  the  famous  shrines  and 
tombs  throughout  the  realm,  and  at  each  renew  the  oath  with 
terrible  imprecations  upon  himself  in  the  event  of  violation.1 
Although  relics  could  not  prevent  perjury,  such  was  the  ven- 
eration in  \hich  they  were  held  that  they  served  to  check  it. 
This,  amonj  other  reasons,  explains  their  coveted  possession. 

The  Bavarian  and  Alemannian  codes  discourage  the  fre- 
quency of  <aths.2  A  criminal,  convicted  by  three  or  four 
witnesses,  Wis  disqualified  from  testifying  upon  oath. 

Trial  by  ombat  was  allowed  in  doubtful  cases,  especially 
"  where  a  crjne  not  capable  of  notorious  proof  was  charged, 
.     .     .     and  God,  as  they  deemed,  was  the  judge."  3 

In  dispute  touching  land,  the  judge  bade  the  litigants 
take  some  of  the  earth  of  the  land  in  dispute,  insert  therein 
twigs  of  treestgrowing  on  it,  place  both  in  a  sack,  and  hand 
it  to  him ;  th<i  judge  put  his  seal  upon  it  and  gave  it  to  a 
trusted  persoi  for  safe-keeping ;  the  litigants,  moreover, 
gave  security  or  the  combat. 

At  the  timi  set  for  the  trial,  the  symbolical  sack  was 
placed  between  the  combatants,  who  were  required  to  touch 
it  with  their  swirds,  and  call  God  to  witness,  in  prayer,  that 
victory  might  cfc  given  to  him  whose  cause  was  just.  The 
victor  was  awarled  ownership  of  the  disputed  possession, 

1  Aimoin,  /.  c.  IV. ,14.  3  Hallam,  I.e.  II.,  2. 

2  Leg.  Bai.  VIII.,  \  ;  Leg.  Alem. 
XLII.,  1. 


60  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

and  the  vanquished  combatant  or  his  relatives  were  fined  in 
the  sum  of  twelve  solidi.1  Nobles  fought  on  horseback, 
plebeians  on  foot,  with  the  weapons  belonging  to  their 
order.  The  Bavarians  enjoined  previous  examination  of  the 
arms  for  preventing  diabolical  or  magical  fraud,  and  if  found 
free  from  such  influences,  their  solemn  consecraton  to  the 
purpose  in  hand.2 

Trial  by  combat  was  only  one  of  not  less  than  ei^ht  modes 
of  ordeal,  by  which  the  judgment  of  God  was  ascertained, 
and  a  man  expurgated  of  crimes  imputed  to  him. 

In  that  "  of  hot  iron,"  a  priest  seized  the  iron  vith  a  pair 
of  pincers  from  before  the  altar,  and  carried  it  :o  the  fire, 
chanting  the  Benedicite  ;  he  sanctified  the  place  vith  prayer, 
the  fire  with  the  Benediction,  put  the  iron  into  the  fire, 
sprinkled  it  with  holy  water,  and  said  mass  ovei  it.  Then, 
after  a  second  sprinkling,  he  bade  the  accused  take  it  up 
and  carry  it  a  distance  of  nine  feet.  His  hand  was  sealed  ; 
after  three  days  the  seal  was  removed,  and  if  tie  hand  was 
unhurt,  his  innocence  was  established. 

In  the  "  ordeal  of  boiling  water,"  the  so-callei  Kessclfang, 
a  stone  was  thrown,  or  by  a  rope  let  down,  ino  a  cauldron 
filled  with  hot  water.  The  accused  was  requied  to  thrust 
his  hand  into  it  up  to  the  elbow  and  bring  up  the  stone;  if 
he  did  it,  he  was  innocent  ;  if  he  failed,  he  los'  his  hand. 

In  the  "  ordeal  of  cold  water,"  the  inculpated  person  was 
bound  with  a  rope  and  let  down  into  a  vesel  filled  with 
water,  or  a  ducking-pond  ;  if  he  sank,  he  ws  innocent ;  if 
he  rose,  he  was  guilty. 

The  "  ordeal  of  a  cut  of  bread  or  chees~,"  also  called 
"  corsned  bread,"  or  "  ordeal  bread,"  was  much  simpler. 
The  accused  had  to  eat  the  slice,  and  wa:  innocent  if  it 
agreed  with  him,  but  guilty  if  it  choked  hm,  stuck  in  his 
throat,  or  caused  pallor  or  trepidation.3     Thre  was  also  the 

1  Leg.  Alem.  Ixxxiv.  bread   be  my  lat,"  and    the  French, 

3  Heinecc.  Corp.  Jur.  Germ.  Antiq.,  "  Que  ce  morceu  de  pain  m'etrangle 

p.  329.  si  que  je  dis,  n'et  vrai  " — Giles  Jacob, 

3  Compare  the  old   sayings,    "May  and  Du  Cange,;.  v.  "Corsned." 

this  bread  be  my  poison,"  "  May  this 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  6 1 

ordeal  of  "  taking  the  sacrament,"  a  custom  which  lingers 
in  the  phrase,  "  I  will  take  the  sacrament  upon  it." 

In  the  "  ordeal  of  the  cross,"  the  inculpated  person  stood 
in  a  cross,  that  is,  with  his  arms  extended  for  a  certain  time, 
at  the  end  of  which  he  would  fall  down  in  token  of  his  guilt, 
but  keep  standing  in  attestation  of  his  innocence. 

The  "  ordeal  of  the  lot  "  was  practised  with  osier  twigs,  or 
the  twigs  of  a  fruit-tree.1 

The  ancient  usage  of  compurgation,  in  which  the  accused 
sustained  his  own  oath  by  the  oaths  of  his  friends,  called 
consacramcntales,  who  pledged  their  knowledge,  or,  at  least, 
belief,  of  his  innocence,  was  also  allowed  among  the  Ger- 
manic nations.  Their  choice,  however,  was  not  always  op- 
tional with  the  accused  ;  they  were  sometimes  appointed 
by  the  court  or  judge,  and  called  denominati ;  they  were 
generally  twelve  in  number. 

Attempting  the  life  of  a  king  or  duke,  and  the  introduc- 
tion of  an  enemy  into  the  country,  were  the  leading  capital 
crimes ;  but  even  these  might  be  composed,  the  first  by  the 
payment  of  the  legal  fine,  the  latter  by  banishment,  in  the 
option  of  the  sovereign. 

The  crimes  of  patricide,  fratricide  and  incest  were  pun- 
ished by  confiscation  of  the  property  of  the  criminals,  but 
all  others  might  be  settled  by  pecuniary  composition. 

Composition,  or  the  payment  of  the  weregeld,  for  every 
kind  of  offence,  from  abusive  or  injurious  speech  to  homi- 
cide, was  all  but  universal. 

Every  offence  or  crime  had  a  fixed  legal  valuation,  or 
taxation,  called  the  weregeld,  a  compound  in  which  were  ex- 
pressed the  value,  and  geld,  the  money  or  compensation. 
Every  limb  and  part  of  the  body,  every  life,  according  to 
station,  every  theft,  etc.,  every  animal,  had  a  fixed  legal 
value. 

The  Salian  law  condemned  the  offender  to  pay  to  the 
relatives  of  the  person  slain,  for  an  antrustion  of  the  king, 
that  is,  a  person  under  his  immediate  and  personal  protec- 

1  Compare  Tacitus,  De  M.  Germ.  c.  10  ;  Leges  Ripuar.  XXXI.,  5;  Lex 
Frisonum,  14,  ii. 


62  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  L 

tion,  six  hundred  solidi ;  for  a  free  Frank,  two  hundred  ;  for 
a  free  Roman  or  land-owner,  one  hundred  ;  for  a  tributary 
Roman,  forty-five.  Under  Burgundian  law,  however,  mur- 
der was  uniformly  punished  with  death.  The  weregeld  for 
a  stolen  horse  was  forty-five  solidi,  and  that  for  a  kidnapped 
villain  or  servant  only  thirty-five.1 

A  curious  illustration  of  the  universality  of  the  system  is 
afforded  by  the  following  anecdote,  showing  the  adroit  use 
to  which  the  clergy  put  it  as  an  incentive  to  benefactions. 

Salvianus,  citing  the  words  of  the  Vulgate,  "  Redeem  thy 
sins  by  almsgiving,"2  argues  in  this  wise  :  "  What  is  meant 
by  redeeming  a  thing  ?  I  believe,  to  pay  its  value.  Then 
value  thy  sins  as  nicely  as  thou  art  able.  Ascertain  how 
much  thou  owest  for  lying,  cursing,  and  perjury,  how  much 
for  sins  of  omission,  how  much  for  filthy  speaking,  how 
much  for  wicked  desires,  etc.,  etc.  Then,  if  thou  hast  added 
all  together,  note  carefully  the  precise  and  actual  value  of 
each  and  all.  I  do  not  ask  thee  to  give  to  God  all  that  thou 
hast,  but  only  so  much  as  thou  really  owest,  provided  that 
thou  art  able  to  make  a  true  valuation  of  thine  indebted- 
ness." 3 

A  similar  notion  was  present  to  the  mind  of  the  infamous 
Fredegonda,  as  she  was  sending  forth  a  band  of  miscreants 
to  assassinate  her  brother-in-law.  They  were  instructed  to 
surprise  him  in  his  tent,  and  bidding  them  success  in  their 
unholy  endeavor,  she  dismissed  them  saying:  "If  you  re- 
turn count  upon  my  gratitude,  and  rest  assured  that  I  will 
greatly  advance  you  and  your  children;  but  if  you  die  in  the 
attempt,  depend  upon  my  distributing  among  the  churches 
rich  alms  for  the  salvation  of  your  souls."4 

The  ancient  Germanic  codes  depict  the  people  as  chiefly 
occupied  with  war  and  the  chase. 

In  the  Thuringian  law  "  a  lance  "  and  "  a  man  "  occur  as 
synonymous  terms  ;  the  Alemannian  code  punishes  the  theft 
of  a  hunting  dog  with  a  fine  of  twelve  solidi,  that  of  a  horse 
with  six,  and  that  of  a  cow  with  only  one  solidus.     Dogs 

•  Leg.  Sal.  XL,  XLIIL;  Burg.  II.  3  Salv.  Massil.  opp.  Paris,  1634. 

2  Dan.  iv.  24.  4  Gesta  Franc.  Epit.  XXXIL,  712. 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  6$ 

and  hawks  seem  to  be  in  universal  use ;  and  their  distinctive 
names,  still  current,  are  mostly  of  Germanic  origin.  The 
chase  was  followed  not  as  a  sport,  but  as  a  means  of  life. 
The  forest  was  vast,  game  abundant,  and  a  freeman  might 
hunt  on  his  own  land  to  his  heart's  content. 

The  various  branches  of  agricultural  life  are  also  duly 
recognized  in  the  codes ;  thus  we  read  of  cabbage  gardens, 
orchards,  and  even  vineyards,  and  learn  from  the  weregeld 
the  relative  estimate  of  human  life  as  to  occupation.  Thus 
a  swineherd  or  a  shepherd  ranks  with  a  cook ;  a  marshal 
set  over  twelve  horses  ;  a  seneschal  set  over  twelve  men ; 
and  an  armorer ;  the  weregeld  of  any  of  these  classes  of  men 
was  forty  solidi. 

The  Franks,  and  the  Germans  generally,  did  not  favor  city 
life ;  most  of  their  cities,  at  this  period,  were  of  Roman 
origin.  Farms  and  detached  homesteads,  well  fenced  in, 
and  supplied  with  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  were  found 
wherever  the  forest  had  been  cleared. 

But  a  large  section  of  the  country  was  still  in  a  state  of 
primeval  wilderness.  The  great  Buchonian  forest  stretched 
from  the  Werra  to  the  Main,  and  north  and  south  to  an  in- 
definite distance. 

Through  this  wilderness  the  abbot  Sturmi  wandered  in 
search  of  a  site  for  a  monastery.  He  found  nowhere  settled 
habitations,  and  rested  at  night  wherever  he  might  be  when 
the  sun  was  setting.  With  a  sword,  which  he  carried,  he  cut 
down  branches  of  trees,  formed  them  into  a  fence  for  the 
protection  of  his  beast  from  wild  animals,  which  abounded 
in  great  number,  called  upon  the  Lord  in  prayer,  and  sign- 
ing his  forehead  with  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  token  of  his 
resignation,  lay  down  to  sleep.  The  earth  was  his  bed.  On 
one  occasion  a  troop  of  wild  Sclavonians,  who  had  bathed 
in  the  river,  met  him  naked  as  they  were.  They  looked 
terrible  and  received  him  with  insulting  cries.  Their  inter- 
preter asked  him  whither  he  was  going,  and  he  answered 
calmly :  "  Farther  into  the  forest."  The  hand  of  God 
watched  over  him,  and  they  let  him  pass  unhurt.  The  place 
of  their  meeting  struck  him  as  suited  to  his  purpose,  and  he 


64  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

chose  it  as  the  site  of  his  monastery.  There  he  built  on  the 
Fulda  the  famous  institution  known  by  that  name.1 

Such  was  the  forest.  In  the  open  country,  a  farm  with 
all  its  immediate  dependencies,  such  as  houses,  barns, 
stables,  etc.,  was  called  a  hof,  that  is  a  yard,  or  an  area 
"  hedged  in  ;  "  a  hof  with  the  land  belonging  to  it  was  a 
weiler,  that  is  a  villa,  or  village ;  a  number  of  such  weilers 
constituted  a  markung,  and  several  of  these  formed  a  gau, 
canton,  or  county. 

The  codes,  likewise,  contain  references  to  houses,  rooms, 
heated  rooms,  halls,  barns,  granaries,  cellars,  etc.,  which  may 
describe  an  advance  in  civilization  or  indicate  a  lack  of 
architectural  skill,  perhaps  both,  for  it  is  singular  that  to 
this  day  a  large  number,  one  might  say  most,  of  the  village 
houses  in  the  south  of  Germany  and  elsewhere  on  the  Con- 
tinent are  built  on  the  primitive  plan  of  affording,  under 
the  same  roof,  storage  room  for  the  produce  of  the  field, 
apartments  for  the  use  of  the  family,  and  stable  room  for 
cattle. 

Agriculture  was  an  occupation  inferior  to  the  military  life, 
and  the  laws  distinctly  name  such  occupations  as  driving  a 
cart,  mending  a  fence,  cutting  hay,  reaping  grain,  etc.,  under 
the  head  of  servile  labor.2 

The  true  explanation  of  this  and  other  peculiarities  is  the 
existence  of  slavery  among  the  Franks  and  the  Germanic 
nations  generally. 

The  prevailing  usage  of  war  deprived  the  captive,  unable 
to  provide  his  ransom,  of  his  liberty ;  others  lost  it  through 
debt  or  crime.  Men  were  bought  and  sold,  or  stolen.  Some- 
times the  state  of  servitude  was  assumed  voluntarily  and 
deliberately  as  an  escape  from  military  service  or  starva- 
tion. Sometimes  "  men  surrendered  themselves,  as  well  as 
their  properties,  to  churches  and  monasteries,  in  return  for 
such  benefits  as  they  might  reap  by  the  prayers  of  their 
masters."3 

1  Neander,  Memor.  of  Christian  3  Hallam,  /.  c,  II.,  2,  citing  Beau- 
Life,  Bonn's  ed.,  p.  474.  manoir,  c.  45. 

2  Leg.  Baioar.,  VI.,  2. 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  65 

Such  slaves,  or  serfs,  were  employed  either  as  menials  or 
tillers  of  the  soil ;  or  they  received  a  piece  of  land  to  work 
for  their  own  use,  but  subject  to  certain  "  villein  "  service, 
and  the  return  of  part  of  the  produce  to  their  master. 

"  The  third  estate  of  men  is  that  of  such  as  are  not  free  ; 
and  these  are  not  all  of  one  condition,  for  some  are  so  sub- 
ject to  their  lord  that  he  may  take  all  they  have,  alive  or  dead, 
and  imprison  them  whenever  he  pleases,  being  accountable 
to  none  but  God  :  while  others  are  treated  more  gently,  from 
whom  the  lord  can  take  nothing  but  customary  payments, 
though  at  their  death  all  they  have  escheats  to  him."  l 

The  condition  of  a  German  serf  was  most  abject  and 
miserable,  and  under  the  law  he  was  entirely  at  the  mercy 
of  his  lord. 

The  lord  was  wont  to  reserve  certain  fields,  meadows, 
vineyards,  etc.,  called  "  domanial  lands  "  which  were  worked 
solely  by  serfs ;  they  were  bound  to  give  three  days  of  the 
week,  throughout  the  year,  to  their  culture ;  at  seed  time, 
moreover,  it  was  their  duty  to  provide  part  of  the  seed  for 
those  lands,  plough  and  sow  them,  and  in  the  harvest  give 
every  other  day  for  cutting  and  reaping  the  crops.  If  the 
serf  had  received  cattle,  the  compulsory  service  laid  upon 
him  was  still  greater,  and  bounded  only  by  his  ability  to 
render  it.2 

The  domestics  on  a  ko/were  often  mechanics  and  arti- 
sans ;  for  as  there  were  only  few  towns,  and  as  the  free-born 
lord  thought  labor  degrading,  the  unfortunate  serfs  were 
compelled  to  build  the  houses,  and  make  the  harness,  shoes, 
and  leather  garments  of  their  masters  ;  the  female  serfs 
spun  flax  and  wool,  but  that  occupation  was  not  degrading, 
and  followed  so  universally  by  women  of  every  class  that 
the  same  code  which  calls  the  man  "  a  lance  "  dubs  the 
woman  "  a  distaff  "  {Kunkel). 

The  Frankish  kings  were  judges,  and  the  administration 
of  justice  was  regarded  as  the  primary  function  of  royalty.3 

1  Hallam,  as  before.    Ducange,  s.vv.  2  Leg.  Baiaor,  I.,  14. 

Villanus,  Servus,  and  Schmidt,  /.  c,         3  Marculf,  1.  I.,  form.  25. 
II.,  260. 

5 


66  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  I. 

Next  to  the  king  ranked  the  duke,  whose  office  is  expressly 
described  as  a  judiciary  dignity.  Assessors  or  assistant 
judges  appear  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  the  duke,  and 
the  count,  who  ranked  next  to  the  duke.  Bishops  and  the 
highest  secular  officers  assisted  the  king,  scabini  and  ra- 
chimbtirgii  the  duke  and  the  count.1  There  were  likewise 
deputy  officers,  or  "  vicars."  Petty  cases  were  decided  by 
hundreders,  who  were  subordinated  to  the  counts.  The 
hundreder  probably  derived  his  name  from  the  limitation 
of  his  jurisdiction,  in  times  of  peace,  to  a  hundred  men  (or 
families)  who  in  time  of  war  constituted  his  command.2 

The  Court  was  mostly  held  in  a  field  or  on  a  hill,  called 
mallstatt,  or  mallberg,  that  is,  the  place  or  hill  where  the 
mall,  or  Court,  assembled,  and  the  judge  set  up  his  shield  of 
office,  without  which  he  might  not  hold  Court.  The  Court 
was  always  open  to  the  people ;  sometimes  attendance  of 
the  people  was  compulsory.  Extreme  simplicity  marked 
the  procedure ;  cases  relating  to  the  church,  widows,  and 
orphans  had  the  priority. 

The  laws  were  brief  and  pointed,  the  arguments  oral.  In 
Bavaria  forgetful  or  over-reticent  witnesses  were  quickened 
to  intellectual  activity  by  having  their  ears  pulled. 

It  should  be  added  that  the  terms  "  duke  "  and  "  count " 
were  simply  official  designations,  unconnected  with  the  geo- 
graphical and  political  division  of  the  country. 

The  duke  might  have  a  larger  judicial  district  than  the 
count,  but  both  filled  similar  positions,  and  directed  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  police,  and  the  royal  revenue. 

It  was  their  duty  faithfully  and  firmly  to  dispense  justice 
to  the  Franks,  Romans,  and  Burgundians  according  to  their 
several  laws,  defend  the  cause  of  the  widow  and  orphan, 
punish  crime,  promote  the  public  safety,  and  collect  the 
royal  dues. 

These  offices,  in  the  early  period  of  Frankish  history, 
were  held  only  for  a  limited  term  ;  in  later  times  they  were 

1  Guizot,  Essai  sur  V Histoire  de  3  Marculf,  I.,  8  ;  Append.  Frede- 
France,  pp.  259,  272.  garii,  c.  78. 

a  Marculf,  I.,  8.    Schmidt,  I.e.,  II.,  8. 


Chapter  III.]  CIVILIZATION.  67 

granted  for  life,  and  among  the  Bavarians  and  Alemannians 
appear  to  have  been  hereditary.1  The  Bavarians  were  priv- 
ileged to  retain  their  ancient  prerogative  of  choosing  their 
dukes  from  the  race  of  the  Agilolfingians.* 

Hereditary  succession  appears  from  a  memorable  custom 
of  the  Alemannians  for  adjudicating  the  case  of  a  rebellious 
son,  who  during  his  father's  life-time,  and  while  that  father 
was  still  able  to  promote  the  king's  advantage  (that  is 
able  to  command  an  army  and  mount  a  horse),  sought  to 
secure  the  duchy  by  violence.  The  attempt  was  disal- 
lowed, but  the  son's  right  to  succession  seems  implied,  not 
only  upon  the  father's  natural  demise,  but  also  in  the  event 
of  his  political  death,  which  occurred  when  he  became  phy- 
sically unfit  to  carry  arms  and  mount  a  horse.3 

This  ancient  notion  prevailed  as  late  as  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  centuries  among  the  Saxons  and  Suabians. 
The  Saxon  code  enacts : 

"  A  man  may,  without  the  consent  of  the  heirs,  freely 
dispose  of  his  personal  belongings  and  landed  estate  .  .  . 
so  long  as  he  is  able,  having  a  sword  girded  to  his  side,  and 
carrying  a  shield,  to  mount  a  horse  from  a  stone  or  stand, 
an  ell  high,  without  other  assistance  than  that  of  some  one 
holding  the  horse  and  stirrup.  If  he  cannot  do  this,  he 
may  not  dispose  of  such  belongings,  etc.,  to  the  detriment 
of  those  looking  to  their  possession  after  his  death."4 

The  Franks  had  no  standing  army,  but  all  nobles  and 
freemen,  both  among  the  Franks  proper  and  the  nations 
confederated  with  them,  were  bound  to  military  service. 

"  Two  classes  of  persons  were  bound  to  military  service  ; 
the  lendes,  both  vassals  and  after-vassals,  in  virtue  of  their 
fiefs ;  and  the  free  Franks,  Romans,  and  Gauls  serving 
under  the  count,  and  led  by  him  and  his  officers. 

"  Freemen  were  such  as,  on  the  one  hand,  held  no  benefice 
or  fief,  and  on  the  other,  were  not  liable  to  the  servitude  of 
the  glebe  ;  their  lands  were  called  allodial  lands. 

1  Leg.  Alem.  XXX.,  5  ;  Baiaor.  II.,         3  Schmidt,  /.  c.  II.,  266. 
10.  4  Leg.  Sax.  I.,  52. 

2  Leg.  Baiaor.  II.,  20. 


68  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  I. 

"  The  counts  assembled  the  freemen  and  led  them  to 
war  ;  they  had  subordinate  officers  whom  they  called  '  vic- 
ars,' and  as  all  freemen  were  divided  into  hundreds,  con- 
stituting a  borough  {bourg),  the  counts  were  set  over  yet 
another  class  of  officers,  called  '  centenaries  '  (hundreders), 
who  led  the  free  men  of  the  borough,  or  their  hundreds,  to 
war."  x 

Similar  regulations  were  established  throughout  Ger- 
many ;  obligation  to  military  service  was  inseparable  from 
all  lands  held  under  Frankish  rule  ;  nor  were  church-lands 
exempt  from  it.  The  rigorous  provisions  of  the  military 
laws  set  forth  in  the  reign  of  Charles,  which  are  noted  in 
other  portions  of  this  volume,  existed  for  the  most  part  in 
Merovingian  times. 

We  conclude  this  sketch  with  a  reference  to  the  curious 
law  prohibiting  freemen  to  enter  the  church  without  the 
sovereign's  permission.  The  reason,  however,  is  sufficiently 
clear,  for  as  all  freemen  were  bound  to  military  service, 
while  ecclesiastics  and  monks  were  exempt  from  it,  it  fol- 
lows that  the  State  lost  an  able  soldier  in  every  instance. 

The  Church  approved  of  the  principle  of  this  law  and 
the  Council  of  Orleans  passed  a  canon  to  that  effect.2 

This  law  also  was  re-enacted  by  Charles,  and  explains  that 
some  entered  the  Church  not  from  motives  of  piety,  but 
for  the  purpose  of  escaping  from  military  service  and  other 
public  obligations,  and  others  did  so  under  the  advice  of 
designing  men  coveting  their  possessions.3 

1  Montesquieu,   Esprit   des  Lois,    t.         2  Can.  VI. 
IV.,  1.  xxx.  c.   17.  3Capit.  II.,  a.  805. 


BOOK   II. 

ROYAL    PERIOD, 

A.D.,  768— A.D.,  800. 


BOOK    II. 
ROYAL   PERIOD.,   A.D.,  768— A.D.,  800. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CHARLES   AND    CARLOMAN. 

Birth,  childhood,  and  youth  of  Charles. — Dissensions  between  the  brothers. — 
Revolt  in  Aquitaine. — Matrimony. — Pope  Stephen  indignant. — Desiderata. 
— Hildegard. — Death  of  Carloman. — Charles  usurps  his  kingdom. — Flight 
of  Gerberga  and  her  children. — Charles  at  thirty. 

It  is  surprising,  perplexing,  and  vexatious  that  next  to 
nothing  is  known  of  the  birth  and  infancy,  and  even  the 
boyhood  of  Charles.  His  biographer,  Eginhard,  or  more 
correctly  Einhard,  deemed  it  unwise  to  commit  himself  to 
any  statement,  "  for  nothing,"  he  says,  "  has  ever  been  writ- 
ten on  the  subject,  and  there  is  no  one  alive  now  who  can 
give  information  of  it.  Accordingly  I  have  determined  to 
pass  that  by  as  unknown."  ' 

The  2d  of  April  is  accepted  as  his  birthday,  and  the 
A.D.  742.]  best  authorities  consider  the  year  742  as  that  of 
his  nativity.  Quite  a  number  of  localities  contend  for  the 
honor  of  being  his  birth-place.  Ingelheim,  near  Mayence, 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  Carlsburg  near  Munich,  Carlstadt  in  Fran- 
conia,  Liege  in  Belgium,  and  even  a  Villa  in  Aquitaine,  have 
their  advocates.  One  of  the  older  writers,  who  claims  In- 
gelheim, adds  the  doubtless  erroneous  notice  that  his  mother 
Berthrada,  or  Bertha,  was  a  Hungarian,  and  one  of  the  most 
recent  writers,  who  stands  up  for  the  Aquitanian  Villa,  con- 

1  See  note  2,  p.  40. 


72  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

jectures  that  the  lady  was  either  a  Hungarian  or  a  Greek. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  it  may  suffice  to  say  that  she  was  a 
Frankish  lady,  a  daughter  of  Charibert,  Count  of  Laon,  and 
that  Pope  Stephen,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Charles  and  Car- 
loman,  distinctly  affirms  that  their  father  Pepin  did  not 
marry  a  lady  belonging  to  another  kingdom,  or  a  foreign 
nation.  Accepting  his  testimony  as  the  best  offered,1  it  is 
proper  to  add  that  Pepin  had  three  sons  and  four  daugh- 
ters.2 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  birth  of  Charles  almost  coin- 
cides with  the  death  of  his  grandfather,  Charles  Martel,  and 
the  commencement  of  his  father's  reign.  The  former  died 
October  22,  741,  and  the  latter  immediately  succeeded  to  his 
inheritance.  The  record  of  his  long  reign  contains  only 
very  few  references  to  Charles  and  his  brother  Carloman,  but 
it  is  safe  to  say  that  their  education  was  rather  physical  and 
martial  than  scholastic  and  literary. 

The  first  mention  of  Charles  occurs  in  connection  with  the 
visit  of  Pope  Stephen.  He  was  then  in  his  twelfth  year, 
and  travelled  at  the  head  of  a  military  cavalcade  a  distance 
of  a  hundred  miles  to  welcome  and  accompany  the  pope  to 
Ponthion.  On  the  consecration  of  Pepin  in  the  basilica  of 
St.  Denis,  both  he  and  Carloman  received  unction  at  the 
hands  of  Stephen.  His  name  is  found  in  several  documents  ; 
he  accompanied  his  father  on  two  of  the  Aquitanian  cam- 
paigns, repaired  to  him  in  his  last  sickness,  was  present  at 
the  solemn  act  of  "  partition,"  and  appeared  among  the 
mourners  at  his  father's  funeral. 

Such  are  the  meagre  details  of  more  than  the  first  third  of 
the  life  of  the  great  Charles  which  the  most  diligent  re- 
search has  yielded.  One  might  add  the  incidental  particu- 
lar found  in  a  diploma  belonging  to  the  last  years  of  his 
reign,  that  Pepin  and  Berthrada  spent  the  earliest  days  of 
their  married  life  on  the  estate  of  Vargahala  on  the  Unstrut, 
if  the  diploma  were  genuine.3 

1  "  Sed  nee  genitor  vester  ex  alio         2  See   their    names  in  Genealogical 
regno  vel  extranea  natione  conjugem      Table, 
accepit."  3  See  Mlihlbacher,  /.  c,  No.  356. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  AND  CARLOMAN.  73 

An  anecdote,  rather  legendary  than  historical,  narrates  the 
presence  of  Charles  at  the  Translation  of  the  relics  of  St. 
Germanus  from  the  lateral  chapel  of  St.  Symphorian  to  the 
chancel  of  the  conventual  Church  of  the  Holy  Cross  and  of 
St.  Vincentius. 

The  grand  dignitaries  of  Church  and  State  were  in  attend- 
ance, as  well  as  Pepin  and  his  two  royal  sons.  The  solem- 
nity of  the  ceremonial,  and  the  wonderful  circumstances 
in  its  train,  deeply  affected  and  interested  the  youthful 
Charles.  Pepin  himself  prepared  to  assist  in  the  removal 
of  the  coffin,  which  could  not  be  lifted.  All  attempts  to 
raise  it  proved  futile.  This  strange  circumstance  amazed 
and  alarmed  the  company ;  they  agreed  that  the  saint  was 
angry,  but  what  was  the  cause  of  his  displeasure  ? 

A  discerning  person  intimated  to  the  king  that  the  officers 
of  the  neighboring  royal  domain  of  Palatiolum  were  in  the 
habit  of  violent  encroachments  on  the  possessions  of  the 
monastery,  and  conjectured  that  the  saint's  refusal  to  have 
his  relics  removed  imported  his  desire  to  secure  the  posses- 
sion of  the  said  domain.  Pepin  thereupon  donated  Palatio- 
lum to  the  saint.  The  effect  was  striking  ;  the  coffin  became 
as  light  as  a  feather,  and  amid  hymns  of  praise  sung  by  the 
ecclesiastics  and  the  jubilant  rejoicing  of  the  people,  was 
carried  to  its  destination.  Nor  did  the  miracle  stop  there  ; 
for  the  coffin,  untouched  by  the  carriers,  descended  into  the 
vault,  from  which  arose  most  fragrant  perfume  which  per- 
vaded the  whole  church. 

All  present  were  filled  with  amazement,  and  Charles,  in 
the  enthusiasm  of  juvenile  rejoicing,  leaped  into  it,  and  lost 
his  first  tooth. 

The  monk  who  records  the  Translation  affirms  that 
Charles  himself  was  his  informant.1 

Oct.  9,  76§]  On  the  sixteenth  day  after  the  death  of 
Pepin  the  two  brothers,  having  repaired  to  the  designated 
points,  were   solemnly  and  conformably  to  ancient    usage 

1  Mabillon,  III.,  2,  104-118;   Acta      501  ;  Waitz,  MG.  SS.  XV.,  5-9;  Abel- 
SS.  Mai  6,  788-796.— Wattenbach,  /.  c.      Simson,  /.  c,  I.,  18  sqq. 
I.,  140,  note  1  ;   Oelsner,  Pippin.,  p. 


74  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

elevated  and  enthroned  kings  of  the  Franks,  and  anointed 
with  holy  oil.  In  the  case  of  Charles  the  ceremony  took 
place  at  Noyon,  and  in  that  of  Carloman  at  Soissons.1 

Both  localities  were  in  Neustria,  but  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  the  political  status  of  the  two  kingdoms.  It  is 
certain  that  both  brothers  exerted  some  sovereign  rights  in 
each  other's  dominions,  and  that,  while  e.  g.  the  regnal  years 
of  Charles  are  mentioned  in  private  documents  drawn  up  in 
Neustria,  Carloman  is  described  as  king  in  Austrasia,  and 
sometimes  resided  there.2 

Carloman  believed  himself  wronged  in  the  division,  which 
is  now,  though  not  universally,  accepted  to  have  followed 
the  line  indicated  in  a  former  paragraph.  It  is  unnecessary 
to  discuss  the  matter,  and  open  the  question  of  the  causes 
of  the  undoubted  ill-feeling  between  the  two  brothers,  which 
was  of  long  standing,  and  seemingly  incurable.3  It  broke 
out  almost  immediately  upon  the  occasion  of  a  fresh  revolt 
in  Aquitaine,  in  which  both  were  equally  interested. 

769]  The  aged  Hunold,  who  doubtless  had  grown  tired 
of  the  monastic  life,  deeming  the  death  of  his  son  Waifre,  so 
speedily  followed  by  that  of  his  enemy,  and  the  consequent 
change  of  rulers,  an  opportune  juncture  for  revolt,  left  the 
solitude  of  the  island  of  Rhe,  collected  an  army,  and  pro- 
claimed the  independence  of  Aquitaine. 

1  Fredegar.  cont.  c.  137.  Annal.  he  had  been  born  and,  as  the  firstborn, 
Mett.,  Lauriss.,  Einh.  The  first  sanctified  to  God  ;  that  God  had  pro- 
epoch  of  the  reign  of  Charles  extends  tected  him  from  the  craft  of  his  brother 
from  768-774,  during  which  he  bore  (ut  de  Jacob  et  Esau  legitur)  ;  that  he 
the  title:  "Carolus  gratia  dei  rex  Fran-  obtained  his  kingdom  simultaneously 
corum  vir  inluster."  with  his  brother  ;    and  that  God  mer- 

2  See  instances  in  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  cifully  removed  that  brother  and  ex- 
I.,  27  sq.  alted   him   to  the  throne  without  ef- 

3  By  far  the  most  interesting  docu-  fusion  of  blood  (Quinta  :  non  mini- 
meat  bearing  on  the  subject  is  Cath-  mum  est  beatitudinis  signum,  quod 
wulf's  epistle  to  Charles  the  Great,  in  Deus  transtulit  ilium  de  regno  Fran- 
which  he  enumerates  the  peculiar  feli-  •  corum  et  exaltavit  te  super  omne  hoc 
cities  for  which  in  his  opinion  the  king  regnum  sine  sanguinis  effusione). — 
had  reason  to  be  grateful.  The  first  Ep.  Carol.  Jaffe,  Monum.  Carol.,  p. 
is,  that  in  answer  to  the  special  prayers  336. 

of  his  parents,  especially  of  his  mother, 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  AND  CARLOMAN.  75 

Charles  forthwith  summoned  his  Jicerbann  and  marched 
into  Aquitaine ;  Carloman  also  set  out  for  the  seat  of  war, 
and  came  up  with  Charles  at  a  place  called  Duasdives.  The 
meeting  was  most  unpleasant,  and  as  the  brothers  were  un- 
able to  agree,  and  Carloman  distinctly  refused  to  take  part 
in  the  suppression  of  the  revolt,  Charles  acted  alone,  while 
Carloman,  with  his  command,  returned  home.1  Hunold, 
driven  from  place  to  place,  found  no  rest  for  the  sole  of  his 
foot  until  he  had  crossed  the  Garonne  and  sought  the  hospi- 
tality and  protection  of  his  nephew  Lupus,  duke  of  Vasconia. 
Aquitaine  yielded  instant  submission  to  Charles,  who  came  as 
a  master,  and  took  effectual  measures  for  the  prevention  of 
further  troubles.  He  collected  a  large  force  at  Angouleme, 
well  equipped  for  any  emergency,  marched  to  the  Dordogne, 
built  the  fortress  of  Fronsac,  and  having  erected  this  stand- 
ing menace  to  the  duke  of  Vasconia,  despatched  an  embassy 
to  him,  with  the  demand  of  the  instant  surrender  of  the  ren- 
egade fugitive  Hunold,  who  had  not  only  returned  to  the 
world  but  to  his  wife.  Refusal  was  to  be  a  casus  belli,  and 
a  Frankish  army,  which  for  the  better  enforcement  of  his 
demand  took  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Garonne, 
convinced  the  duke  of  Vasconia  that  the  menace  was  not  an 
empty  sound.  If  he  was  not  glad,  he  was  certainly  not  dis- 
pleased, to  respect  the  summons  ;  for  he  could  never  forget 
what  the  fugitive  had  done  to  his  father  more  than  a  quarter 
of  a  century  before.  As  long  as  he  remained  in  the  mon- 
astery, he  might  think  that  he  had  expiated  his  guilt  in  a  life 
of  penitent  sorrow,  but  when  he  returned  to  the  world,  how 
could  he  fail  to  shrink  from  sheltering  the  cruel  hand  which 
had  put  out  his  father's  eyes? 

The  outraged  feelings  of  the  son  were  stronger  than  the 
sympathy  of  the  nephew ;  he  saw  a  Nemesis  in  the  de- 
mand which  justice  and  interest  compelled  him  to  respect, 
and  accordingly  gave  up  Hunold  and  his  wife.  But  there 
his  compliance  ended,  for  the  further  notices  that  he  im- 

1  This  is  now  accepted.  See  Boh-  address  before  the  Academy  of  Sci- 
mer,  Regesta,  p.  52  :  and  Abel,  34,  ences  at  Berlin,  Aug.  3,  1854,  who 
p.  541  ;  also  Ranke's  Remarks,  in  his      takes  opposite  ground. 


76  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

plicitly  promised  obedience  in  whatever  Charles  required, 
and  submitted  himself  with  the  province  which  he  ruled, 
are  justly  rejected  as  historical  embellishment.1 

The  fate  of  Hunold  is  not  known ;  perhaps  he  died  in  a 
monastery  ;  at  any  rate  the  story  of  his  flight,  first  to  Rome, 
and  then  to  Pavia,  where  he  was  stoned  to  death,  savors  of 
invention.2 

As  for  Carloman,  his  defection,  which  to  Charles  appeared 
in  the  light  of  the  unpardonable  and  capital  crime  of  heris- 
liz,  or  desertion  in  presence  of  the  foe,  led  to  more  inti- 
mate relations  with  Tassilo,  duke  of  Bavaria,  and  Desi- 
derius,  king  of  the  Lombards ;  thus  the  tension  increased, 
and  threatened  to  lead  to  civil  war.  Fortunately  that  calam- 
ity was  prevented  by  the  queen-mother  Berthrada,  who 
770]  brought  about  a  reconciliation,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  two  brothers  sent  a  special  embassy  to  the  pope 
announcing  their  reconciliation. 

It  was  joyful  news  to  Stephen,  as  appears  from  the  exu- 
berant phrase  of  a  very  long  letter  of  congratulation  which 
he  sent  in  return.3  He  was  doubtless  sincere  in  the  expres- 
sion of  his  joy  over  an  event  in  which  he  saw,  if  not  the 
grateful  harbinger  of  Frankish  interposition,  at  least  an 
intimation  that  it  baffled  the  expectations  of  the  perfidious 
Lombard,  for  he  felt  sure  that  in  the  event  of  war  between 
the  two  brothers,  he  would  have  set  his  iron  heel  upon  the 
bleeding  Church,  still  suffering  from  his  unrighteous  spolia- 
tion of  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  The  congratulation, 
like  all  his  communications,  wound  up  with  a  vehement 
adjuration  of  the  kings  to  interpose  and  compel  the  robber 
to  restore  his  unrighteous  gains. 

In  this  he  was  doomed  to  be  disappointed,  and  in  a  most 
unexpected  way.  The  political  situation  had  doubtless 
been  freely  discussed  by  the  queen-mother  and  her  sons, 
and  occasioned  a  diplomatic  journey,  in  the  course  of  which 

1  This  is  the  view  of  Ranke  (1.  c.)  2  Anastas.  apud  Bouquet,  V.,  434  ; 
and  Bohmer,  Regesta.     The  best  ac-      cf.  376,  444. 

count  is  that  of  Ann.  Lauriss.  3  Epist.    ad     Carol,    et    Carlom. — 

Migne,  t.  98,  p.  250. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  AND  CARLOMAN,  77 

she  visited  successively  the  courts  of  Bavaria,  and  Lom- 
bardy,  and  the  pope  at  Rome. 

Tassilo  was  the  son  of  Odilo,  duke  of  Bavaria,  and  Hil- 
trud,  sister  of  Pepin,  and  consequently  first  cousin  of 
Charles  and  Carloman.  Impatient  of  dependence  on  the 
king  of  the  Franks,  he  left  him  at  a  juncture  of  great  im- 
portance and  under  circumstances  which  were  unforgotten 
and  unforgiven.  Since  that  defection  in  the  Aquitanian 
war  he  acted  with  entire  independence,  more  like  a  sove- 
reign than  a  vassal.  He  dropped  the  king's  regnal  years, 
and  substituted  those  of  his  own  reign  in  official  docu- 
ments ;  he  assumed  the  style  and  conduct  of  an  indepen- 
dent prince  not  only  in  the  internal  government  of  his 
duchy,  but  in  his  relations  to  other  countries  ;  he  held,  con- 
trary to  the  usage  of  the  Frankish  empire,  synods  and 
enacted  laws  which  are  still  incorporated  with  those  of  the 
Bavarian  Code  ;  he  made  war  with  the  Sclavonians,  and  en- 
tered into  close  political  alliance  with  the  Lombards. 

An  ecclesiastic  in  the  person  of  the  abbot  Sturmi  had 
preceded  her  in  Bavaria,  and  established  friendly  relations 
between  Charles  and  Tassilo.  Tassilo  was  the  son-in-law  of 
Desiderius,  and  now  on  good  terms  with  the  two  Frankish 
kings.  A  visit  to  him  occurred  to  her  as  a  fit  preliminary 
to  her  plans  which  looked  to  intermarriages  with  the  Lom- 
bard family. T  Her  intercourse  with  the  ducal  family  pro- 
moted a  cordial  understanding  in  Germany,  and  her  plans 
at  Pavia,  where  arrangements  were  set  on  foot  in  virtue  of 
which  the  son  of  Desiderius  was  affianced  to  her  daughter 
Gisla,  the  sister  of  Charles  and  Carloman,  and  one  or  both 
of  these  proposed  as  husbands  of  the  daughters  of  the  king 
of  the  Lombards.2      The  matter  was  kept  a  profound  secret, 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Vita  Sturmi  c.  22.  wife  of  Carloman  also  is  called  Ger- 
MG.  SS.  II.,  p.  376. — Annal.  Mosell.,      berga. 

Chron.    Moiss.,    cf.   Annal.    Maxim.,  "  Complures  ergo  filias  habuit  Desi- 

Petav.,  Naz.,  Fuld.  derius,  unam   quae  Carolus  M.  nup- 

2  The  evidence  on  this  point  is  con-  serat,  alteram  quae  Carolomanno,  ter- 
flicting,  and  the  names  are  confusing,  tiam  quae  Thassiloni  juncta  erat, 
The  wife  of  Charles  is  called  Desi-  quartam,  denique,  Adelpergam,  quam 
derata,  Berterad,  and  Gerberga  ;   the  in  matrimonio   habuit   Arichis,  Bene- 


?8  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

and  the  diplomatic  Berthrada,  to  whose  influence  is  ascribed 
the  restoration  of  certain  Italian  cities  to  St.  Peter,  had  the 
tact  of  concealing  it  from  the  pope,  who  may  have  ex- 
plained her  presence  in  Italy  on  the  grounds  of  religious 
fervor  and  of  veneration  of  his  person. 

Still  the  truth  became  known  after  she  left,  and  it  fairly 
stunned  him.  It  was  the  worst  news  he  ever  received,  and 
seemed  too  horrid  to  be  true.  Such  an  intermarriage,  he 
thought,  would  give  the  death-blow  to  the  nascent  power 
of  the  papacy,  sweep  away  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  and 
make  the  hated  Lombard  virtually  ruler  of  all  Italy. 

The  royal  brothers  he  knew  were  married  and  had  chil- 
dren ;  on  that  point  his  language  is  explicit,  and  flatly  con- 
tradicts the  common  notion  that  their  wives  were  not  legit- 
imate, or  only  morganatically  united  to  the  kings.  He 
says  that  by  the  express  direction  of  their  father  they  had 
been  married  in  lawful  wedlock,  and  brands  as  iniquitous 
the  hidden  purpose  of  their  hearts  of  taking  other  wives 
besides  those  they  had  already  married.1  The  pertinent 
portions  of  his  epistle  to  them  are  essential  to  a  correct 
understanding  of  the  case ;  it  might  have  been  more  tem- 
perate and  dignified,  more  Christian  and  less  venomous,  but 
it  mirrors  the  deep  unquenchable  hatred  of  the  Lombards 
which  burned  in  the  pontiff's  breast. 

venti     Princeps."  —  Chronic.    Cassi-  these    passages    that    Muratori,    An- 

nens.  1.  I.,  c.  xvii.  nali  d' Italia,  a.  770,  states   that  two 

"  Et   primus    quidem,    Caroloman-  of  the  daughters  of   Desiderius  were 

nus,    Pontifice    vel    dissimulante   vel  given  in  marriage  to  Charles  and  Car- 

interpositum  anathema  palam  tollente,  loman. 

Gerbergam    Desiderii    filiam    uxorem  But   compare    Andrese    Bergomatis 

duxit,  primo  sui  regni  anno,  ex  eaque  Histor.  3.  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.  (Script, 

morte      geminse     prolis     f actus      est  Rer.  Langob.  &   Italic),  p.    223  with 

pater." — Acta   Sanct.    de    B.    Hilde-  the  note,  the  references,  and  indexes 

gard.  Reg.  April  30.  there,  in  Pertz,  and  Bouquet. 

"  Karolomannus     .     .    .     defunct-  1  "  Etenim    .     .     .    conjugio  legit- 

us  est   Salmontiaco  :    uxor  ejus   cum  imo  ex    pra?ceptione   genitoris  vestri 

duobus  filiis  et  Otgario  marchione  ad  copulati  estis,  accipientes     ... 

Desiderium  regem  patrem  suum  con-  — "  Impium  enim  est  ut  vel  penitus 

fugit." — Annales  Lobiens.  ad  a.  771.  vestris   ascendat  cordibus,  alias  acci- 

apud  Pertz,  t.  ii.,  p.  195.  pere  uxoree  super  eas,  quas  primitus 

It   is   doubtless  on   the   ground  of  vos  certum  est  accepisse."  - 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  AND  CARLOMAN.  79 

The  epistle  is  addressed  to  Charles  and  Carloman,  and 
couched  in  these  terms  :  "  He  had  heard  that  Desiderius 
had  persuaded  one  of  their  number  to  marry  his  daughter ; 
the  devil  alone  could  have  suggested  such  intention,  for 
since  it  could  not  be  a  marriage  it  must  be  a  most  shameful 
connection.  It  was  madness  to  attempt  a  union  of  the 
most  noble  race  of  the  Franks  and  the  fetid  brood  of  the 
Lombards,  a  brood  hardly  human,  that  had  brought  leprosy 
into  the  land.  .  .  .  They  should  remember,  that  by 
their  father's  express  injunction  they  were  united  in  mar- 
riage to  most  beautiful  Frankish  ladies,  to  whom  they  ought 
to  cleave  in  love ;  that  it  was  unbecoming  and  unlawful  in 
them  to  repudiate  their  wives  for  strangers  of  another  race ; 
it  would  be  sinful  and  heathenish.  .  .  .  They  should  re- 
member that  the  vicegerent  of  St.  Peter  had  anointed  them 
and  sanctified  them  with  the  blessing  of  heaven  ;  .  .  . 
that  their  father  had  been  prevented  by  the  remonstrances 
of  his  predecessor  from  divorcing  their  mother  ;  remember, 
moreover,  their  father's  promise  to  St.  Peter  to  be  the  friend 
of  his  friends,  and  the  enemy  of  his  enemies ;  he  had  kept 
his  promise,  and  how  could  they  .  .  .  dare  to  make 
common  cause  against  the  apostolical  see  with  the  perfidi- 
ous race  of  the  Lombards  ?  .  .  .  Wherefore,  St.  Peter, 
himself,  he,  the  pope,  the  clergy  and  people  of  Rome, 
adjure  them  by  all  that  is  lawful,  by  the  living  and  true 
God,  the  judge  of  the  quick  and  dead,  by  the  ineffable  om- 
nipotence divine,  by  the  tremendous  day  of  judgment,  by 
all  the  divine  mysteries,  and  by  the  most  sacred  body  of 
St.  Peter,  that  neither  of  them  presume  to  wed  the  daugh- 
ter of  Desiderius,  or  give  their  God-beloved  sister  Gisla  in 
wedlock  to  his  son.     .     .     . 

"  He  had  laid  this  his  exhortation  and  adjuration  on  the 
tomb  of  the  apostles,  presented  it  in  sacrifice  to  God,  and 
from  that  sacred  spot  did  now  send  it  to  them. 

"  Should  either  of  them,  contrary  to  his  expectation,  pre- 
sume to  disregard  it,  then  by  the  authority  of  St.  Peter  he 
is  under  the  ban  of  the  most  fearful  anathema,  an  alien 
from  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  doomed,  with    the    devil 


80  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

and  his  most  wicked  ministers,  and  all  impious  men,  to 
undergo  concremation  in  eternal  flames.  But  he  who  shall 
obey  and  observe  this  exhortation  shall  be  worthy  of  divine 
enlightenment  with  all  heavenly  blessings,  and  of  exaltation 
to  everlasting  glory  with  all  the  saints  and  elect  of  God."  * 

The  epistle  came  too  late  to  deter  Charles  from  his  purpose, 
770]  for  he  was  married  to  Desiderata ;  but  it  bore  imme- 
diate fruit  in  the  annulment  of  the  projected  marriage  of 
Gisla  and  Adelchis.  The  royal  maiden  took  irrevocable 
vows  and  became  abbess  of  the  convent  of  Chelles.  There 
the  matter  rested,  but  not  long,  for  after  the  lapse  of  only 
771]  one  year  Charles  disowned  Desiderata  and  sent  her 
back  to  Pavia. 

The  reticent  and  diplomatic  biographer  of  Charles  says 
that  he  repudiated  her  "  for  some  reason  unknown  ;" 2  the 
more  communicative  Monk  of  St.  Gall  suggests  a  physical 
reason.  The  anathema  of  the  pope  and  his  subsequent 
representations  of  the  impolicy  of  a  Lombard  alliance  may 
have  carried  some  weight,  but  it  is  more  probable  that  the 
sight  of  one  more  favored  was  the  most  potent  motive  in 
this  heartless,  insulting,  and  perfidious  act.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Desiderius  received  the  customary  guarantee 
given  under  oath  that  Charles  would  never  discard  his 
daughter.3 

Her  repudiation  was  immediately  followed  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Charles  with  Hildegard,  a  Suabian  lady  of  noble 
birth.4 

The  pope  maintained  a  discreet  silence,  but  the  indigna- 
tion of  Desiderius  was  intense ;  the  queen-mother,  whose 
tearful  intervention  was  disregarded,  always  felt  sore  on  the 
subject ; 5  and  there  was  at  least  one  man,  the  venerable 

1  Codex  Carol.  Ep.  45  Qaffe).  30,  783,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  her  mar- 

2  Einhard,   Vita,  c.  18.  riage,   it  follows  that  either  the  close 

3  Pasch.  Radbert  in  Vita  Adalh.  of  771  or  the  beginning  of  772  fur- 
— Mabillon,  "  Acta  SS.  Ord.   S.  Ben."  nishes  the  required  date. 

S.  IV.,  I.,  310.     The  exact  date  of  the  4  See  "  Genealogical  Table." 

repudiation  is  not  known.     It  is  certain  s  "  Charles's     mother,     Berthrada, 

that  Charles   married    Hildegard   im-  passed  her  old  age  with  him  in  great 

mediately  after,  for  as  she  died  April  honor  ;   he    entertained   the    greatest 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  AND  CARLOMAN.  8l 

abbot  of  Corbie,  Adalhard,  the  king's  cousin-german,  who 
on  high  moral  and  religious  grounds  refused  all  intercourse 
with  the  unlawful  successor  of  the  discarded  queen.1 

Hildegard  was  reputed  to  be  one  of  the  most  attractive 
women  of  the  age.  Her  peerless  beauty  is  poetically  de- 
scribed as  that  of  lilies  blended  with  roses,  and  it  is  said  that 
she  added  to  the  charms  of  her  person  the  shining  attributes 
of  a  bright  intellect  and  a  kind  heart.  She  was  benevolent 
and  devout,  and  universally  beloved  by  all  who  knew  her. 

Her  influence  over  Charles  was  excellent,  and  confessedly 
great,  although  she  could  not  always  carry  her  point. 

An  anecdote  told  by  the  Monk  of  St.  Gall  appears  to-be 
true  to  life.  A  certain  young  man,  in  whom  the  king  took 
an  interest,  and  whose  hopes  he  had  raised  as  to  securing 
a  vacant  bishopric,  happened  to  be  with  him  at  an  hour 
set  for  the  reception  of  courtiers.  The  king  told  him  that 
he  had  many  competitors  for  the  vacancy,  and  bade  him 
retire  behind  a  curtain  to  learn  their  number.  One  by  one 
the  nobles  came  to  secure  the  position  either  for  them- 
selves or  for  special  favorites ;  at  last  Queen  Hildegard  ap- 
peared and  asked  it  for  her  own  clerk.  The  king  objected, 
protesting  that,  although  he  would  not  and  could  not  say 
nay  to  her  in  almost  anything  she  might  ask,  yet  in  this 
case  he  must  needs  disoblige  her,  for  he  had  already  prom- 
ised the  place  to  the  aforesaid  young  man.  The  queen,  who 
was  not  free  from  the  weakness  of  women  of  setting  their 
influence  against  the  judgment  of  men,  suppressed  her 
anger,  but  forthwith  opened  upon  her  susceptible  spouse 
the  battery  of  dulcet  speech  and  languid  looks,  saying :  "  O 
my  Lord  King,  why  waste  that  bishopric  on  such  a  boy? 
Let  me  entreat  my  sweetest  king,  my  glory,  my  tower  of 
strength,  to  confer  it  on  your  faithful  servant,  my  own  clerk." 

The  young  man  heard  and  saw  from  behind  the  curtain 
what  was  going  on,  dreaded  the  worst,  and  unable  to  con- 


veneration   for  her;    and    there   was  married  to  please  her." — Einh.,  Life, 

never  any  disagreement  between  them,  XVIII.     See  Genealogical  Table, 

except  when  he  divorced  the  daughter  J  See  note  2.   He  distinctly  says  that 

of   King   Desiderius,    whom    he    had  no  crime  could  be  laid  to  her  charge. 
6 


82  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

tain  himself,  exclaimed :  "  Keep  firm,  O  King ;  and  let  no 
one  deprive  you  of  the  power  which  God  has  given  you  !  " 
The  speech  pleased  Charles,  so  for  the  nonce  he  disobliged 
the  charmer  and  made  the  young  man  bishop.1 

The  repudiation  of  Desiderata  was  resented  not  only  in 
Lombardy,  but  much  nearer  home  ;  it  added  fuel  to  the 
hatred  which  slumbered  in  the  breast  of  Tassilo,  duke  of 
Bavaria,  who  was  married  to  one  of  her  sisters,  and  revived 
or  intensified  the  hostility  of  Carloman,  whom  respectable 
authority  represents  as  the  husband  of  another.  At  any 
rate  both  those  princes  were  in  open  sympathy  with  Desi- 
derius,  and  in  the  event  of  war  would  have  sided  with  him 
against  Charles.2 

771]  Probable  war  between  the  two  brothers  was  averted 
by  the  opportune  death3  of  Carloman  at  the  critical  moment. 
He  died  on  the  second  nones  of  December  in  the  Villa  of 
Samoussy  in  the  Ardennes.  He  had  been  in  poor  health, 
and  the  insinuation,  sometimes  made,  that  Charles  was  im- 
plicated in  the  event,  is  purely  gratuitous,  since  it  rests 
neither  on  truth  nor  a  show  of  probability.4 

The  widow  of  Carloman,  knowing  Charles,  and  dreading 
the  worst  for  her  children  and  her  personal  safety,  concluded 
to  seek  refuge  at  the  court  of  Desiderius.  This  course  was 
the  most  natural,  if  he  was  her  father.5  At  any  rate,  she 
went  there,  escorted  by  Otgar6  and  other  Frankish  nobles 
more  attached  to  the  house  of  Carloman  than  to  Charles. 

The  death  of  Carloman  was  expected,  and  Charles  was 

1  Monach.  Sangall.  apud  Bouquet,  remonstrance  ;  even  Ranke,  Weltge- 
V.,  p.  108  B.  schichte,  v.  ii.,  p.  113,  n.  1,  shares  this 

2  A  fabulous  writer  states,  that  Car-      view. 

loman  was  violently  opposed  to   the  3  See  note  3,  p.  74. 

marriage    with    Desiderata,  and    com-  4  See   Pilatus,  Geschichte  des  Deut- 

pelled  Charles   to   disown   her  ;    that  sc hen  Reichs  und  Italiens,  vol.  ii. 

Berthrada,    incensed    at    his    course,  5  See  note  2,  p.  77. 

cursed  Carloman,  who  in  consequence  6  The  variations  "  Ogger,"  "  Otker," 

became  blind,  and  died.— Andr.  Ber-  "Otgar,"  "Otger,"  "Autchar,"  etc., 

gam.  hist.  c.  3  ;    SS.  rer.  Langob.,  p.  denote  the  same  person.     His  fidelity 

223  sq.  to  Carloman,  his  widow  and  children 

There  is  no  evidence  that  the  re-  was   his  crime  ;  he  escorted  them  to 

pudiation   was    the    result   of    papal  Italy,  and  was  delivered  to  Charles.    On 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES  AND  CARLOMAN.  83 

near  at  hand  for  prompt  and  decisive  action.  He  was  at 
Longlier,  a  short  distance  from  Corbeny,  within  the  limits 
of  his  brother's  kingdom.  Immediately  after  the  death  of 
Carloman  he  proceeded,  doubtless  under  a  strong  military 
escort,  to  Corbeny,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  dignitaries,  and  announced  to  the 
feudatories  of  Carloman,  who  had  been  summoned  to  appear, 
his  intention  of  possessing  himself  of  the  vacant  throne. 
Resistance  would  have  been  useless ;  the  farce  of  a  formal 
election  took  place ;  the  lieges  of  Carloman  swore  fealty  to 
him  ;  the  bishops  poured  holy  oil  on  his  head,  and  thus  "  feli- 
citously he  obtained  the  monarchy  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
Franks."  * 

He  heard  the  account  of  Gerberga's  flight,  according  to 
one  reading  "  with  indifference  ;  "  "  with  displeasure,"  2  ac- 
cording to  another ;  perhaps  with  both,  for,  being  master  of 
the  situation,  he  may  have  known,  as  an  old  chronicle  dis- 
tinctly says  he  did,  that  it  would  not  turn  to  her  advantage 
or  to  that  of  the  nobles  who  accompanied  her,  and  felt  that  her 
"  unnecessary  journey  "3  reflected  upon  him.     Perhaps  she 

his  return  to  France  he  renounced  the  was  not  established  ;  that  there  was 

world,  and  with  Benedictus,  his  former  no  fixed  law  regulating  the  succession, 

companion  in  arms,  entered  the  monas-  beyond   the  general    principle   of  an 

tery  of  St.  Faro  apud  Meldos  (Meaux),  equality  of  right  enjoyed  by  all  the 

in  the  basilica  of  which  the  two  friends  members  of  the  royal  family  ;  that  the 

are   interred.     Their   mausoleum  was  claims  of  Charles  to  the  vacant  throne 

still    extant    in    1701,  and  disclosed,  were    equal  to  those  of   the    sons   of 

among  other  interesting  particulars,  the  Carloman  per  se,  and  superior  to  them 

fact  that  Auda,  the  sister  of  Ogger,  was  on   account   of    his   years,    to    which 

betrothed  to  the  famous  Roland.     See  came  the  vital  political  necessity  of  an 

Mabillon,    Anna/.   Ord.    Benedict,    t.  immediate   reunion    of   the  separated 

Hi.,  p.  376.  members    of    the    Frankish    Empire. 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Mettenses  ;  Frag-  The  argument  is  ingenious,  but  is  it 

ment  in  "  Forschungen,"  XVII.,  628  ;  true  ? 

Chron.   Moiss.,  and  S.  Denis,  a.  771.  Waitz,  /.  c.  III.,   100,  275  sq.,  2d 

cf.  Bohmer,  /.  c.  c.  p.  59,  No.  139.  ed. — Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  102  sq. — 

Some  hold  that  the  succession  was  cf.  Wolf,  Kritische  Beitrdge,  p.  75,  n. 

decided  in  a  lawful  Diet,  arguing  that  5. 

the  two  sons  of  Carloman,  by  reason  2  Patienter,  or  impatienter. 

of  their  tender  age,  were  unfit  to  sue-  3  Profectionem   .    .    .  supervacnam. 

ceed  ;  that  their  claim  to  the  throne  Annal.  Einh. 


84  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

dreaded  violence,  more  probably  the  scissors  of  obsequious 
barber-monks  and  the  living  tomb  of  a  convent. 

The  sequel  will  show  that  her  fears  were  not  unfounded. 
It  is  useless  to  speculate  on  a  state  of  things  of  which  no 
authentic  information  may  be  had.  Most  of  the  annals  ex- 
tant maintain  total  silence  on  the  true  merits  of  the  jeal- 
ousies and  quarrels  of  the  sons  of  Pepin,  and  of  the  usurpa- 
tion of  Carloman's  kingdom  by  his  powerful  brother,  now 
sole  king  of  the  Franks.  The  remembrance  of  the  wrong 
accompanied  him  to  the  tomb,  and  the  principle  of  its  justi- 
fication is  stated  in  a  legal  provision  belonging  to  the  last 
years  of  his  life.1 

Charles  was  now  about  thirty  years  old.  "  He  was  large 
and  strong,  and  of  lofty  stature,  though  not  disproportion- 
ately tall  (his  height  is  well  known  to  have  been  seven  times 
the  length  of  his  foot) ;  the  upper  part  of  his  head  was 
round  ;  his  eyes  were  very  large  and  animated  ;  his  nose 
was  somewhat  long,  his  hair  light,  his  face  laughing  and 
merry.  Thus  his  appearance  was  always  stately  and  digni- 
fied, whether  he  was  standing  or  sitting ;  although  his  neck 
was  thick  and  somewhat  short,  and  his  body  rather  prom- 
inent, yet  the  symmetry  of  the  rest  of  his  person  concealed 
these  defects.  His  gait  was  firm,  his  whole  carriage  manly, 
and  his  voice  clear,  though  not  so  strong  as  his  size  led  one 
to  expect."  2 

Such  appeared  the  man  to  one  who  knew  him  well,  and 
drew  his  portrait  from  the  remembrance  of  long  and  inti- 
mate familiarity. 

Still  it  may  not  be  superfluous  to  compare  it  with  another 
description,  the  prototype  of  the  traditional  "  Charlemagne," 
met  in  legend  and  song,  in  poetry  and  art.  "  The  emperor 
was  of  a  ruddy  complexion,  with  brown  hair  ;  of  a  well-made, 
handsome  form,  but  a  stern  visage.  His  height  was  about 
eight  of  his  own  feet,  which  were  very  long.  He  was  of  a 
strong,  robust  make ;  his  legs  and  thighs  were  very  stout, 
and  his  sinews  firm.     His  face  was  thirteen  inches  long,  his 

1  See  bk.  iii.,  ch.  iii.,  Division  of  the         2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  22. 
Empire,  §  5. 


Chapter  I.]  CHARLES   AND   CARLOMAN.  85 

beard  a  palm  ;  his  nose  half  a  palm  ;  his  forehead  a  foot 
over.  His  lion-like  eyes  flashed  fire  like  carbuncles,  his  eye- 
brows were  half  a  palm  over.  When  he  was  angry,  it  was  a 
terror  to  look  upon  him  ;  he  required  eight  spans  for  his 
girdle  besides  what  hung  loose."  x 

Sculptors  and  painters  love  to  reproduce  this  picture, 
which  is  a  giant's.  Most  of  the  statues  one  meets  with  are 
of  this  order,  and  remind  one  of  Goliath  ;  an  old  picture  in 
the  Cathedral  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  is  a  terror  to  look  upon, 
and  not  only  because  of  the  artist's  manifest  design  of  paint- 
ing the  "  terrible  look ;  "  and  the  old  chronicler  of  St.  Denis 
speaks  of  his  wonderful  strength :  "  He  could  easily  bend 
three  horse-shoes  together,  lift  a  knight  in  armor  on  his  out- 
stretched palm  from  the  ground  to  saddle,  and  with  his 
sword  De  Joiense  cleave  asunder  a  knight  in  full  armor," 
etc.,  etc.2 

Leaving  these  descriptions,  and  judging  of  him  as  he  ap- 
pears in  his  deeds,  one  feels  that  the  old  barbarian  ferocity 
of  his  race  and  age  slumbered  in  his  breast,  and  broke  forth 
as  occasion  arose,  or  opportunity  might  serve ;  he  had  all 
the  fire  and  courage  of  Charles  Martel,  the  astuteness  and 
strength  of  Pepin,  an  indomitable  will,  and  invincible  energy. 
Though  deficient  in  the  learning  of  the  schools,  he  had  ac- 
quired the  education  of  practical  life,  which  enabled  him  to 
plan  and  execute  a  grand  purpose.  Thus,  in  the  main,  ap- 
peared the  man  who,  as  sole  king  of  the  Franks,  entered 
upon  the  career  of  glory  to  be  sketched  in  these  pages. 

ijoh.    Turpini    Historia    de  Vita  2  The  stature  of  Charles  is  discussed 

Caroli  M.  et  Rolandi,  in  Germ.   Rer.      in  De  Statura  Caroli  Mag.  Imp.,  apud. 
Quatuor   chronogr.     It    is   a    forgery      Bouquet,  V.,  799 
assigned  to  the  close  of  the  eleventh 
century. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FALL   OF  THE   LOMBARDS. 

Hadrian  I.,  pope. — Hadrian  and  Desiderius. — Hadrian  invokes  the  aid  of 
Charles. — War  with  Desiderius. — Passage  of  the  Alps. — Siege  of  Pavia. — 
Defection. — Visit  to  Rome. — The  Grant. — Fall  of  the  Lombards. 

The  relations  of  Charles  and  Hadrian  were  cordial  from 
the  first.  The  pontiff  was  elected  February  i,  772,  seve- 
ral months  after  the  usurpation  of  Carloman's  throne  and 
the  repudiation  of  Desiderata  ;  he  accepted  both  events  as 
accomplished  facts,  and  observed  a  judicious  silence  concern- 
ing them,  reasoning  perhaps  that  their  occurrence  in  the 
pontificate  of  his  predecessor,  superadded  to  the  fact  that 
they  were  not  officially  referred  to  him,  sufficiently  indicated 
and  justified  such  a  course. 

Men  of  the  stamp  of  Adalhard  might  take  a  different 
view  and  denounce  the  wanton  and  deliberate  repudiation 
of  a  pure  and  blameless  queen  as  criminal  before  God,  and 
in  flagrant  violation  of  the  law  of  the  Church  ;  but  Hadrian, 
though  he  probably  agreed  with  the  abbot  of  Corbie  in 
principle,  differed  with  him  in  the  treatment  of  this  particu- 
lar case ;  his  predecessor  had  anathematized  the  marriage 
which  the  royal  offender  of  his  own  free  will  had  sundered. 
Was  he,  the  pontiff,  to  recommend  the  continuance  of  a 
relation  which  another  pontiff  had  laid  under  a  curse  ? 
Could  he  do  so  without  reflecting  on  the  pontificate  ?  In- 
deed he  might  have  gone  still  further  and  asked  why  Ste- 
phen was  so  bitterly  and  violently  opposed  to  the  Lombard 
union  ?  Did  he  denounce  it  on  high  moral  and  religious 
grounds  ?  Hardly  so,  for  he  would  have  suppressed  his  in- 
dignation, if  the  proposed  successor  of  Himiltrud  had  been 
any  other  lady.  The  matter  of  the  divorce  sat  lightly  on 
his  conscience,  but  the  union  with  the  Lombard  maiden  was 


Chapter  II.]  FALL  OF  THE   LOMBARDS.  87 

intolerable.  And  on  this  point  Hadrian  probably  shared 
the  views  of  Stephen  ;  of  the  divorce  itself  he  made  small 
account,  while  the  speedy  and  sudden  disruption  of  a  union 
which  allied  the  patrician  of  Rome  to  the  implacable  enemy 
of  the  papal  see  seemed  to  him  prophetic  of  good.  He 
therefore  withheld  all  censure,  and  earned  the  good  will  of 
Charles. 

Nor  was  he  less  reticent  in  the  matter  of  Carloman.  That 
king,  the  record  of  whose  brief  reign  is  almost  wholly  made 
up  of  rich  benefactions  to  the  Church,  was  dead  ;  his  widow, 
dreading  the  worst  at  the  hands  of  Charles,  accompanied  by 
some  nobles,  took  her  sons,  the  rightful  heirs  to  the  vacant 
throne,  and  fled  to  the  court  of  Desiderius  (believed  to 
have  been  her  father)1  for  refuge.  Charles  possessed  himself 
of  his  kingdom ;  his  act  was  denounced  by  Desiderius  as  a 
usurpation  ;  but  Hadrian  heard  that  the  subjects  of  Carloman 
had  duly  elected  and  crowned  him,  that  the  hierarchy  was 
duly  represented  at  the  election,  and  ratified  the  popular 
choice  by  the  sacerdotal  act  of  unction.  That  event  also  he 
accepted  as  an  accomplished  fact,  rejoicing  in  the  thought 
that  the  patrician  of  Rome  was  monarch  of  the  whole 
Frankish  empire.  Could  the  Church  desire  a  more  power- 
ful and  devoted  defender?  Was  he  not  the  most  zealous 
champion  of  the  faith,  and  even  then  engaged  in  imposing 
the  gentle  yoke  of  Christ  on  the  fierce  pagans,  who  perse- 
cuted the  messengers  of  the  cross  and  destroyed  the  sanctu- 
aries of  the  Christians? 

Such  were  his  feelings  towards  Charles,  and  could  he  hesi- 
tate as  to  whose  cause  it  was  his  duty  to  espouse,  the  Patri- 
cian's or  the  Lombard's  ?  He  would  not  have  been  a  true 
Roman  pontiff  without  accepting  fully  the  policy  of  his  pre- 
decessors towards  the  kings  of  the  iron  crown.  Stephen 
said  that  the  enmity  of  the  Lombards  to  the  papal  see  was 
implacable ;  the  reader  of  his  epistle  might  truly  add  that 
the  enmity  of  the  popes  to  the  Lombards  was  superlatively 
so.2 


1  See  p.  77,  note  2.  2  See  p.  79. 


88  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

On  the  accession  of  Hadrian,  Desiderius  tried  to  estab- 
lish friendly  relations,  but  ineffectually.  Such  delightful  as- 
surances of  his  good  will  as  he  sent  to  the  king  did  not  ex- 
actly tend  in  the  direction  of  amity.  He  was  a  man  of 
peace,  he  said,  and  desired  to  live  at  peace  with  all  men,  but 
how  could  he  follow  peace,  and  trust  a  king  who,  on  the  au- 
thority of  his  sainted  predecessor,  failed  to  perform  to  the 
Church  the  most  sacred  obligations  he  had  undertaken  ? 

It  is  not  clear  if  this  bluntness  was  uninspired  ;  at  any 
rate  it  incensed  the  king,  who  nevertheless  proposed  an  al- 
liance between  Hadrian  and  himself  against  Charles,  and, 
with  a  view  to  terrifying  him  into  compliance,  ordered  the 
occupation  by  Lombard  troops  of  the  cities  of  Faenza, 
Ferrara,  and  Comacchio,  which  King  Pepin  and  his  royal 
sons  had  added  to  the  papal  jurisdiction.  Hadrian  demanded 
their  restoration  as  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  amicable 
intercourse,  but  Desiderius  remained  deaf  to  his  expostu- 
lations, although  he  changed  his  tone  when  Gerberga  arrived 
with  her  children.  He  took  up  their  cause  and  appealed  to 
the  justice,  compassion,  and  gratitude  of  Hadrian,  urging 
him  to  befriend  the  orphans  and  anoint  them  kings  of  the 
Franks  ;  but  appealed  in  vain,  for  Hadrian  refused.1 

He  was  angry,  and  in  his  anger  thought  him  recreant  to 
the  duties  of  his  high  office  and  a  time-server.  Nor  was  the 
matter  of  Gerberga  and  her  children  his  sole  grievance ;  he 
believed  Hadrian  implicated  in  the  assassination  of  Paul 
Afiarte,2  his  own  strong  partisan  at  Rome,  in  spite  of  the 
pontiff's  declaration  that  he  had  only  banished  him  for  the 
godly  purpose  of  placing  him  in  the  way  of  repentance  and 
saving  his  soul. 

In  such  a  frame  of  mind  the  king  of  the  Lombards  under- 
took, at  the  head  of  an   army,  accompanied  by  his  whole 

1  Vita  Hadriani,  cc.  16-25  !  cf.  before  Pope  Stephen  died  ;  but  Paul 
Vita  Caroli,  c.  6. ;  Annal.  Lauriss. ;  had  also  committed  himself  to  the  in- 
Chron.  Moiss.,  Cod.  Carol,  (ed.  Jaffe)  discreet  speech,  that  he  meant,  if  need 
No.  57.  be,  to  take    Hadrian    "  with    a    rope 

2  Paul  was  banished  on  the  charge  around  his  feet "  before  Desiderius. 
of  having  blinded  and  killed  Sergius,  — Vita  Hadriani,  c.  16  sqq. 


Chapter  II.]  FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  89 

family,  Gerberga  and  her  children,  and  Otgar,  the  doughty- 
Frank  and  partisan  of  Carloman,  to  break  the  adamantine 
stubbornness  of  Hadrian,  and  force  him  to  do  his  bidding. 
He  marched  upon  Rome  and  demanded  an  interview  with 
him. 

Hadrian  refused  it,  believing  that  the  protection  of  the 
patrician  would  suffice  to  shield  the  Church  and  humble  the 
Lombard. 

He  sent  messengers  to  Charles  by  sea  entreating  him  to 
hasten  to  Italy,  and  protect  the  Church  from  the  machi- 
nations of  Desiderius,  the  enemy  alike  of  himself  and 
Charles.  He  was  bent  upon  separating  him,  Hadrian,  from 
the  love  of  Charles,  and  with  a  view  to  dividing  Francia  had 
asked  him  to  anoint  the  sons  of  Carloman  kings ;  nothing 
would  satisfy  him  but  the  subjugation  of  Rome  and  all  Italy 
under  his  sceptre.  He  had  steadfastly  refused  to  do  his  bid- 
ding ;  the  Lombard  had  already  seized  the  cities  of  Faenza, 
Ferrara  and  Comacchio,  and  in  spite  of  his  (Hadrian's)  pro- 
test and  earnest  exhortation  declined  to  surrender  them. 

Such  was  his  message  to  Charles ;  he  likewise  did  all  he 
could  in  the  way  of  preparing  for  armed  resistance ;  he  col- 
lected as  many  troops  as  he  was  able  to  raise  and  put  Rome 
in  a  state  of  defence.  And,  in  the  last  instance,  sent  three 
bishops  to  Desiderius  forbidding  him,  on  pain  of  the  inter- 
dict, to  violate  the  territory  of  the  Church. 

They  met  him  at  Viterbo  and,  strange  to  tell,  arrested 
his  progress.  We  may  not  be  able  to  see  in  his  action  the 
miracle  wrought  by  the  threatened  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation, because  it  is  not  improbable  that  certain  intelligence 
of  the  tempest  gathering  beyond  the  Alps  dictated  the  ne- 
cessity of  a  change  in  the  disposition  of  his  army.  But  be 
that  as  it  may,  the  fact  remains  that  Desiderius  returned. 

It  is  charged  that  he  caused  the  report  to  go  abroad  that 
he  had  restored  the  cities ;  but  the  Frankish  ambassadors, 
who,  in  response  to  Hadrian's  complaints,  arrived  at  Rome, 
verified  the  contrary,  and  in  company  with  papal  legates, 
proceeded  to  Desiderius  demanding  their  surrender.  De- 
siderius refused. 


90  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Charles  sent  a  second  embassy  renewing  the  demand,  and 
offering  to  pay  him  an  indemnity  of  fourteen  thousand  gold 
solidi  for  their  restoration.  It  does  not  appear  if  the 
Frankish  proposal  was  absolute  or  conditional,  for  the  pre- 
cise terms  are  not  known  ;  if  it  was  absolute,  the  infatuation 
of  Desiderius  must  have  been  great ;  if  conditional,  as 
some  think,  suggesting  the  surrender  not  only  of  the  Ro- 
man cities,  but  of  the  royal  refugees  at  his  court,  his  second 
refusal  becomes  honorable  and  chivalrous.  It  is  only  just 
to  add,  that  the  seizure  of  the  cities,  though  a  high-handed 
measure,  was  hardly  an  act  of  rapacity ;  he  took  them  osten- 
sibly as  a  pledge  or  security  for  the  payment  of  a  loan  of 
his  to  the  pope. 

The  persistent  refusal  of  Desiderius  exasperated  Charles ; 
he  summoned  the  hcerbann,  and  upon  due  reflection  con- 
cluded that  the  gravity  of  the  situation  provoked  the  arbit- 
rament of  the  sword,  and  that  he  must  needs  undertake  this 
war  for  the  protection  of  the  Church.  He  accordingly  pro- 
ceeded with  all  the  military  strength  of  the  Franks  to 
Geneva,  and  there  made  all  necessary  dispositions  for  the 
commencement  of  hostilities.1 

While  preparations  were  in  progress  the  customary  na- 
tional sanction  of  the  enterprise  was  obtained  in  the  diet 
held  there,  it  seems  in  May  ; 2  there  was  a  due  declaration  of 
war,3  and  the  army  was  separated  into  two  grand  divisions, 
one  commanded  by  Charles  in  person,  and  the  other  by  his 
uncle  Bernard,  son  of  Charles  Martel.4 

He  took  the  route  of  Mount  Cenis,  his  uncle  that  of 
Mount  Jupiter,  that  is  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  which  some 
think  owes  its  Christian  name  to  this  march.  The  passage 
of  the  Alps  was  difficult,  but  not  more  so  than  usual,  for 
although  we  read,  in  rather  vague  phrase,  of  "  the  hardships 

1  See  on  the  preceding  paragraphs  :  c.    9.   MG.    SS.   III.,  476.  —  Annal. 

Annal.    Lauriss. ,  Vita    Caroli,    c.    6  ;  Einh. 

Chron.   Moiss. ;  Cod.    Carol.,   57  (ed.  2  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Guelf.;  Einh. 

Jaffe) ;  Vita  Hadriani,  cc.  16-26,  29;  3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  6. 

Paul.  Diac.  c.  MG.   SS.  Langob.  201,  4  See  Geneal.  Table. 
202. ;  cf.Baronius  ;  and  Chron.  Salern., 


Chapter  II.]  FALL  OF  THE  LOMBARDS.  91 

that  the  Franks  endured  in  climbing  the  trackless  mountain 
ridges,  the  heaven-aspiring  cliffs,  and  ragged  peaks,"  1  it  is 
doubtful  if  these  were  chosen  ;  both  armies  doubtless  fol- 
lowed the  easiest  roads  available.  The  passage  by  Mount 
Cenis,  regarded  as  the  gate  of  Italy,  was  expected  and  dis- 
puted. Desiderius  had  caused  all  the  valleys  and  ap- 
proaches leading  from  Francia  into  Italy  to  be  strongly 
fortified. 

When  Charles  reached  the  cluses  {clauses)  he  seems  to 
have  ordered  a  halt,  and  before  attacking  the  formidable 
walls  and  towers  again  sent  ambassadors  to  Desiderius 
demanding  the  surrender  of  the  papal  cities,  and  expressing 
his  readiness  to  accept  three  hostages  for  the  faithful  fulfil- 
ment of  the  request. 

But  this  seems  as  improbable  as  an  alleged  defeat  of  the 
Franks  by  Adelchis  ;  their  consternation  and  preparations 
for  a  retreat,  when,  by  divine  interposition,  the  king  of  the 
Lombards  gave  up  all  resistance  and  fled  in  hot  haste. 

It  appears  more  reasonable  to  explain  the  undoubted 
flight  of  Desiderius  in  another  way.  Charles,  unwilling  to 
sacrifice  his  army  in  storming  the  fortifications,  ordered  his 
scarce  to  turn  the  enemy's  position,  and  when  that  had  been 
accomplished,  the  Lombards  fled.  We  may  reject  as  history, 
but  introduce  as  legend,  the  story  of  the  Lombard  jester 
who  found  his  way  into  the  Frankish  camp,  singing  a  strange 
song  with  this  meaning :  "  What  reward  will  be  given  to  the 
man  who  shall  safely  conduct  Charles  into  Italy  ?  on  paths 
where  no  spear  will  be  hurled,  nor  shield  raised  against  him, 
nor  any  hurt  come  to  him  or  his?"  The  story  continues 
773]  that  he  was  taken  before  the  king,  who  promised  him 
all  he  asked.  It  is  not  incredible  that  Martin,  the  deacon, 
guided  the  Franks,  and  certain  that  for  many  years  to  come 
the  "  Way  of  the  Franks  "  was  known  in  the  mountains  as 
the  road  by  which  the  troopers  of  Charles  turned  the  Lom- 
bard position  and  entered  the  plain  country. 

The  appearance  of  so  formidable  an  enemy  in  their  rear, 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  vi. 


92  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

or  perhaps  more  accurately,  intelligence  of  his  approach, 
decided  the  course  of  the  Lombards,  who  could  not  indulge 
the  hope  of  the  successful  issue  of  an  engagement  with  the 
Franks  so  superior  to  them  in  numbers,  discipline,  general- 
ship, and  moral  prestige.  Retreat  to  the  shelter  of  a  fortress 
was  a  military  necessity,  and  neither  Charles  nor  Bernard 
appears  to  have  encountered  opposition  in  the  open  field. 

The  Lombard  forces  became  demoralized  and  disbanded. 
Desiderius  shut  himself  up  in  Pavia,  and  strengthened  its 
fortifications,  while  Adelchis,  accompanied  by  the  widow 
and  sons  of  Carloman,  sought  the  protection  of  Verona,  then 
the  strongest  city  in  all  Italy.1 

The  moral  effect  of  the  Frankish  invasion  was  tremen- 
dous ;  the  vassals  of  Desiderius,  and  many  towns,  perceiving 
themselves  isolated,  and  entirely  cut  off  from  the  sovereign 
and  the  seat  of  government,  only  consulted  their  own  safety, 
and  either  submitted  to  the  conqueror  or  fled  to  the  pope, 
who  transformed  them  into  Roman  citizens  by  the  simple 
expedient  of  making  them  wear  their  hair  in  the  Roman 
fashion. 

During  the  progress  of  the  siege  negotiations  took  place, 
but  their  character  is  not  known.  Desiderius  made  a  gallant 
defence  of  the  city,  repulsed  the  first  assault  with  spirit  and 
skill,  and  compelled  Charles  to  undertake  the  complete  in- 
vestment of  the  place,  which  was  very  spacious,  strongly 
fortified,  and  well  supplied  with  provisions.  A  Frankish 
city  arose  under  the  walls  of  Pavia,  in  which  a  chapel  was 
built,  and  a  military  court  established,  which  was  presently 
graced  by  the  arrival  of  Queen  Hildegard. 

Thus  winter  passed  away,  and  the  question  of  the  fall  of 
the  Lombard  capital  and  that  of  the  Lombard  dynasty  was 
only  one  of  time.  The  mass  of  the  people  of  the  Lombard 
kingdom  was  still  Roman,  and  indifferent  if  it  obeyed  a 
Lombard  despot  or  a  Frank  ;  the  presence  of  a  victorious 
army  numerically  superior  to  that   of  Desiderius,  and  the 

1  Annal.    Aug.     Laus.    a.     774 ;  S.      Petav.  ;  Maxim. — Cf.    Chron.    Noval. 
Amandi  ;  Lauriss. ;  Chron.   Moiss.  a.      III.  7,  14. 
773;  Vita  Hadr.  cc.  29-31,  34;  Annal. 


Chapter  II.]  FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  93 

zealous  co-operation  of  an  army  of  ecclesiastics  implacably- 
hostile  to  the  Lombards,  caused  wide-spread  defection  which 
made  the  king  of  the  Franks  virtually  and  de  facto  master 
of  the  whole  of  northern  Italy.  Every  day  weakened  the 
tottering  fabric  of  Lombard  rule,  brightened  the  prospect  of 
a  speedy  conquest  by  Charles,  and  raised  the  fondest  ex- 
pectations of  the  pontiff. 

774]  Hadrian  sent  most  pressing  and  flattering  invitations 
to  Charles  to  come  to  Rome,  and  promised  him  a  reception 
never  before  accorded  to  a  German  prince.  They  were 
accepted,  and,  leaving  the  conduct  of  the  siege  in  the  hands 
of  his  lieutenants,  he  set  out  for  Rome. 

His  progress  was  one  of  triumph.  The  Senate  and  the 
nobles  went  forth  to  greet  the  Patrician,  who  came  attired 
in  Roman  costume,  and  was  attended  by  a  brilliant  retinue. 
They  proceeded  as  far  as  Novi,  thirty  miles  distant.  On 
Easter  Even  he  approached  the  city  by  the  Flaminian  Way, 
which  for  the  distance  of  a  mile  was  lined  with  the  flower  of 
the  Roman  soldiery,  and  the  Schools,  or  national  communi- 
ties of  Greeks,  Lombards,  Saxons  and  others,  while  young 
children  waved  palms  and  olive  branches  in  triumphal  re- 
joicing, and  sang  hymns  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  in  honor 
of  the  victorious  deliverer  of  the  Church  of  God. 

At  the  gates  an  imperial  reception  awaited  him  at  the 
hands  of  the  most  honored  dignitaries,  who  carried  the  ven- 
erable standards  and  crosses  of  the  city. 

The  sight  of  the  cross  stirred  the  religious  sentiment  of 
the  king  ;  he  dismounted,  and  his  example  was  instantly 
followed  by  all  the  officers  and  nobles  of  his  suite  ;  he  en- 
tered the  city  on  foot  and  proceeded  to  the  ancient  basilica 
of  St.  Peter ;  as  he  ascended  the  stairs  he  kissed  each  step 
in  a  burst  of  reverential  devotion,  and  when  he  reached  the 
top,  Hadrian,  at  the  head  of  his  clergy,  gave  him  affec- 
tionate welcome.  They  kissed,  but  even  on  the  way  to  the 
altar  the  king  walked  on  the  right  of  the  pope.1 

1  The  pope,  at  that  time,  certainly  ity. — The  whole  account  of  this  mem- 
had  not  the  faintest  thought  of  assert-  orable  visit  follows  the  "Vita  Ha- 
ing  his  equality,  still  less  his  superior-      driani." 


94  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Charles  was  not  remiss  in  any  of  the  outward  tokens  of 
Christian  devotion  ;  he  performed  the  prescript  round,  then 
in  vogue  with  pilgrims,  of  all  the  basilicas ;  repaired  to  the 
Lateran  to  witness  the  administration  of  baptism  by  the 
pope,  and  on  Easter  Day  set  the  edifying  example  of  receiv- 
ing at  his  hands,  in  the  basilica  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  the 
Holy  Communion. 

Dinner  in  the  Lateran  prepared  the  way  for  much  private 
intercourse.  The  pope  approved  all  his  acts  past  and 
future,  nor  failed  to  incite  him  to  generosity  by  the  presenta- 
tion of  the  deed  of  the  territorial  grant  made  by  his  father 
of  blessed  memory  to  Stephen  his  predecessor.  This  is  said 
to  have  occurred  in  St.  Peter's  on  Wednesday  in  Easter 
week.  The  sight  of  that  document,  says  the  report,  moved 
the  king  not  only  to  confirm  the  grant  but  to  augment  it  by 
further  donations  in  territory  which  would  soon  become  his 
by  the  right  of  conquest. 

It  was  not  an  oral  promise  only,  but  drawn  up  in  writing. 
There  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter  the  king  gave  to  the 
apostle  and  promised  to  the  pope  the  cities  and  territory 
within  the  line  of  Luni,  together  with  the  island  of  Corsica, 
following  that  of  Saranza,  the  Mons  Bardonis,  Berceto, 
Parma,  Reggio,  Mantua,  and  Monselice,  the  entire  Exarchate 
as  originally  defined,  as  well  as  the  Venetian  provinces, 
Istria,  and  lastly  the  duchies  of  Spoleto  and  Benevento. 

The  grant,  writes  Anastasius,  was  duly  signed  by  all  the 
bishops,  abbots,  dukes  and  counts  present  and  drawn  up  in 
triplicate ;  one  copy  the  king,  with  his  own  hands,  placed 
upon  the  high  altar  of  the  church,  a  second  he  deposited  in 
the  tomb  of  the  apostles,  and  a  third  (even  more  copies  are 
mentioned)  he  kept  for  safe  keeping  in  the  Frankish  ar- 
chives. 

Unfortunately  all  the  copies  have  been  lost,  and  lost  long 
ago,  for  not  one  of  them  has  ever  been  produced. 

The  high  contracting  parties  then  and  there  bound  them- 
selves by  the  most  sacred  and  terrible J  oaths  to  the  inviolate 

1  "  Sub  terribili  sacramento." 


Chapter  II.]  FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  95 

observance  of  all  the  provisions  of  the  engagement,  which, 
if  it  ever  was  entered  into,  was  one  of  the  most  memorable 
of  record. 

Without  discussing  the  wide  question  of  the  evidence,  it 
is  not  hazardous  to  express  doubt,  for  it  is  hard  to  believe 
that  so  sagacious  and  cautious  a  man  as  Charles  should  ever 
have  committed  himself  to  the  bestowal  of  territory,  the 
greater  part  of  which  did  not  yet  belong  to  him  ;  and,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  alleged  donation  could  not  have  been  in 
any  sense  real,  since  his  successors  enjoyed  until  about  the 
eleventh  century  all  the  rights  of  full  sovereignty  over  the 
patrimony  of  St.  Peter.1 

Before  parting  the  pope  is  said  to  have  presented  to  the 
king  a  copy  of  the  canons  of  the  Church  with  a  metrical 
dedication,  inscribed  with  his  own  hand,  and  forming  the 
anagram  "  Pope  Hadrian  to  his  most  excellent  son,  King 
Charles  the  Great."  The  dedication  styles  him  "  the  de- 
fender of  Holy  Church  who,  after  the  example  of  his  father, 
and  with  the  help  of  Christ  and  the  keys  of  St.  Peter,  had 
trodden  under  foot  the  nations,  his  enemies  ;  "  it  adds,  "  that 
the  light  of  the  true  doctrine  shone  on  his  throne ;  that  he 
had  restored  to  the  Church  her  ancient  possessions  ;  that  he 
had  conquered  the  Lombards  and  Huns  ;  that  the  fame  of 
his  glorious  line  was  destined  to  resound  throughout  the 
world,"  and  concludes  thus:  "he  reigns  high,  noble  and  in 
splendor  over  the  kingdoms  which  obey  his  sceptre  ;  he 
has  followed  the  wake  of  the  apostles  ;  the  people  have 
welcomed  him  with  songs  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  ;  Pope 
Hadrian,  the  pontiff  of  Christ,  predicts  his  triumph  ;  Peter 
and  Paul  are  sure  to  protect  him."  2 

A  dedication  inscribed  to  "  Charles  the  Great "  in  774, 
and  adverting  to  the  conquest  of  the  Huns,  which  occurred 
more  than  twenty-one  years  later  and  after  the  death  of 
Hadrian,  is  either  a  most  wonderful  prophecy  or  the  pro- 

1  Vita  Hadriani,  cc.  42,  43. — Codex  Corsica,  Leonis  II.  ep.  Jaffe,  Bibl.  IV., 

Carol,  (ed.  Jaffe)  Nos.  54,  56,  61,  70-  p.  310. 

74  ;  also  respecting  Spoleto,   No.   57,  2  Sirmond,   Concil.    Gall.    t.    ii.,    p. 

Benevento,    Nos.     83,    84,     87,    and  117. 


96  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

duction  of  an  author  not  well  up  in  chronology.  It  is  un- 
questionably a  forgery. 

Slightly  anticipating  the  order  of  events,  it  seems  safest 
to  conclude  the  account  of  the  donation  in  the  words  of 
Einhard  :  "  Suffice  it  to  say  that  this  war  ended  with  the 
subjection  of  Italy,  the  banishment  of  King  Desiderius  for 
life,  the  expulsion  of  his  son  Adelchis  from  Italy,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  conquests  of  the  Lombard  kings  to  Ha- 
drian, the  head  of  the  Roman  Church."  l 

The  meeting  of  the  king  and  the  pope  was  one  of  clear 
understanding ;  they  formed  a  strong  and  enduring  alliance 
of  mutual  friendship  and  support,  and  commemorated  the 
event  by  ordering  a  medal  to  be  struck  which  represents 
them  holding  conjointly  the  Gospels  lying  on  an  altar  ;  bear- 
ing on  the  obverse  the  words :  "  With  thee  as  with  Peter, 
with  thee  as  with  Gaul,"  and  on  the  reverse,  the  legend : 
"  Sacred  League."  2 

They  had  looked  into  each  other's  eyes,  and  essayed  to 
probe  each  other,  with  the  result,  that  they  deemed  them- 
selves as  mutually  indispensable  as  the  hands  of  the  body, 
which,  in  the  proverbial  phrase  of  Germany,  wash  one  an- 
other. Hadrian,  before  they  parted,  advised  his  royal  guest 
to  seize  the  whole  of  Lombardy,  but  warned  him  against 
its  incorporation  with  the  Frankish  empire  ;  he  thought 
the  style  and  title  of  "  King  of  the  Franks  and  of  Lom- 
bardy "  ought  to  content  him,  and  that  such  a  course  would 
both  enhance  his  personal  popularity  and  conciliate  the 
people.  He  wrote  in  the  same  strain  afterwards,  for  he  had 
the  matter  much  at  heart,  and  doubtless  thought  not  less  of 
his  own  interests  than  of  those  of  his  most  excellent  son. 
Hitherto  he  had  been  able  to  invoke  the  aid  of  the  king  of 
the  Franks  against  the  Lombards,  but  in  the  possible  event 
of  a  disagreement  with  the  king  of  the  Franks,  as  master  of 
Italy,  whose  aid  could  he  seek  against  him  ?  Charles  took 
the  hint,  but  worked  it  in  his  own  way.3 

1  Vita,  c.  6.  Reverse  :      "  Sacr.     foed." — Leblanc, 

2  Obverse  :     "Tecum     sicut     cum      Trait/  des  Monnaies. 

Pelro,     tecum     sicut     cum     Gallia."  3  Cod.  Carol.    Ep.    55,    apud    Bou- 


Chapter  II.]  FALL  OF  THE   LOMBARDS.  97 

Laden  with  the  benisons  of  the  pontiff,  the  king  returned 
to  the  army  before  Pavia,  and  ordered  the  most  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  war,  not  only  under  his  own  immediate 
observation,  but  at  Verona,  which  was  also  girdled  by  his 
steel-clad  warriors,  and  throughout  the  territory  north  of  the 
Po.  The  results  became  soon  manifest  ;  the  northern 
country  submitted  without  much  resistance  ;  Pavia  held  out 
two  months  longer,  until  famine  and  pestilence,  sent  (ac- 
cording to  Anastasius)  by  an  angry  God,  compelled  Desi- 
derius  to  open  her  gates,  and  surrender  at  discretion. 

The  isolated  notice1  that  he  and  the  Lombards  entered 
the  Frankish  camp  and  voluntarily  laid  down  their  arms  is 
credible  ;  but  there  is  no  good  ground  for  the  story  that  an 
Italian,  called  Peter,  treacherously  opened  the  gates  to  the 
conqueror,  and  in  reward  of  the  act  became  bishop  of  Ver- 
dun.2 An  ancient  chronicler  also  narrates  the  treason,  but 
makes  Desiderata  the  traitor.  According  to  him,  she  wrote 
a  letter  to  Charles,  tied  it  to  a  stone,  thrust  it  by  means  of  a 
ballista,  or  military  engine,  into  the  hostile  camp,  in  which 
she  undertook  to  give  him  the  city  if  he  would  marry  her. 
She  received  a  favorable  reply,  stole  the  keys,  despatched  a 
second  letter  by  ballista,  and  notified  her  lover  that  that 
selfsame  night,  at  a  given  signal,  he  might  enter  the  city. 
The  gates  were  opened  at  the  set  time,  when  the  love-lorn 
maiden  hastened  forth  to  greet  her  husband,  but  in  the 
tumult  and  the  darkness  of  the  night  was  trampled  to  death 
by  the  horses.3  The  ridiculous  myth,  doubtless  the  inven- 
tion of  a  later  age,  may  possibly  cover  something  which  the 
obsequious  annalists  would  not  or  dared  not  record. 

It  is  certain  that  Pavia  was  surrendered,  that  Desiderius, 
Ansa  his  queen,  and  Desiderata  his  daughter,  became  pris- 
oners of  war,  and  that  the  royal  treasure  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Charles. 

The  fall  of  Verona  followed,  some  say  preceded,4  that  of 

quet.     The  epistle  was  written  before  2  MG.  SS.  iv.,  44. 

the  capture  of  Pavia.     Muratori  fails  3  Chron.  Noval,  III.,  14. 

to  establish  the  date  of  782.     Annali  *  For  authorities   and    reasons    see 

dTtalia,  IV..  p.  365.  Bohmer,  /.  c. ,  64. 
1  Ann.  Lauriss.  minor. 
7 


98  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Pavia.  The  gallant  Adelchis  held  out  to  the  last,  but,  pre- 
ferring voluntary  exile  to  the  dreaded  fate  of  involuntary 
religious  contemplation,  left  the  city  to  its  fate.  He  was  the 
last  hope  of  the  Lombards,  and  in  expectation  of  a  turn 
in  the  affairs  of  his  country  sought  the  coast,  sailed  to 
Constantinople,  found  a  hospitable  and  cordial  welcome  at 
the  court  of  Constantine,  and  there  grew  old  with  the  hon- 
ors of  the  rank  of  a  patrician.1  It  will  be  remembered 
that  the  widow  and  children  of  Carloman,  together  with 
Otgar,  were  in  Verona ;  they  also  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Charles. 

What  became  of  her  and  hers  is  not  known  ;  the  fate  of 
the  members  of  the  royal  family  also,  who  went  into  ban- 
ishment, is  by  no  means  established.  The  most  respect- 
able authorities  simply  state  that  Charles  carried  them  into 
Francia;2  others  add,  that  Desiderius  and  Ansa  were  shut 
up  in  the  monastery  of  Corbie,  where  he  spent  the  residue  of 
his  days  in  vigils,  prayers,  and  fasting,  and  many  good  works  ;3 
and  still  others  speak  of  a  more  fearful  fate.  The  com- 
mon people  of  Italy  believed,  as  late  as  the  eleventh  century, 
that  the  conqueror  caused  his  eyes  to  be  put  out  before  he 
left  Pavia;4  but  such  a  statement,  though  not  incredible,  is 
certainly  weakened  by  the  explicit  declaration  of  a  con- 
temporary Lombard  historian,  famed  for  his  great  attach- 
ment to  the  Lombard  family,  "  that  he  [Charles]  exhibited 
the  rare  example  of  tempering  his  victory  with  clemency."  5 

It  seems,  therefore,  most  charitable  to  indulge  the  hope 
that  all  the  royal  captives  found  the  best  asylum  to  be  had 
in  those  fearful  days  in  the  seclusion  of  cloistered  walls. 

The  capture  of  the  royal  family  and  treasure,  the  flight  of 
Adelchis,  the  fall  of  the  capital  and  the  strongest  cities,  to- 
gether with  the  virtual  conquest  of  the  whole  country,  left 
the  dukes,  princes,  and  nobles  of  the  Lombard  dominion 
no  other  choice  but  that  of  acknowledging  the  supremacy 

1  Annal.  Einh.  3  Annal.  Sangall.  maj.  cf.  Bouquet, 

2  Annal.  S.  Amand.,  Mosell.,  Lau-     V.,  385. 

resh.— -Vita  Hadr.,  c.  44.  *  Chron.  Salem. 

5  Paul.  Diac.  MG.  SS.  II.,  p.  265. 


Chapter  II.]  FALL   OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  99 

of  the  king  of  the  Franks  and  accepting  him  as  their  lord. 
All  took  the  oath  of  fealty,  except  the  dukes  of  Benevento 
and  Spoleto. 

Thus  ended  the  Lombard  dynasty,  which  had  lasted  two 
774]  hundred  and  four  years.  The  earliest  authentic  date 
of  the  change  is  June  5th  ;  it  occurs  in  a  document,  exe- 
cuted on  that  day  in  the  city  of  Pavia,  and  marks  the  begin- 
ning of  the  second  period  of  the  reign  of  Charles  (774-800), 
during  which  he  bore  the  title  of  "  King  of  the  Franks  and 
Lombards,"  augmented  by  the  further  designation  of  "  Patri- 
cian of  the  Romans."  The  epoch  of  the  event  is  now  ac- 
cepted to  lie  between  the  30th  of  May  and  the  2d  of  June.1 

We  cannot  vouch  for  the  reality  of  the  grand  and  impos- 
ing ceremonial  alleged  to  have  been  enacted  in  the  cathe- 
dral of  Monza,  but  give  it  as  one  of  the  numerous  legends 
belonging  to  this  reign. 

On  a  set  day  the  Estates  of  Lombardy  were  assembled, 
and  Charles,  attended  by  a  large  number  of  bishops,  was  con- 
ducted to  the  presence  of  the  archbishop  of  Milan,  who  asked 
them  if  they  were  willing  to  be  subject  and  render  faithful 
obedience  to  the  king  before  them.  The  sacred  edifice  rang 
with  their  loud  acclaim.  Mass  was  begun,  and  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  service  the  archbishop  anointed  the  king,  girded 
him  with  a  sword,  presented  to  him  the  bracelets,  the  ring, 
and  the  royal  mantle,  and  crowned  him  with  the  golden 
crown,  which  on  account  of  an  iron  band  on  the  inner  side, 
believed  to  have  been  wrought  of  the  nails  used  in  the 
Crucifixion,  bears  the  name  of  the  "  Iron  Crown."  2 

The  legendary  character  of  this  pretended  coronation  at 
Monza  is  clearly  established,  for  according  to  Lombard 
usage  the  elevation  of  the  sovereign  was  attended,  not  by 
coronation,   but  the  presentation   of  a  spear.     The  "  Iron 

1  See  authorities  in  Bohmer,  /.  c.  ing  burden,  and  that  "  all  is  not  gold 

2  Some  hold  that  anciently  the  iron  that  glitters."  See  Sigonius,  p.  145; 
band  was  the  only  crown  in  use,  while  cf.  Muratori,  Anecd.  II.,  267  sqq. 
others  assert  that  one  of  the  Lombard  Le  Cointe,  VI.,  51  sqq.;  Leibniz, 
queens  devised  the  plan  of  two  kinds  of  Annates,  I.,  55  sq.;  Pauli  Diac.  Hist, 
metal  as  a  standing  admonition  to  the  Langob.,  VI.,  55.  SS.  rer.  Langob., 
kings  that  the  crown  is  often  a  crush-  p.  184. 


100  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Crown,"  moreover,  could  not  have  been  used,  for  the  ex- 
cellent reason  that  Queen  Theodelinda  did  not  institute  it 
till  centuries  later,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Henry  of  Luxem- 
burg is  believed  to  have  been  the  first  German  emperor 
who  wore  it,  in  A.D.  131 1. 

The  archbishop  then  declared  him  duly  elected  and 
crowned  king  of  the  Lombards,  led  him  to  a  throne,  gave 
him  the  customary  kiss,  and  concluded  the  service.1 

The  alleged  service  was  designed  to  convey  the  impression 
that  though  the  dynasty  had  changed,  the  kingdom  of  the 
Lombards  continued  ;  that  its  autonomy  was  preserved  ;  that 
the  old  ways  should  be  followed,  and  the  old  laws  main- 
tained. 

It  is  certain,  that  the  conqueror  restored  to  the  keeping 
of  the  pope  the  cities  and  territories  which  the  Lombard 
had  seized,  bestowed  rich  gifts  on  certain  monasteries,  left 
strong  French  garrisons  in  Pavia  and  other  cities,  and  re- 
turned with  great  triumph  into  Francia.2 

1  Hist.    Eccl.    Medial.    Dec.    I.,   1.  2  Annal.     Bertin. — Murat.     II.,    2, 

cf.  Abel-Simson,  I.,  192  sq.  498;  Lauriss. ;  Bohmer, /. c. No.  163, a. 


CHAPTER  III. 

SAXON   WAR,    TO   CONVERSION   OF  WITTEKIND. 

The  Saxons.— Object  and  conduct  of  the  war.— Military  institutions  of  Charles. 

Eresburg. — Irminsul.— Miracle     at    Fritzlar. — Purpose     of     Charles. — 

Treachery.— Miracle  at  Sigburg.— Wholesale  baptism.— Wittekind.— 
Saxon  raid.— Bocholt.— Conversions.— Laws  for  the  Saxons.— Fight  at  the 
Suntel.—  Butchery  at  Verden.— Battles  at  Detmold,  and  on  theHase.— Win- 
ter campaign.— Negotiations  with  Wittekind.— His  conversion.— Legend.— 
Alcuin's  advice. 

THE  second  period  of  the  reign  of  Charles  spans  more  than 
a  quarter  of  a  century,  but  falls  short  by  six  years  of  one 
of  the  longest  and  most  remarkable  wars  ever  conducted. 
What  it  cost  in  human  life,  toil,  and  money  defies  numeri- 
cal expression,  since  all  trustworthy  data  indispensable  to 
such  a  calculation  are  wanting ;  but  the  expenditure  in  all 
three  must  have  been  enormous,  and  it  is  understating  the 
truth,  if  we  name  millions  of  lives,  and  many  millions  in 
money  or  its  equivalent.  The  foe  with  whom  it  was  waged 
was  terrible  in  strength,  ferocity,  vindictiveness,  and  valor, — 
we  may  say  was  not  only  the  equal  but  the  superior  of  the 
Franks  in  every  martial  attribute,  and  would  never  have 
been  subdued  even  by  Charles,  the  greatest  captain  of  his 
century,  had  he  known  the  secret  of  his  strength,  and,  under 
the  command,  say,  of  such  a  leader  as  Wittekind,  buried  all 
jealousies,  and  in  the  spirit  of  his  descendants,  who  found 
their  way  to  these  western  shores,  repelled  the  invaders. 

The  Saxons  were  divided,  and  their  unhappy  feuds  were 
the  chief  and  earliest  cause  of  their  misfortunes.  The  coun- 
try which  they  inhabited  was  not  too  vast  for  united  action; 
it  was  bounded  by  the  Rhine  in  the  west,  the  Elbe  in  the 
east,  the  Main  in  the  south,  the  sea  in  the  north.  Even 
their  neighbors,  with  few  exceptions,  were  friendly,  of  kin- 


102  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

dred  origin,  as  brave  as  they,  and,  on  an  emergency,  ready 
to  make  common  cause  with  them. 

They  were  a  splendid  people,  and  much  of  the  best  blood 
that  now  circles  in  the  veins  of  races  of  Germanic  and  Anglo- 
Saxon  origin  is  derived  from  them.  Had  we  a  true  Saxon 
annalist  or  chronicler  of  the  events  of  the  period  of  the 
Saxon  war  the  story  would  doubtless  read  differently,  but 
even  as  it  is  recorded  by  the  pens  of  ecclesiastical  and  obse- 
quious scribes,  it  is  one  of  thrilling  interest,  which,  taking  all 
in  all,  redounds  more  to  the  glory  of  the  subdued  than  to 
that  of  the  subduer. 

The  object  for  which  it  was  waged  was  partly  political, 
partly  religious.  The  Franks  claimed  that  it  was  defensive, 
the  Saxons  denounced  it  as  aggressive  ;  its  earliest  begin- 
nings doubtless  partook  of  that  double  character,  but  at  the 
period  under  notice  it  meant  conquest  pure  and  simple ;  the 
Saxons,  moreover,  were  pagan  idolaters,  and  the  Franks  pro- 
fessed Christianity ;  it  was  their  avowed  purpose  to  subdue 
them,  and  the  great  king  swore  that  they  must  be  subdued 
and  converted,  or  exterminated. 

For  thirty-two  long  and  terrible  years  the  struggle  was 
maintained  with  unabated  vigor  and  ever-increasing  severity 
until  the  Saxon  was  swept  from  his  ancestral  soil,  his  land 
owned  by  the  oppressor,  and  the  wilderness  of  devastation 
made  to  blossom  as  the  rose  under  the  shadow  of  Christian 
temples. 

If  the  object  of  the  war  was  peculiar,  so  was  its  method  ; 
it  was  utterly  unlike  modern  wars.  An  army  now  invades  a 
hostile  country  and  seeks  to  maintain  its  footing  until  it  de- 
feats or  is  defeated.  The  expeditions  of  Charles  were  mostly 
summer  campaigns  ;  he  had  no  standing  army,  and  his  heer- 
bann,  with  rare  exceptions,  returned  in  the  autumn  of  the 
year  to  their  homes,  rarely  went  into  winter  quarters,  and 
had  often  to  repair  the  damage  done  by  the  enemy  during 
their  absence,  before  they  could  begin  more  offensive  opera- 
tions, or  follow  up  their  advantage.  Excepting  his  scares, 
which  are  believed  to  have  been  a  kind  of  mounted  body- 
guard and  soldiers  by  profession,  always  at  hand  for  imme- 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.    103 

diate  service,  the  great  bulk  of  the  Frankish  army  was  a 
militia  whose  compulsory  response  to  the  annual  summons 
seldom  entailed  active  service  for  a  period  longer  than  a 
hundred  days. 

The  military  institutions  of  Charles  were  the  most  onerous 
and  least  popular  of  his  government ;  to  him  they  were  of  the 
utmost  importance,  for  without  them  he  could  not  have  con- 
quered so  large  a  portion  of  Europe  and  held  it,  with  trifling 
exceptions,  in  absolute  subjection.  He  devised  the  plan  of 
combining  the  old  military  constitution  of  the  Franks  with 
the  feudal  system,  in  virtue  of  which  not  only  his  vassals,  and 
their  liege-men,  but  also  all  freemen  possessed  of  independent 
freehold  property  were  bound  to  march  against  the  enemy. 
This  universal  obligation  to  military  service  was  called  the 
heerbann*  and  it  was  usual  to  apply  the  same  word,  or  its 
substitute  konigsbann,  to  the  fine  payable  to  the  king  by 
every  one  who  failed  to  render  it ;  the  fine  of  sixty  solidi 
was  a  sufficiently  large  sum  at  the  time  to  make  the  military 
service  strictly  compulsory. 

Every  freeman  was  bound  to  provide  his  own  outfit,  and 
for  the  space  of  three  months  his  own  support.  The  gen- 
erally impoverished  condition  of  the  people  required  special 
legislation,  in  virtue  of  which  it  was  enacted  that  he  who 
owned  from  three  to  five  mansi  had  to  march  against  the 
enemy  ;  those  who  owned  less  were  bound,  according  to 
their  ability,  to  be  at  the  expense  of  providing  the  outfit  and 
support  of  a  warrior,  some  paying  as  much  as  half  the  neces- 
sary amount,  others  only  a  third,  a  fifth,  or  a  sixth.  If  the 
theatre  of  war  was  within  easy  reach,  even  the  poor  had 
to  report  in  person  for  military  duty,  and  the  privilege  of  a 
plurality  of  persons  undertaking  the  outfit  and  support  of 
a  warrior  was  granted  only  when  the  military  operations 
were  at  a  considerable  distance,  say  in  Hungary,  Italy,  or 
Spain.  On  the  march  every  feudal  lord  or  master  com- 
manded his  own  vassals,  but  all  the  independent  freemen  of 

1  The  word  "  bann  "  is  used  in  three     jurisdiction.      See     Ducange,     s.    v., 
distinct  senses:  it    signifies   a   public     "bannum." 
edict,  a  judicial  fine,  and  a  district  or 


104  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

the  gan,  or  county,  were  led  by  their  count.  The  count 
only  had  the  power  of  granting  dispensations,  and  was  apt 
to  use  it  in  favor  of  his  own  feudaries  against  the  indepen- 
dent freeholders. 

The  hccrschau,  muster,  or  annual  parade,  took  place  in  the 
month  of  May,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  inspecting  the 
arms  of  those  liable  to  military  service ;  but  as  annual  war- 
like expeditions  were  the  rule  in  this  reign,  the  heerschau 
was  generally  the  rendezvous  for  an  impending  campaign. 
To  speak  somewhat  more  in  detail,  when  the  king  had 
resolved  upon  some  military  expedition,  he  sent  his  missi 
throughout  the  realm  to  summon  the  heerbann,  that  is,  re- 
quiring all  persons  liable  to  military  service  to  assemble  on  a 
given  day  and  at  a  set  place  for  the  muster  ;  those  who  came 
too  late  were  fined  ;  their  equipment  in  arms  consisted  of  a 
sword,  a  shield  and  a  lance,  or  where  no  lance  was  brought, 
a  bow  with  two  strings  and  twelve  arrows  was  accepted  in 
its  place.  The  proprietor  of  twelve  mansi  had  to  furnish 
a  cuirass  {brunia),  or  a  helmet ;  failure  to  supply  either 
imperilled  his  fief.  Owners  of  landed  property  on  the  line 
of  march  were  bound  to  furnish  transportation  for  the  per- 
sonal effects,  and  provisions  of  the  king,  the  court,  the  bish- 
ops, abbots,  and  counts.  The  counts  were  held  responsible 
for  good  roads  and  bridges,  and  not  slow  to  impose  this 
additional  burden  on  the  long-suffering  country  population  ; 
the  troops  were  quartered  upon  the  people  ;  and  the  counts, 
moreover,  expressly  enjoined  to  reserve  two-thirds  of  the 
grass  and  hay  in  their  counties,  so  that  the  horses  and  cattle 
of  the  host  might  not  come  to  grief.1 

•  The  first  expedition  which  Charles  undertook  against  the 
Saxons  was  in  consequence  of  a  disturbance  caused  by  the 
imprudent  zeal  of  Lebuinus,  one  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  mis- 
sionaries sent  forth  by  Willibrord  of  Utrecht.  He  seemed 
to  think  that  the  erection  of  a  church  was  the  one  thing 
needful  to  the  conversion  of  the  wicked  Saxons ;  but  as 
they  refused  to  go  to  it  and  hear  their  ancestors  evil  spoken 

1  Capitula  ad  exercit.  promov.  a.  80S. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.   105 

of,  and  declared  to  reap  the  reward  of  their  wickedness  in 
the  uncomfortable  regions  of  eternal  flame,  Lebuinus  re- 
solved to  go  to  them,  and  suited  his  visit  to  the  time  of 
their  Annual  Assembly  at  Eresburg,  and  the  great  national 
religious  festival  at  the  Irminsul. 

Arrayed  in  gorgeous  robes  and  carrying  a  cross  in  his 
hand,  the  zealous  missionary  passed  through  the  throng  to 
an  open  circular  enclosure,  peculiarly  sacred  to  the  worship- 
pers. 

The  Saxons  resented  the  intrusion  as  sacrilegious,  but 
suppressed  their  indignation,  and  for  a  while  listened  to  him. 
"  What  do  ye  ? "  he  cried,  "  the  idols  you  worship  live 
not,  neither  do  they  perceive ;  they  are  the  work  of  men's 
hands ;  they  cannot  do  anything,  either  for  themselves  or 
for  others.  Wherefore  the  one  God,  good  and  just,  having 
compassion  on  your  errors,  has  sent  me  unto  you.  If  you 
do  not  put  away  your  iniquity,  I  predict  trouble  which  you 
do  not  expect,  but  which  the  King  of  Heaven  has  ordained 
aforetime.  A  prince  shall  come,  strong,  wise,  and  indefati- 
gable, not  from  afar,  but  from  nigh  at  hand,  and  burst  upon 
you  like  a  torrent ;  he  shall  soften  your  hard  hearts  and  bow 
down  your  proud  heads.  At  one  rush  he  shall  invade  your 
land,  waste  it  with  fire  and  sword,  and  drag  you,  your  wives 
and  children,  into  captivity." 

The  people,  in  their  wrath,  would  have  killed  Lebuinus  on 
the  spot,  but  were  prevented  by  the  temperate  counsel  of 
tie  aged  Buto. 

"  Listen,  brethren,"  he  said,  "  ye  are  the  most  wise. 
There  have  often  come  to  us  ambassadors  from  neighboring 
nations,  from  the  Northmen,  the  Sclavonians,  and  the  Fris- 
ians ;  we  received  them  in  peace,  heard  what  they  had  to 
say  and  dismissed  them  with  presents.  Here  is  an  ambas- 
sador from  a  great  god,  and  would  ye  slay  him  ?  "  J 

His  counsel  prevailed  that  day ;  they  allowed  Lebuinus 
to  go  unhurt,  but  a  few  days  later,  set  on  fire  the  church  at 
Deventer. 

'Vita  Lebuini,  MG.  SS.  II.,  p.  363,  al. 


106  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Tidings  of  these  and  probably  other  disturbances  became 
known  to  Charles  in  due  course,  and  led  him  to  plan  and 
execute  the  first  Saxon  expedition.  It  is  not  at  all  improb- 
able that  the  aggressive  policy  of  the  Franks  was  one  of 
the  first  and  strongest  causes  of  Saxon  opposition  to  Chris- 
tianity. Undefined  territorial  limits  in  a  rude  state  of 
society  invariably  lead  to  war ;  all  along  the  Saxon  and 
Frisian  borders  life  and  property  were  insecure,  and  the 
fierce  pagans  ever  watched  for  convenient  seasons  of  retalia- 
tion. They  did  not  spare,  nor  did  the  Franks.  The  sub- 
jection or,  as  it  was  viewed  at  the  time,  the  conversion,  of 
the  Saxons  became  a  political  necessity.  Empire  and 
Christianity  were  synonymous  terms ;  the  Franks  were 
Christians,  the  Saxons  a  race  of  savage,  treacherous  idola- 
ters. Their  crimes  must  be  punished,  and  the  sword  alone 
could  decide  which  was  to  prevail,  idolatry  and  diabolism, 
or  Christianity  and  the  Franks.  It  was  the  finger  of  des- 
tiny ;  idolatry  must  perish,  and  Christianity  triumph ; 
Charles  was  strong  and  Francia  a  unit ;  the  Saxons  were 
strong,  but  they  were  divided  ;  they  had  almost  as  many 
chieftains  and  rulers  as  they  had  villages.  Their  subjuga- 
tion might  be  delayed,  but  it  was  inevitable. 

772]  The  expedition  took  place  after  the  Diet  had  been 
held  at  Worms,  and  was  conducted  by  Charles  in  person. 
He  advanced  into  the  hostile  country  with  fire  and  sword 
on  a  line  from  Mayence,  where  he  crossed  the  Rhine,  to  the 
Diemel  in  the  Hessian  country,  attacked  and  took  the 
Eresburg,  and  afterwards  destroyed  the  Irminsul.1 

The  former  was  a  natural  stronghold,  rendered  strl 
stronger  by  art,  and  situated  upon  the  present  site  of  Stadt- 
berge,  between  Cassel  and  Paderborn  ;  the  latter  stood  at  a 
point  several  thousand  paces  distant  from  the  headwaters  of 
the  Lippe,  and  was  a  famous  columnar  structure  associated 
with  the  religion  and  patriotism  of  the  Saxons.  It  is 
spoken  of  as  an  idol,  signifying  the  deity,  and  in  the  popu- 
lar mind,  the  visible  embodiment  of  divine  power  sustaining 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.  al. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.    107 

the  universe.  There  was  a  column,  a  sanctuary,  and  a 
heroic  image,  which  some  connect  with  Arminius,  the 
Cheruscan  chief,  who  defeated  the  famous  legions. 

It  is  said  that  the  hero  stood  forth  fully  armed,  with  a 
standard  in  his  right  hand  and  a  balance  in  the  left, 
emblematic  of  the  fluctuations  of  war ;  that  the  breastplate 
depicted  a  bear,  the  symbol  of  fearless  courage,  the  shield  a 
lion  bedded  on  flowers,  to  teach  the  Saxon  warrior  that  the 
battlefield  is  the  most  beautiful  place  of  repose  ;  that  a 
large  body  of  priests  and  priestesses,  the  former  engaged 
with  sacrifices,  the  latter  with  divinations,  was  connected 
with  the  Irminsul  ;  that  they  persuaded  the  people  that  all 
enterprises  undertaken  at  their  bidding,  and  in  virtue  of 
divine  revelations  made  to  them,  must  infallibly  succeed ; 
that  their  influence  was  prodigious,  especially  in  the  election 
of  judges,  of  whom  they  had  sixteen  to  every  district  of 
seventy-two  families,  the  noblest  born  of  their  number  being 
the  president-judge  ;  that  these  judges,  represented  by  their 
president  and  the  lowest  of  their  order,  were  wont  to  repair 
semi-annually,  in  April  and  October,  to  the  priests  at  the 
Irminsul  presenting  offerings  and  invoking  the  aid  of  the 
godhead  ;  that  the  priests  nominated  new  judges  to  fill 
vacancies  caused  by  death,  in  the  event  of  war  carried  the 
statue  of  the  godhead  in  front  of  the  army,  and  sacrificed 
prisoners  to  their  idols.1 

This  famous  and  grand  national  idol  and  fane  Charles 
destroyed,  carried  off  the  treasure  in  gold  and  silver  which 
he  found  there,2  and  continued  his  march  to  the  Weser, 
where  the  Saxons  stood  in  force.  There  negotiations  were 
had,  in  consequence  of  which  the  Saxons  gave  twelve  host- 
ages, and  thus  the  expedition  terminated.  It  is  stated,3  but 
not  established,  that  his  successes  were  dear-bought ;  this 

1  Meibom,  Rerum  Germ.  t.  iii.,  p.  many  others  admit   the  connection  of 

9 ;  Grupen,   Observ.    Rer.    et   Antiq.  the  Irminsul  with  Arminius. 
German  et  Rom.  p.  165  sqq.     See  the         2  Annal.    Lauriss.,    Einh.,    Mosell., 

literature  in  Abel,/,  c.  I.,  105,  107. —  al. 

Transl.    S.  Alex.  c.    3,    in    MG.  SS.         3  Annal.  Nordhumbr. 
II.,  276.  Pertz  ;  Luden,  Guizot,  and 


108  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

is,  however,  not  improbable,  for  the  Saxons  were  brave,  and 
unless  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  would  offer  desperate  re- 
sistance. 

Their  submission  was  not  of  long  duration,  and  the  oc- 
casion of  the  next  outbreak  will  now  be  told. 

It  was  mid-summer  when  Charles  with  his  victorious  le- 
gions crossed  the  Alps  and  re-entered  the  Frankish  domin- 
ions ;  on  the  way  to  the  Rhone  the  march  was  arrested  by 
an  afflictive  occurrence ;  the  king  and  the  queen  mourned 
the  loss  of  their  youngest  daughter  Adelhaid,  which  befell 
them  on  the  journey.1 

This  sad  sequel  to  the  triumphal  Lombard  campaign 
774]  cast  its  shadow  on  his  joy,  which  was  deepened  by 
the  announcement  that  the  Saxons  had  taken  advantage 
of  his  absence  in  Italy  and  were  in  arms. 

Early  in  the  season  they  entered  the  Hessian  territory, 
and  advancing  westward,  ravaged  the  country,  assaulted 
the  Buriaburg,  and  set  fire  to  Fritzlar.  The  church  of  St. 
Boniface,  it  is  said,  escaped  by  a  miracle.  The  saintly 
founder  of  the  church  predicted  that  it  should  never  be 
burned  with  fire.  The  prophecy  was  known  to  the  Saxons,* 
but  reposing  no  faith  in  Boniface  and  his  Christians,  they 
undertook  to  put  it  to  the  test  and  set  the  church  on  fire. 
In  the  midst  of  their  endeavor,  and  while  the  Christian  in- 
mates of  the  church  trembled  for  their  lives,  they  paused, 
threw  their  torches  aside,  and  panic-stricken  fled  to  their 
own  country,  though  no  one  pursued  them.  They,  as  well 
as  the  Christians,  had  seen  the  sudden  appearance  of  two 
young  men  in  shining  garments  as  the  defenders  of  the 
church.  Whoever  they  were,  angels  from  paradise,  or  angels 
provided  by  the  ecclesiastics,  the  Saxons  went — and  when 
the  Christians  came  forth,  they  saw  a  Saxon  in  kneeling 
posture,  his  mouth  in  the  act  of  blowing  on  the  lighted 
torch,  which  he  was  even  then  applying  to  the  church, — 
transfixed  in  death. 

The  season  was  too  far  advanced  for  extensive  operations, 


'MG.  SS.  II.,  265. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.   IO9 

the  troops  moreover  after  the  long  Italian  campaign  wanted 
rest;  but  the  Saxons  must  be  punished,  and  four  scarce  were 
ordered  to  their  country ;  three  of  their  number  sought  and 
defeated  the  offenders,  while  the  fourth,  which  did  no  fight- 
ing, secured  much  booty,  and  all  returned  proud  of  their 
easy  victory. 

775]  That  winter  Charles  made  up  his  mind  to  prosecute 
the  Saxon  war  in  good  earnest,  and  never  to  sheathe  the 
sword  "  until  they  were  either  subdued  and  converted  to 
Christ,  or  annihilated."1 

That  was  the  object  of  the  war,  and  the  spirit  in  which  it 
was  conceived  and  conducted  to  the  bitter  end.  It  had  not 
only  the  approbation  of  the  personal  friend  and  biographer 
of  Charles,  who  records  it  in  the  Annals  and  the  Life,  but 
that  of  all  Christendom  from  the  pope  down  to  the  hum- 
blest acolyte.  Einhard  ingenuously  declares  that  "  the  king 
did  not  suffer  his  high  purpose  .  .  .  to  be  wearied  by 
any  fickleness  "  of  the  enemy,  "  or  to  be  turned  from  the 
task ;  he  never  allowed  their  perfidy  to  go  unpunished,  but 
either  took  the  field  against  them  in  person,  or  sent  his 
counts  with  an  army  to  wreak  vengeance,  or  exact  righteous 
satisfaction."  2 

The  Saxon  poet,  writing  in  the  next  century,  lauds  the 
savage  resolve,  comments  upon  it  in  strains  of  gratitude  to 
Almighty  God,  and  says  that  his  people — such  was  the  ob- 
stinate ferocity  of  their  nature — required  just  such  a  teacher 
as  Charles,  who  constrained  them  by  force  of  arms,  willing 
or  unwilling,  to  save  their  souls. 

Immediately  after  the  Diet  of  Diiren,  where  the  heer- 
bann  lay  encamped,  the  king  crossed  the  Rhine,  took  the 
fortress  of  Sigburg,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ruhr  and  the 
Lenne,  put  a  Frankish  garrison  into  the  place,  and  con- 
tinuing the  march  to  the  Eresburg,  caused  his  soldiers  to 
rebuild  that  stronghold,  garrisoned  it  with  Franks,  and  pene- 
trated to  the  country  near  the  Weser,  where  he  found  the 

1  .  .  .  dum  aut  victi  christians  religioni  subicerentur,  aut  omnino 
tollerentur." — Ann.  Einh. 

2  Vita,  c.  7. 


110  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

enemy  in  force,  prepared  to  dispute  his  passage.  A  fight 
took  place  in  which  the  Saxons  were  routed  with  great  loss  ; 
he  occupied  both  sides  of  the  river,  pursued  the  flying  foe 
to  the  Ocker,  and  there  made  a  truce  with  him,  in  virtue  of 
which  the  Eastphalians  and  Hassio,  their  leader,  gave  host- 
ages and  swore  fealty.  Charles  retraced  his  steps  and  met 
the  same  success  in  the  canton  of  Bucki,  where  Bruno  and 
other  leaders  of  the  Angrians  followed  the  example  of  the 
Eastphalians. 

They  were  rather  hasty  and  clearly  ignorant  of  what  had 
taken  place  on  the  Weser.  The  Franks,  whom  Charles  left 
behind  to  guard  the  river,  seeing  no  enemy  present,  grew 
careless  and  scoured  the  country  for  forage,  while  those  who 
stayed  in  camp  fell  to  idleness  and  good  living.  The  wary 
foe  saw  his  opportunity ;  a  number  of  Saxons  donned  the 
Frankish  garb  and  came  into  the  Frankish  camp  as  "  good 
friends  and  faithful  allies."  The  Frankish  soldiers,  like 
their  king,  were  wont  to  sleep  after  dinner.  At  the  ninth 
hour,  that  is,  at  3  P.M.,  the  foraging  party  returned  to  camp, 
and  the  Saxons  entered  with  it.  How  they  duped  the 
Franks,  and  how  long  they  kept  up  the  fraud,  is  not  known  ; 
at  any  rate,  they  fell  upon  the  sleepers,  and  put  many  to 
the  sword  ;  the  tumult  roused  the  camp,  a  melee  ensued,  in 
which  some  of  the  intruders  were  killed,  but  most  escaped. 
Indeed,  it  seems,  if  another  account  is  accurate,  that  the 
surprise  was  complete,  and  that  the  Franks  had  to  purchase 
their  lives  in  a  humiliating  cartel.  The  Saxons  who  per- 
formed this  stratagem  were  Westphalians,  and  they  would 
have  escaped  but  for  the  timely  approach  of  Charles.  He 
immediately  gave  pursuit,  overtook  and  defeated  them,  and 
compelled  them,  like  the  Eastphalians  and  Angrians,  to  sub- 
mit and  give  hostages.1 

He  then  returned  into  Francia  with  great  spoil  and  began 
the  work  of  conversion  with  the  Saxon  hostages,  who  as  a 
rule  were  young  nobles,  found  homes  in  Frankish  monas- 
teries, and  became  or  were  made  Christians. 

776]  Practically  the  campaign  had  been  useless,  for  in  less 

1  Annal.  Einh  ,  Lauriss.,   Fuldens. ;  Poeta  Saxo. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.    1 1 1 

than  a  twelvemonth  the  Eresburg  lay  again  in  ruins,  and 
the  Saxons  appeared  in  force  before  the  fortress  of  Sigburg. 
The  garrison  made  a  successful  sortie  and  drove  the  enemy 
to  the  Lippe,  but  not  beyond.  This  seems  to  be  the  truth, 
but  another  account  fables  of  a  miraculous  deliverance. 
The  Franks  and  the  Saxons  saw  the  sudden  appearance, 
within  the  fort,  of  two  gory,  flaming  shields,  directed  by  in- 
visible hands,  as  in  a  battle,  to  ward  off  the  missiles  of  the 
assailants.  The  Saxons  were  terrified,  fell  back  in  great 
confusion  and  became  entangled  in  each  other's  spears,  when 
the  Franks  issued  forth  and  drove  them  to  the  Lippe.1  The 
Franks,  it  may  be  observed,  understood  the  use  of  pulleys. 

This  new  outbreak  was  most  discouraging  and  occasioned 
a  fresh  campaign.  The  king  entered  the  hostile  country 
with  a  large  army,  and  so  impetuous  was  his  progress,  that 
the  earth-works  and  barricades  which  the  Saxons  had 
thrown  up  did  not  arrest  it ;  he  laid  waste  the  country,  as 
he  went,  and  reached  the  Weser  without  encountering  the 
enemy.  It  is  said  that  all  the  Saxons  were  thoroughly  ter- 
rified,2 came  from  all  directions,  swore  fealty  and  promised 
to  become  Christians ;  and  not  only  so,  but  in  token  of 
their  good  faith,  many  of  the  chief  nobles,  and  "  an  innume- 
rable multitude  "  repaired  with  their  wives  and  children  to 
the  new  fortress  of  Carlstadt  (which  Charles  had  caused  to 
be  built),  and  were  baptized.  "  He  conquered,"  says  an- 
other account,  "  the  greater  part  of  Saxony,"  again  rebuilt 
the  Eresburg,  and,  leaving  strong  Frankish  garrisons  in  the 
fortresses,  returned  into  Francia  rejoicing  in  the  compara- 
tively bloodless  victory  and  singular  conversion  of  an  entire 
people.3 

In  order  to  follow  up  his  advantage  and  complete  the 
subjugation  and  conversion  of  the  whole  nation,  he  sum- 
moned the  next  Diet  or  May-field  to  Paderborn,  situated  in 
the  very  heart  of  the  Saxon  country.  All  the  estates  of 
777]  Francia,  the  Saxon  chieftains,  and  the  entire  heerbann 
were  bidden  to  come.     The  predominantly  military  charac- 

1  Annal.  Bertin.  3  Ann.    Lauriss.,     Mosell.,    Einh., 

2  Perterriti. — Ann.   Lauriss.  Lauresh.,  Petav. 


112  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

ter  of  those  gatherings,  in  which  the  mind  and  will  of  the 
autocrat  dictated  all  necessary  legislation,  stands  out  in  this 
Diet  of  Paderborn,  where  Frankish  and  Saxon  nobles  met 
for  the  first  time  in  seemingly  friendly  concourse.  Charles 
proposed  to  treat  the  Saxons  on  terms  of  equality  with  his 
Frankish  subjects,  provided  they  forswore  their  pagan  idol- 
atry, accepted  Christianity,  and  assumed  the  obligation  to 
military  service. 

The  Saxons  came  in  large  numbers,  and,  awed  by  the  pres- 
ence of  so  large  an  army,  accepted  his  terms ;  they  prom- 
ised everything,  swore  fidelity,  and  said  that  they  would  go 
into  slavery  or,  exile  if  they  failed  to  keep  the  oath  of  al- 
legiance. They  also  listened  to  the  instructions  they  re- 
ceived concerning  the  new  religion,  and  convinced  by  the 
royal  argument,  craved  the  benefit  of  Christian  baptism. 

That  argument,  though  unsuited  to  this  generation,  told 
eleven  centuries  ago  in  the  depth  of  a  German  forest.  It 
was  as.  follows :  prisoners  of  war  must  be  baptized ;  of  the 
rest,  those  who  were  reasonable  would  be  baptized,  while 
those  who  were  incorrigibly  and  inveterately  unreasonable 
were  bribed  to  be  baptized.1 

The  wholesale  reception  of  those  fierce  converts  to  the 
faith  must  have  been  an  impressive  scene ;  the  entire  hier- 
archy of  the  Franks,  with  a  large  number  of  priests  and 
monks,  came  to  administer  the  initiatory  sacrament  to  a 
nation  collected  for  the  purpose  on  the  banks  of  the  cold 
Lippe ;  all  the  nobility,  together  with  the  military  strength 
of  the  most  powerful  nation  of  the  age,  stood  by  as  spec- 
tators, or  following  the  royal  example,  assumed  sponsorial 
duties.  The  ministrants,  the  most  Christian  king,  and  as 
many  of  the  Christian  witnesses  familiar  with  the  book  of 
the  Acts,  recalled  the  days  of  apostolic  zeal  when  thousands 
were  added  to  the  Church  in  one  day,  and  were  thankful. 

The  Saxon  converts  probably  thought  and  felt  that  bap- 

1  "  Congregato    tarn    grande    exer-  muneribus   maxima  ex   parte  gentem 

citu    Saxoniam    profectus   est.     Quo  ad     fidem     Christi     convertit." — Vita 

cum   rex  pervenisset,    partim    bellis,  Sturmii,  MG.   SS.  II.,   376.  Compare 

partim     suasionibus,      partim      enim  p.  82  ad  Jinem. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.    1 13 

tism  was  a  cool,  cleanly,  and  inexpensive  ceremony,  which 
might  do  them  much  good  and  could  not  do  them  any 
harm. 

But  all  the  Saxons,  though  summoned  to  come,  did  not 
respond  to  the  call ;  indeed  the  bravest,  noblest,  and  most 
redoubtable  Saxon  did  not  come.  That  was  Wittekind,  the 
son  of  Wernekind,  a  mighty  Westphalian  chief,  the  brother- 
in-law  of  Sigfrid,  king  of  the  Danes,  and  the  personal  friend 
and  ally  of  Ratbod,  king  of  the  Frisians. 

Contemporary  writers  explain  his  absence  on  the  ground 
that  "  the  consciousness  of  his  many  crimes,  and  fear  of  the 
wrath  of  the  king,  moved  him  to  flee  for  protection  to 
Sigfrid,  the  Danish  king."  If  he  went  there  at  all,  he  did 
not  go  for  those  reasons  ;  for  fear  he  knew  not,  and  the 
fabled  crimes  of  the  monks  appeared  to  him  and  all  his 
countrymen  in  the  light  of  virtues.  No,  he  was  the  cham- 
pion of  liberty,  another  Arminius,  implacably  hostile  to 
Charles,  in  whom  he  saw  only  the  tyrannical  enemy  of  his 
race.  He  was  a  heroic  man,  strong  in  ability,  resource,  and 
character,  of  vast  influence  and  idolized  by  his  people ;  a 
noble  patriot,  whose  will  rose  with  opposition,  and  triumphed 
over  misfortune.  The  annalists,  writing  in  the  interest 
of  the  reigning  dynasty  and  dipping  their  pens  in  gall,  de- 
scribe him  as  a  paragon  of  wickedness  ;  but  this  proves  his 
greatness.  He  was  the  soul  of  the  bitter  and  stubborn  re- 
sistance of  his  race  to  Charles,  the  enemy  of  their  freedom, 
and  to  Christianity,  which  he  deemed  slavery  in  disguise.1 

778]  For  a  short  time  the  Saxons  kept  quiet,  but  took 
advantage  of  the  king's  absence  in  Spain,  and  rose  in  arms. 
Wittekind  returned  and  bade  them  shake  off  the  yoke  of 
servitude  to  the  Franks.  They  forsook  their  hostages,  their 
oaths,  and  their  baptism,  traversed  the  length  and  breadth 
of  their  country,  expelled  the  priests,  overthrew  the  crosses, 
demolished  the  churches,  and  destroyed  the  castles  which 
Frankish  zeal  had  erected  within  their  borders.  They 
marched  to  the  Rhine,  and  as  they  went,  laid  waste  with 

1  Annal.  Lauresh.,  Einh.;  Poeta  Saxo  ;  Vita  S.  Willehad ;  Vita  S. 
Liudgr. — Pertz. 


114  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

fire  and  sword  whatever  belonged  to  the  Christians.  At 
Deutz  they  paused  and  would  fain  have  crossed  the  river, 
had  they  been  able  ;  turning  south  they  swept  the  country 
as  far  as  the  confluence  of  the  Mosel,  spread  desolation  on 
their  path,  and  in  the  fury  of  their  revenge  spared  neither 
sex  nor  age  even  to  utter  extermination.1 

The  king  heard  the  calamitous  intelligence  in  France, 
and  immediately  ordered  the  fleetest  of  his  Austrasian  and 
Alemannian  troops  to  hasten  to  the  Rhine  and  punish  the 
perfidious  and  incorrigible  pagans,  if  possible,  on  Frankish 
soil.  But  this  was  impracticable,  for  the  Saxon  raiders  had 
taken  the  Lahn  valley,  and  were  returning  to  their  own 
country  before  the  pursuing  host  could  come  up  with  them. 
The  terror  of  their  presence  spread  far  and  near,  and  even 
the  monks  at  Fulda,  trembling  for  their  lives,  took  up  the 
body  of  St.  Boniface,  and  fled  to  a  safer  region. 

The  Franks  had  no  difficulty  in  tracking  them ;  overtook 
them  at  Baddenfelde  on  the  Eder,  a  tributary  of  the  Fulda, 
and  gave  them  battle  in  the  river  bed,  which  is  quite  credible, 
for  the  Eder  is  only  a  narrow  and  shallow  stream  and  ford- 
able  at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  The  annalists  chronicle  a 
great  Frankish  victory,  and  assert  that  only  a  handful  of 
the  immense  multitude  of  the  enemy  escaped  destruction. 
This  is  rather  dubious,  and,  if  it  ever  was  gained,  could  not 
have  been  so  signal  a  success,  for  the  Franks  did  not  con- 
tinue the  pursuit  and  the  result  was  not  satisfactory  to 
Charles.2 

The  autumnal  chase,  however,  warned  the  Saxons  of  the 
coming  storm  which  burst  upon  them  early  in  May  of  the  en- 
suing year,  when  the  king  conducted  his  hcerbann  into  their 
country,  conquered  their  strongholds,  and  inflicted  upon 
779]  them  a  stinging  defeat  at  Bocholt  in  Westphalia, 
where  they  had  collected  in  force.  The  subjugation  of  the 
Westphalian  Saxons,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Angrians  and 
Eastphalians  beyond  the  Weser,  is  mentioned  as  the  result 
of  this  campaign.     He  spent  several  months  there,  and  pre- 

1  S.  Liudg.  apud  Baronius.  Fuld. — V.  Sturmii,    MG.    SS.   II.,  p. 

2  Annal.    Lauriss.    Einh.,  Mosell.,      376. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.   1 1 5 

pared  the  way  for  a  firmer  establishment  of  his  rule — with 
7§0]  partial  success,  returned  the  year  following  with  a  very 
large  army,  and,  if  the  annals  report  truly,  devoted  the 
whole  summer  to  missionary  operations.  Not  a  word  is 
said  of  bloodshed,  but  we  read  of  multitudes  of  the  Sax- 
ons who  received  Christian  baptism,  and  of  the  Sclavonian 
Wends  beyond  the  Elbe  who  gave  in  their  submission.  The 
savages,  who  only  two  years  before  had  glared  at  Cologne, 
and  spared  neither  sex  nor  age  in  their  fierce  hatred  of 
Christianity,  were  so  effectually  conquered  and  subdued  by 
the  military  missionaries  that  "  they  forsook  their  idols, 
worshipped  the  true  God,  and  built  churches."  x  One  of  the 
annalists  sheds  light  on  the  subject,  for  he  informs  us  that, 
prompted  by  their  "  habitual  hypocrisy,"  2  they  sought  the 
benefits  of  Christian  baptism.  The  prospect  of  the  final 
conquest  and  conversion  of  the  Saxons  appeared  most 
promising,  but  appearances  deceive,  and  they  certainly  de- 
ceived the  king.  His  new  converts  kept  quiet,  while  the 
Frankish  officers,  military,  civil,  and  ecclesiastical,  gave 
glowing  accounts  of  their  good  behavior. 

This  state  of  things  had  lasted  nearly  two  years.  The 
king,  with  a  view  to  placing  their  affairs  on  a  better  footing, 
convened  a  Diet  at  the  sources  of  the  Lippe,  to  which  all  the 
7§2]  chieftains  were  invited.  All  but  Wittekind  attended 
and  took  part  in  the  deliberations,  which  resulted  in  the 
appointment  of  Saxon  counts  over  the  several  districts  into 
which  the  country  was  divided,  and  the  promulgation  of  a 
series  of  laws  for  the  government  of  the  people. 

Nothing  but  the  presence  of  the  entire  military  strength 
of  the  Franks  explains  their  share  in  the  enactment  of 
measures,  which  enslaved  the  Saxons  and,  if  attempted  to 
be  enforced,  must  necessarily  provoke  the  most  bitter  and 
determined  resistance. 

Among  other  things,  the  Diet  ordered  unanimously  that 
Christian  churches  in  course  of  erection  must  be  held  more 
sacred  than  the  ancient  sanctuaries,  and  set  the  penalty  of 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.  Lauresh.,  Mosell.,  2  Solita  simulatione. — Annal.  Einh. 
Petav. 


Il6  CHARLES    THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

death  on  the  following  offences :  for  the  burglarious  entry 
or  burning  of  a  church  ;  for  eating  meat  in  Lent ;  for  homi- 
cide ;  for  burning  or  eating  human  beings ;  for  refusing  bap- 
tism, and  continuance  in  heathenism  ;  for  heathen  human 
sacrifices ;  for  treasonable  alliance  with  the  heathens  ;  for 
violating  the  oath  of  allegiance,  etc.,  with  the  strange  pro- 
viso, that  the  capital  sentence  might  be  remitted,  upon  the 
testimony  of  a  priest  that  any  of  the  aforesaid  offences  had 
been  committed  in  secret,  that  the  criminal  had  confessed 
his  guilt,  and  promised  to  do  penance. 

The  compulsory  endowment  of  churches  in  lands  and 
servants,  the  payment  of  tithe  to  the  clergy  of  property  or 
income,  of  fines  and  dues,  the  compulsory  baptism  of  chil- 
dren within  a  year  from  their  birth  on  pain  of  a  fiscal  fine 
ranging  from  thirty  to  a  hundred  and  twenty  solidi,  and  the 
prohibition  of  public  assemblies  except  by  royal  command 
and  proclamation  of  the  missi,  or  king's  messengers,  figure 
among  the  minor  regulations  of  this  terrible  instrument.1 

Within  a  month  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Diet  and 
the  dispersion  of  the  Jieerbann,  the  explanations  of  the 
Saxon  counts,  the  attempted  execution  of  the  laws  by  the 
Frankish  clerics,  and  last,  not  least,  the  impassioned  com- 
ments of  Wittekind,  kindled  the  fire  of  revolt.  The  occa- 
sion of  its  outbreak  remains  to  be  narrated. 

The  Sorabian  Sclavonians,  who  then  inhabited  the  coun- 
try between  the  Elbe  and  the  Saale,  had  taken  advantage 
of  the  situation,  and  entered  the  frontier  districts  of  Thu- 
ringia  and  Saxony  on  plundering  expeditions.  The  king 
heard  the  news  after  he  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  and  imme- 
diately despatched  a  strong  body  of  Austrasian  troops, 
commanded  by  the  chamberlain  Adalgis,  the  marshal  Geilo, 
and  the  count-palatine  Worado,  with  orders  to  raise  a  Saxon 
contingent,  and  chastise  the  invaders. 

On  the  march  they  heard  the  alarming  intelligence  that 
the  Saxons  were  in  open  insurrection,  that  Wittekind  had 
returned,  that  the  churches  were  on  fire  and  the  mission- 

1  Capitulatio  de  partibus  Saxonice.  V.,  34.  See  Waitz,  in  Gottinger  Gel. 
Baluze,   I.,  p.  249  ;  MG.  SS.  I.,  48  ;      Anz.  1S69,  p.  27. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.  1 17 

aries  either  dead  or  flying.  Deeming  the  greatest  danger 
to  lie  in  the  Saxon  country,  the  Frankish  commanders 
abandoned  the  movement  against  the  Sclavonians  and 
marched  against  the  Saxons.  Meanwhile  the  count  Theo- 
deric,  a  near  relative  of  the  king,  who  upon  the  first  intelli- 
gence of  the  outbreak  had  hastily  collected  a  force  of  Ripu- 
arian  Franks,  advanced  by  forced  marches  to  the  seat  of 
war,  opened  communication  with  the  commanders  of  the 
Sclavonian  expedition,  and  bade  them  effect  a  junction  with 
him  on  the  Weser.  They  met  at  the  base  of  the  Siintel 
range,  which  stretches  in  a  westerly  direction  from  Miinden 
to  Minden,  and,  beyond  the  Weser,  to  Osnabriick.  There 
they  found  the  Saxons  in  force,  and  Wittekind  in  com- 
mand. Theoderic  pitched  his  camp  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Siintel,  which  separated  him  from  the  enemy  who  had 
taken  a  strong  position  on  the  north  side  ;  assigned  the 
defence  of  the  tract  between  the  river  and  the  mountain  to 
the  three  royal  officers,  and  ordered  a  movement,  having  for 
its  object  the  capture  or  destruction  of  the  enemy,  in  which 
they  were  first  to  aid  in  surrounding  the  Saxons,  and  then, 
at  a  given  point,  co-operate  with  him  in  carrying  their 
position. 

In  spite  of  the  count's  warning  to  observe  the  utmost 
caution,  they  wantonly,  and  solely,  it  appears,  from  mo- 
tives of  jealousy  of  sharing  with  him  the  glory  of  (what 
they  foolishly  fancied)  an  easy  victory,  crossed  the  river, 
without  notifying  Theoderic,  and  following  an  easterly 
course,  marched  round  the  Siintel,  impetuously  dashed  in 
among  the  enemy,  as  if  they  were  chasing  a  flying  foe,  and 
perished  almost  to  a  man. 

Only  a  few  escaped,  not  however  to  their  own  camp,  but 
to  that  of  the  count  Theoderic  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountain.  .  .  .  The  two  lieutenants  Adalgis  and  Geilo, 
four  counts,  and  twenty  of  the  most  distinguished  and 
noble  officers,  fell  in  the  action,  besides  those  of  their  com- 
mand who,  preferring  death  to  disgrace,  shared  their  fate.1 

1  Anna],  Einh.,  Lauriss.,  Fuld.,  V.  Willehadi,  c.  6. 


Il8  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  immediate  course  of  the  hostile  forces  is  not  known ; 
but  no  other  engagement  ensued  ;  the  Saxons,  apprised  of 
the  approach  of  Charles,  dispersed,  and  Wittekind  made  his 
way  into  Denmark. 

When  the  king  arrived  and  heard  all  that  had  happened, 
his  anger  was  excessive.  The  revolt  was  bad  enough,  and 
the  slaughter  of  his  soldiers  most  galling,  especially  as  no 
enemy  was  in  sight  on  whom  he  might  take  revenge.  But 
he  meant  to  have  it  and  forthwith  took  his  measures.  The 
Saxon  nobles  were  summoned  before  him,  and  commanded 
on  pain  of  death  to  name  and  deliver  the  promoters  of  the 
revolt.  They  all,  with  one  accord,  laid  the  blame  on  Witte- 
kind. But  as  he  was  beyond  reach,  the  king  compelled 
782]  them  to  give  up  all  who  had  responded  to  his  call  and 
were  implicated  in  the  insurrection.  They  were  placed 
before  a  court-martial  and,  under  the  provisions  of  the 
bloody  laws  so  recently  enacted,  found  guilty.  The  royal 
camp  at  Verden,  on  the  Aller,  was  converted  into  an  abat- 
toir, and  four  thousand  five  hundred  Saxons  were,  by  the 
king's  own  order,  decapitated  in  one  day. x 

Fortunately  for  the  memory  of  Charles  the  annals,  which 
record  the  fact,  do  not  lay  to  his  charge  the  predilection 
for  the  executioner's  axe  which  fouls  the  name  of  Peter  the 
Great,  but  the  contemptible  Saxon  poet — it  is  to  be  hoped 
only  by  virtue  of  poetical  license — distinctly  affirms  that 
the  king  himself  beheaded  them  all  in  one  day.2 

There  are  many  horrors  recorded  in  history,  but  hardly 
one  more  horrid  than  that  butchery  at  Verden,  which  is,  and 
must  ever  remain,  the  indelible  stain  on  the  name  of  Charles, 
and  the  foulest  blot  on  his  life.  The  Monk  of  St.  Gall 
makes  Otgar  tell  Desiderius  that  the  Franks  had  hearts 
more  hard  than  the  steel  of  their  weapons  and  armor ;  had 
he  stood  that  day  on  the  bank  of  the  Aller,  he  might  have 
said,  that  Charles  had  the  hardest  and  most  cruel  of  them  all. 

The  revolt,  which  Wittekind  incited,  was  justifiable  from 
the   pagan  standpoint  of  a  free  people ;  the  Saxons  stood 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.,    Lauriss.  2  Hosque  die  cunctos  rex  decollav- 

min.,  Fuld.,  and  al.  erat  una. — Poeta  Saxo,  s.  a. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.  1 19 

under  arms  when  the  royal  troopers  made  their  charge,  and 
they  slew  them  in  battle.  But  after  the  fight  at  the  Siintel 
they  laid  down  their  arms,  and  when  Charles  appeared  on 
the  scene,  were  entirely  at  his  mercy.  Unable  to  vent  his 
wrath  on  Wittekind  and  the  ringleaders  of  the  revolt,  he 
fell  on  those  four  thousand  five  hundred  helpless  pagans 
and  butchered  them  in  cold  blood. 

But  why  did  Wittekind,  who  certainly  defeated  the 
Franks  in  the  fight  of  the  "  Dachtelfeld  "  (that  is,  the  field 
where  he  slapped  them,  as  the  locality  is  still  called),  not 
follow  up  his  advantage,  and  march  against  Theoderic  ? 
There  seems  to  be  but  one  answer :  the  Saxons  refused  to 
follow  his  lead,  and  preferred  adhering  to  their  old  policy 
of  feigned  loyalty  in  the  presence  of  the  king  and  his 
army,  and  of  open  and  destructive  revolt  after  they  had 
left.  It  was  a  fatal  mistake,  for,  though  much  blood  re- 
mained to  be  shed,  their  victory  at  the  Siintel  was  the 
beginning  of  their  final  overthrow. 

As  it  was,  Charles  laid  waste  the  country,  carried  off  a 
multitude  of  prisoners  and  returned  into  Francia.1  The 
winter  was  spent  in  preparations  for  a  renewal  of  the  strug- 
gle both  by  him  and  the  Saxons.  They  might  arm  in 
secret,  but  he  gave  them  no  time  to  do  much  mischief. 
783]  Early  in  the  spring,  and  long  before  he  was  expected, 
his  army  emerged  from  the  forest,  and  surprised  the  enemy, 
who  had  collected  in  large  force,  near  Detmold.  A  battle 
was  fought,  in  which  the  Franks  scored  a  great  victory,  and 
"  many  thousands  "  of  the  Saxons  were  slain.2  Only  a  few 
escaped  with  their  lives.  This  seems  an  exaggeration,  for 
Charles  was  so  much  weakened  himself,  that  he  could  not 
pursue  the  foe,  and  had  to  fall  back  on  Paderborn  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  main  body  of  his  army.  Thus  reinforced, 
he  resumed  the  offensive  and  moved  upon  the  enemy,  who 
was  drawn  up  on  the  Hase,  a  tributary  of  the  Ems;  this 
was  a  body  of  Westphalians.  A  second  battle  was  fought, 
and  again  the  Saxons  were  signally  defeated  ;  their  loss  was 

1  Annal.  Petav.  2  Ann.  Einh.,  Fuld.,  Mosell.,  Lau- 

resh. 


120  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

still  greater  than  before  ;  many  thousands  of  them  lay  dead 
on  the  field,  a  long  train  of  prisoners  went  into  captivity, 
and  a  great  quantity  of  spoil  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  vic- 
torious Franks.  The  Saxons,  utterly  demoralized,  were 
unable  to  rally  that  season,  or  dispute  the  progress  of 
Charles,  who  crossed  the  Weser,  laid  waste  the  whole  coun- 
try as  far  as  the  Elbe,  sowed  dragon's  teeth  against  the 
future,  took  his  measures  for  the  present,  "  all  well  disposed 
and  ordained,"  and  returned  into  Francia.1  What  these 
dispositions  were  is  not  known  ;  perhaps  the  phrase  means 
only  the  garrisoning  of  forts,  and  possibly  the  distribution 
of  mounted  troops  or  gendarmes. 

At  any  rate  they  did  not  prevent  the  resumption  of  hos- 
tilities, for  part  of  the  Saxons  during  the  winter  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Frisians,  and  the  whole  Saxon  country 
was  as  much  in  revolutionary  commotion  as  before. 

784]  But  Charles  was  bent  upon  its  final  subjugation,  and 
marched  against  the  doomed  people  as  soon  as  the  roads 
were  passable  to  his  army.  After  the  periodical  devastation 
of  Westphalia  he  went  into  camp  on  the  Weser  at  a  place 
called  Huculvi,  supposed  to  be  identical  with  the  modern 
Petershagen  ;  but  as  freshets  in  the  river  checked  his  progress 
in  the  North,  he  determined  to  continue  the  work  of  de- 
struction in  the  eastern  parts  of  the  country,  and  leaving 
his  son  Charles,  a  lad  of  only  thirteen  summers,  in  command 
of  a  scara  for  warfare  in  Westphalia,  swept  through  the 
territory  of  the  Thuringians  to  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Saale  and  the  Elbe,  made  a  convention  with  the  natives  of 
the  region,  of  which  nothing  is  known,  and  returned  to 
beyond  the  Rhine — not,  as  had  been  his  wont  heretofore, 
for  the  year — but  only  temporarily,  in  order  to  make  the 
necessary  preparations  for  a  winter  campaign.  Prince 
Charles  took  part  in  an  insignificant  cavalry  fight  which 
figures  in  the  annals  as  a  victory.2 

Late  in  the  year  the  Frankish  army  arrived,  went  into 
camp  on  the  Emmer,  and  after  New  Year  the  king,  with  the 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.,  Fragment  -  Annal.  Einh.,  Fuld.,  Lauriss. 

in  Forsch.  VIII.,  p.  632. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.  121 

T§5]  royal  family,  proceeded  to  the  Eresburg  and  inaugu- 
rated the  new  campaign  with  a  series  of  raids,  conducted 
partly  by  himself,  partly  by  others,  designed  to  terrify  the 
enemy,  and  prevent  further  insurrections. 

It  was  terrible  work ;  the  whole  country  was  laid  waste 
with  fire,  and  every  Saxon  rebel  instantly  cut  down  ;  the 
Frankish  troopers  hunted  the  wretched  people  out  of  their 
hiding-places,  and  with  such  remorseless  severity  "  that  the 
roads  were  cleansed,  and  no  rebels  to  be  seen." ' 

With  the  exception  of  a  short  interval  occasioned  by  the 
meeting  of  the  Diet  at  Paderbom,  the  systematic  devastation 
of  the  country  was  continued  with  unabated  violence.  The 
whole  region  lay  open  before  Charles,  records  a  scribe,  and 
in  that  part  of  Saxony  he  might  go  without  let  or  hinder- 
ance  wherever  he  pleased.2  In  other  words,  the  country 
was  a  wilderness ;  a  famine  broke  out ;  and  neither  forage 
nor  supplies  of  any  kind  could  be  had  for  many  miles 
around  ;  all  military  operations  were  suspended  until  pro- 
visions arrived  from  beyond  the  Rhine. 

An  expedition  into  the  Bardcngau  consummated  the 
subjugation  and  conversion  of  its  Saxon  inhabitants,  and 
led  to  successful  negotiations  with  Wittekind  and  Abbio, 
who  were  with  the  Northalbingians  beyond  the  Elbe. 
Charles  sent  Saxon  ambassadors  to  the  chieftains,  bidding 
them  come  to  him  in  good  faith,  nothing  doubting. 

If  he  charged  them  with  perfidy,  they  also  put  no  faith  in 
his  promises  and  tender  mercies,  and  refused  to  come,  not 
"  because  the  consciousness  of  their  many  crimes  "  filled 
them  with  fear,  but  because  they  required  hostages  for  their 
personal  safety. 

The  king  acceded  to  their  request,  and  promised  to  give 
them,  not  improbably  in  a  personal  interview  with  them, 
when  all  the  details  of  their  projected  journey  to  Francia 
were  arranged. 

None  can  tell  by  what  means  he  overcame  their  stubborn 
resistance;  by  the  suasions  of  his  eloquence  or  something 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Fragment,  2  Annal.  Lauriss. 

I.e. 


122  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

else ;  the  conviction  of  the  utter  hopelessness  of  further 
resistance,  or  the  interposition  of  Divine  Providence.  The 
fact  that  he  overcame  it  is  indisputable ;  he  left  Saxony, 
sent  the  promised  hostages,  and  soon  greeted  the  illustrious 
chiefs  at  Attigny  in  Francia. 

The  conversion  of  Wittekind  was  a  grand  and  wonder- 
ful event.  It  terminates  the  first  stage  of  the  terrible 
struggle. 

The  famous  champion  swore  fealty  to  Charles,  king  of  the 
Franks,  and  fealty  in  Holy  Baptism  to  the  King  of  the  king 
of  the  Franks,  and  of  all  kings.  Charles  himself  stood  spon- 
sor for  Wittekind,  received  him  out  of  the  font,  in  token  of 
his  good  will  loaded  him  with  royal  gifts,1  and  named  him 
duke  of  Saxony,  not  however  as  an  independent  sovereign, 
but  as  his  vassal.  Beyond  the  undoubted  fact,  that  thence- 
forth he  observed  good  faith,  both  as  a  vassal  and  a  Chris- 
tian, nothing  is  known  of  him  in  history.  Abbio  also 
embraced  Christianity,  and  their  example  was  largely  fol- 
lowed by  their  countrymen.  The  king  was  so  delighted 
with  his  successful  missionary  operations  that  he  sent  a 
special  envoy  to  Hadrian  announcing  the  conversion  of  the 
Saxons,  and  desiring  him  to  signalize  the  glorious  event 

1  Annal.  Mosell.  a  785. — I  subjoin,  thunaer    ende   woden    ende   sax- 

as   of    special    interest,  the    form   of  note  ende  allum  them  unholdum 

words  used  probably  at  the  baptism  of  the  hira  genotas  sint. 

Wittekind,  and  at  that  of  Saxons  gen-  gelobistu  in  got  alamehtigan  fadaer  ? 

erally.     It   has  been    assigned  to  the  ec    gelobo    in    got     alamehtigan 

eighth    century  ;    the    clause    in  the  fadaer. 

third  response   concerning  the  Saxon  gelobistu     in    crist    godes    suno  ?  ec 

deities  may  have  been  added  at  Fulda  gelobo  in  crist  gotes  suno. 

where  this  formula  probably  originated,  gelobistu  in  halogan  gast  ?    ec  gelobo 

in  halogan  gast." 

Formula.  Capp  ed>  Boretius>  i.}  222,  No.  107. 

"  Forsachistu  diabolae  ?  et  respondeat:  A   Frankish    formula,    assigned   to 

ec  forsacho  diabolae.  787-813,   and   of  Mayence  origin,   is 

end    allum    diobolgeldae  ?     respon-  given    by    Mullenhoff    and    Scherer, 

deat  :    end   ec    forsacho  allum  DenkmalerdentscherPoesieundProsa, 

diobolgeldae.  2  ed.,  p.  156,  No.   52.     Cf .  i&idem,  p. 

end   allum  dioboles  uuercum?   res-  494  sqq.;  Waitz,  III.,  2  ed.,  p.  161; — 

pondeat:  endec  forsacho  allum  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  499  sq. 
dioboles  uuercum  end  uuordum 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.  1 23 

by  the  appointment  of  a  special  thanksgiving.  Hadrian 
thereupon  set  forth  a  circular  letter  requiring  all  Christen- 
dom to  observe,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
Church,  a  triduum  of  prayers,  that  is,  a  litany  or  procession 
extended  over  three  days.1 

The  appearance  of  Wittekind  in  this  momentous  struggle 
resembles  that  of  a  new  comet,  bursting  on  our  vision  in  all 
the  splendor  of  its  glory,  and  then  vanishing  in  the  hidden 
depths  of  infinite  space. 

Beyond  the  meagre  details  already  familiar  to  us  we  search 
in  vain  for  other  authentic  information.  As  to  his  origin  we 
only  know  that  he  was  one  of  the  Westphalian  nobles  ;2  but 
nothing  else.  It  is  also  certain  that  he  was  the  soul  of  the 
stubborn  resistance  of  his  countrymen,  and  at  a  critical 
moment  embraced  Christianity. 

After  his  baptism  the  curtain  of  history  falls ;  for  all 
other  accounts  of  him,  in  annals  and  chronicles  of  later 
date,  are  legendary  or  mythical.  Such  is  the  story  of  his 
hot  zeal  as  a  Christian  convert.  More  than  thirty  years 
before  his  conversion  the  fierce  pagans  of  Frisia  massacred 
Boniface  and  his  companions.  A  legend  makes  Wittekind 
the  avenger  of  the  outrage  in  the  next  generation,  invading 
Frisia,  turning  the  fertile  regions  of  the  Ostergau  and  Wes- 
tergau  into  a  howling  wilderness,  and  putting  all  the  inhab- 
itants to  the  sword. 

Legend  names  him  as  founder  of  the  cathedral  at  Enger, 
in  Westphalia,  Gerold,  a  duke  of  Suabia,  as  his  murderer, 
and  the  same  church  as  the  place  of  his  burial,  adding  that 
his  bones  lay  there  undisturbed  until  the  time  of  Henry  the 
Fowler,  when  they  were  removed  to  Paderborn. 

Still  later  his  tomb  was  shown  at  Enger,  with  an  inscrip- 
tion in  which  he  is  called  Wittekind,  the  son  of  Warne- 
chinus,  King  of  the  Angrians. 

The  year  of  his  death  also  is  uncertain.  There  is  no  rec- 
ord of  his  canonization,  although  the  people  honored  him 
as  a  saint,  the  Church  commemorated  him  on  January  7th, 

1  Ep.  Hadriani  ad   domnum  Carol.  2  Unum  ex  primoribus  Westfalaor- 

apud  Bouquet,  t.  v.,  p.  56S.  um. — Annal.  Einh. 


124  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

and  the  miracles  wrought  by  his  relics  are  attested  in  the 
inscription  on  his  tomb.1 

The  lustre  attaching  to  the  name  of  Wittekind  is  remark- 
able. "  Several  families  of  Germany  hold  him  for  their 
ancestor,  and  some  French  genealogists  have,  without  solid 
ground,  discovered  in  him  the  grandfather  of  Robert  the 
Strong,  great  grandfather  of  Hugh  Capet.2  His  name,  like 
that  of  Roland,  Arthur,  and  other  illustrious  defeated  ones, 
lay  forgotten  until  poetry  visited  the  battle-fields  to  rescue 
them  from  oblivion,  showing  that  the  imagination  of  the 
world  is  generous,  and  not  always  on  the  side  of  the  con- 
queror.3 

The  imperial  house  of  the  Ottos  is  believed  to  be  de- 
scended from  Wittekind.  At  any  ra*te  his  namesake,  Widu- 
kind  the  Saxon  historian,  affirms  that  Mathilda,  the  consort 
of  Henry  I.,  and  mother  of  Otto  the  Great,  was  a  lineal  de- 
scendant of  the  famous  Saxon  chieftain.4 

Legend  also  comes  in  to  surround  him  with  a  halo  of 
glory.  At  Easter  of  785,  it  says,  Wittekind  in  beggar's 
guise,  or  a  minstrel's,  found  his  way  into  the  Frankish  camp 
by  stealth,  to  spy  out  its  arrangements.  Wandering 
through  the  camp  he  passed  the  tent  in  which  Charles 
attended  mass ;  an  irresistible  impulse  guided  his  steps,  and 
he  joined  the  throng  of  worshippers ;  the  strangeness  and 
solemnity  of  the  scene  held  him  spellbound,  and  he  won- 
dered what  it  might  mean.  The  priest  was  elevating  the 
host,  and  that  self-same  moment  he  saw  therein  the  figure 
of  a  child  of  unearthly  and  dazzling  beauty. 

A  wondrous  change  came  over  him,  which  he  sought  to 
hide  from  those  around  him,  but  was  not  able.  Disguise 
could  not  deceive  the  Franks,  who  soon  detected  in  the 
mendicant  minstrel  the  famous  chieftain  and  took  him  to 
Charles.     He  told   what   he  had   seen,  desired  and   craved 

1  Abel-Simson,  /.  c,  2  ed.  I.,  506  3  Ozanam,  La  Civilization  chrctienne 
sqq. ,  where  all  the  authorities  are  care-      chez  les  Fi-ancs. 

fully  enumerated.  4  MG.  SS.   III.,  431,  455-       Adami 

2  Guizot,  Hist,  of  France,  v.  i.,  p.  Gesta  Hammab. ,  etc.  Ibid.  VII.,  322; 
218.  Waitz,  Jahrb.    Heinrich's    I.,    3   ed. 

Exc.  I.,  179  sqq. 


Chap.  III.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  CONVERSION  OF  WITTEKIND.  1 25 

leave  to  enter  the  Church  ;  and  when  it  was  granted,  the 
force  of  his  own  example  and  exhortation  bore  excellent 
fruit  in  the  number  of  his  Saxon  brethren,  who  came  to  be 
baptized  and  enrolled  as  soldiers  and  servants  of  Christ. 

All  Christendom  might  exult  with  the  pope  and  Charles 
in  the  June  litanies,  poetry  and  legend  irradiate  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Saxons  with  heavenly  glory,  but  the  bitter  reality 
of  their  sad  lot  remained  unchanged.  The  summer  solstice 
came,  but  the  rays  of  that  sun  did  not  quicken  the  fields  into 
verdure  and  fertility ;  the  lands  far  and  near  lay  waste,  the 
angel  of  death  had  swept  over  them,  and  their  sons  were  not. 

The  whole  country,  by  the  law  of  conquest,  became  the 
property  of  the  victorious  Charles,  who  forthwith  began  to 
parcel  it  out  among  the  abbots  and  clerics  in  his  train. 

If  legend  does  not  mislead,  the  blood  of  more  than  two 
hundred  thousand  Saxons  changed  the  very  color  of  the 
soil,  and  the  brown  clay  of  the  Saxon  period  gave  way  to 
the  red  earth  of  Westphalia.  Thus  fertilized,  the  naturally 
rich  land,  which,  in  the  language  of  Holy  Scripture,  flowed 
with  milk  and  honey,  brought  forth  more  bountifully  and 
soon  yielded  copious  harvests  to  the  clerical  and  military 
occupants  of  the  next  generation. 

The  only  voice  raised  on  behalf  of  humanity  and  the  reli- 
gion of  Jesus  Christ,  as  now  understood,  is  Alcuin's  ;  at 
least  it  is  the  only  one  which  has  come  down  to  us. 

His  views,  as  those  of  an  earnest,  thoughtful,  and  tem- 
perate man,  stand  in  such  marked  and  honorable  contrast  to 
the  universal  and  fulsome  applause  with  which  the  pope,1 
the  hierarchy,  and  obsequious  vassals  of  the  Frankish  ruler, 
greeted  his  savage  processes  for  the  conversion  of  the 
Saxons,  that  it  were  a  crying  wrong  to  omit  their  reproduc- 
tion. 

He  wrote,  though  at  a  later  date,  that  preaching  the  faith, 
the  administration  of  baptism,  and  the  living  exhibition  of 
the  precepts  of  Christ,  should  ever  go  hand  in  hand.  With- 
out such  concurrence  the  hearer  could  not  be  led  to  salvation. 


1  See  note  1,  p.  123. 


126  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

He  describes  faith  as  a  voluntary  thing,  superior  to  co- 
ercion ;  though  a  man  be  forced  to  baptism,  yet  would  it 
not  avail  to  faith.  Adults  must  of  their  own  will  and  sin- 
cerity express  their  belief  and  hope  of  salvation  ;  a  hypo- 
critical profession  of  faith  could  not  save  ;  it  was  therefore 
incumbent  upon  preachers  to  instruct  their  pagan  hearers 
by  gentleness,  and  give  them  wise  counsel. 

"  Let  but  the  same  pains  be  taken,"  he  writes,1  "  to  preach 
the  easy  yoke  and  light  burthen  of  Christ  to  the  obstinate 
people  of  the  Saxons  as  are  had  to  collect  the  tithes  from 
them,  or  to  punish  the  least  transgression  of  the  laws  im- 
posed on  them,  and  perhaps  they  would  no  longer  be  found 
to  repel  baptism  with  abhorrence ;  let  the  missionaries  after 
the  apostolical  example  acquire  a  competent  knowledge  of 
the  faith,  let  them  be  preachers,  not  plunderers,  let  them 
but  rely  on  the  gracious  providence  of  Him  who  says : 
'  Carry  neither  scrip  nor  purse,'  etc.  " 

In  an  epistle  to  Charles2  he  unfolds  with  outspoken  can- 
dor, and  not  without  pointed  sharpness,  the  principles  on 
which,  in  his  opinion,  the  Saxons  ought  to  be  treated.  All 
threats  ought  for  a  time  to  be  suspended,  that  they  might 
not  become  inveterate  in  their  hostile  feelings  to  the  Frank- 
ish  empire,  and  afraid  to  enter  into  any  compromise  what- 
soever, but  be  encouraged  with  hope  until  by  salutary 
counsel  they  could  be  brought  back  to  the  ways  of  peace. 

He  likewise  testifies  that  the  terror  of  the  headsman's 
axe,  and  bribery,  were  the  means  used  in  the  conversion  of 
the  Saxons  and  Frisians.  Those  who  refused  baptism  were 
sent  to  the  block ;  those  who  received  it  were  rewarded 
with  gifts ;  and  in  the  case  of  prisoners  of  war,  who  forswore 
paganism,  it  was  enacted  that  they  should  be  "  restored  to 
the  liberty  they  had  forfeited  by  the  fate  of  arms,  and  freed 
from  the  obligation  of  paying  tribute."3 


1  Alcuini  Ep.    104,   ed.  Quercetan.,  De  gestis  Anglorum,  1.    I.    c.    IV. — 
p.  1647.  Capit.  Reg.  Franc,  I.,  246,  252.     See 

2  Ibid.  Ep.  80.  p.  112,  and  note  1. 

3  Alcuin   apud   Willi.    Malmesbury, 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SAXON   WAR,  TO   ITS   CLOSE. 

Reduction  of  the  Welatabians. — Insurrections. — Camp  at  Liine. — Deportation 
and  pacification. — Wigmodia. — Further  deportations. — New  laws. — Heri- 
stelle. — Revolt  of  the  Northalbingians. — Abodrite  aid. — Counsel  of  Alcuin 
and  Angilbert. — Camps  at  Paderborn  and  Hollenstedt. — The  hunt. — Final 
pacification. 

THE  political  necessity  of  the  conversion  of  Wittekind 
may  detract  from  its  spontaneousness,  but  its  wisdom  can- 
not be  doubted  ;  it  bore  excellent  fruit ;  for  seven  years  the 
Saxons  kept  quiet,  and  outwardly  submitted  to  Frankish 
rule ;  they  went  to  church,  ate  no  meat  in  Lent,  pajd  tithe, 
had  their  children  christened,  forsook  cannibalism  and  other 
heathenish  practices,  and  even  rendered  military  service  in 
the  king's  wars  with  the  Welatabians  and  the  Avars. 

789]  An  expedition  against  the  former  was  undertaken 
with  the  express  concurrence  of  the  Saxons,  who,  like  other 
members  of  the  Frankish  empire,  participated  in  the  annual 
assemblies  which  deliberated,  among  other  matters,  upon 
peace  and  war. 

The  Wilzen,  as  the  Franks  called  them,  or  the  Welata- 
bians, as  they  called  themselves,  were  perhaps  the  most 
powerful  of  the  Sclavonian  tribes,  and  at  that  time  occupied 
the  southern  coast  of  the  Baltic ;  their  immediate  neighbors 
were  the  Abodrites,  old  allies  of  the  Franks,  whom  they 
harassed  by  continual  raids.  Their  obstinate  defiance  and 
contempt  of  the  king's  warnings  to  desist  required  chastise- 
ment, and  occasioned  the  war. 

Charles  entered  the  Saxon  country,  and  with  a  Saxon 
contingent  as  part  of  his  army,  marched  to  the  Elbe  and 
pitched  his  camp.  The  troops  crossed  the  river  on  two 
bridges  which  he  caused  to  be  constructed ;  one  of  which 


128  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

was  taken  apart,  but  the  other,  strongly  fortified  and  guarded, 
kept  standing.  Here  the  army  was  reinforced  by  a  body  of 
Frisians  who,  under  Frankish  escort,  came  sailing  up  the 
Havel,  and  auxiliary  bodies  of  Sorabians  and  Abodrites. 

This  formidable  host  carried  fire  and  sword  into  the 
hostile  country,  advanced  to  the  Peene,  and  soon  encoun- 
tered the  enemy,  who  seem  to  have  avoided  a  battle,  and 
retreated  before  the  Franks  ;  some  say  that  the  latter  made 
an  attack,  but  that  the  enemy,  unable  to  offer  resistance, 
laid  down  their  arms.  Their  aged  king  Dragowit,  accom- 
panied by  his  son  and  people,  issued  forth  from  his  city, 
gave  hostages,  and  swore  fealty  to  Charles.  His  example 
was  followed  by  all  the  nobles  and  chieftains ;  the  whole 
nation  recognized  the  supremacy  of  the  conqueror,  became 
tributary  to  him,  and  evinced  so  conciliatory  a  spirit  that  he 
maintained  the  venerable  king  in  his  position,  and  took  steps 
looking  to  the  introduction  of  the  Christian  religion.1 

It  was  noticed  that  the  Saxon  troops  were  sullen,  and 
that  "  their  obedience  lacked  sincerity  and  devotion."  This 
was  doubtless  correct,  and  not  confined  to  this  campaign. 
Intimidation  might  keep  them  down,  but  could  not  heal 
their  wounds  ;  the  old  spirit  of  liberty  slumbered  in  their 
breast,  and  nursed  their  deep  and  unquenchable  hatred. 
After  the  lapse  of  a  few  years  their  long-cherished  desire  of 
shaking  off  the  galling  yoke  of  the  Franks  burst  forth  in 
open  revolt.  They  conducted  secret  negotiations  with 
tribes  inimical  to  the  Franks,  formed  alliances  with  the 
Frisians  and  Wends,  and,  at  a  seasonable  period,  when 
Charles  had  his  hands  full  with  the  Avars,  struck  a  blow 
for  their  freedom. 

792,  July  6]  A  detachment  of  Frankish  troops,  under 
orders  to  pass  through  Frisian  and  Saxon  territory  by  water, 
was  entering  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe,  when  suddenly  a  body 
of  Saxons  appeared  in  sight,  bore  down  upon  the  Franks, 
and  killed  them  almost  to  a  man.  This  was  the  signal  for 
a  wide-spread  movement  directed  against  whatever  bore  the 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.,  Fuld.,  Naz., — Ep.  Alcuini  (ed.  Jaffe),  13. — Vita 
Caroli,  cc.  12,  15. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO   ITS  CLOSE.  I2g 

name  of  Frank,  or  was  identified  with  his  domination.  They 
shook  off  the  fetters  of  Christianity  and  returned  to  pagan- 
ism, demolished  the  churches,  drove  away,  seized,  or  put  to 
death  the  priests,  and  undid,  as  they  were  able,  the  work 
of  pacification.  Similar  scenes  were  enacted  in  Frisia  and 
within  a  year  the  revolt  had  become  general.1 

While  these  outrages  desolated  the  maritime  regions  of  the 
Saxon  country,  Saxon  and  Frisian  contingents  formed  part 
of  the  Frankish  army  in  Pannonia,  and  there  is  no  evidence 
that  they  failed  in  their  duty.  Count  Theoderic,  who  com- 
manded them,  and  took  a  distinguished  part  in  the  cam- 
paign, at  its  close  led  them  back  to  their  own  region,  and 
disbanding  them,  announced  his  intended  return  in  the 
spring  for  the  purpose  of  again  conducting  them  against  the 
Avars.  But  the  Saxons  had  enough  of  the  hecrbann  and 
its  burdens ;  separation  from  their  families,  losses  at  home, 
the  cost  of  their  own  outfit  and  supply  of  provisions  for 
three  months,  the  hardships  and  perils  of  the  long  march, 
to  say  nothing  of  actual  warfare  against  a  savage  foe,  were 
freely  discussed  that  winter,  and  they  resolved  to  stay  at 
home ;  if  they  must  fight,  they  preferred  fighting  for  their 
own  independence  to  fighting  the  battles  of  the  hated  tyrant 
and  implacable  enemy  of  their  race. 

In  the  spring  the  count  returned  at  the  head  of  a  Frankish 
corps,  and  would  fain  have  gathered  the  Saxons,  led  them 
through  Frisia  to  the  Rhine,  and  thence  to  the  king's  army 
at  Ratisbon,  when  the  Saxons  fell  upon  him  in  the  Riustri- 
Gau,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Weser,  and  annihilated  his 
command.2 

Intelligence  of  the  disaster  reached  the  king  at  Ratisbon  ; 
he  gave  up  the  Pannonian  campaign,  and  waited  for  further 
tidings  from  Saxony.  The  revolt  grew  apace,  and  required 
his  personal  presence ;  but  the  expedition,  designed  to  quell 
it,  did  not  take  place  until  the  following  year. 

794]  The  army  moved  in  two  columns  ;  one,  led  by  the 
king  in  person,  marched,  from  Frankfort,  due  north;  the  other, 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  S.  Amandi  ;  -  Annal.  Einh.,  Poeta  Saxo.  Cf. 
Lauresh.,   Mosell.  Bohmer,  /.  c,  No.  308,  b. 


130  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

commanded  by  his  son,  Prince  Charles,  crossed  the  Rhine 
at  Cologne,  and  advanced  on  an  easterly  line.  The  Saxons 
were  posted  in  force  on  the  Sendfeld,  midway  between 
Paderborn  and  the  Eresburg,  and  the  streams  of  the  Die- 
mel  and  the  Alme,  and  prepared  to  give  battle — until  they 
discovered  that  they  were  completely  surrounded.  What- 
ever hope  of  success  might  have  deluded  them  before, 
it  now  forsook  them  ;  they  laid  down  their  arms,  gave  host- 
ages, and  promised,  under  oath,  to  be  faithful  to  Christianity 
and  to  the  king.  Charles  accepted  their  submission  and 
that  of  their  allies,  attempted  to  restore  order,  put  them  on 
their  good  behavior,  ordered  the  priests  to  return  to  their 
posts,  peaceably  disbanded  the  disarmed  warriors,  and,  sat- 
isfied with  his  bloodless  victory,  retraced  his  steps  into 
Francia.1 

The  situation,  however,  was  far  from  satisfactory,  and  in 
the  course  of  the  winter  information  was  received  that  the 
Saxons,  true  to  their  habitual  perfidy,  were  seeking  pretexts 
for  breaking  their  engagements  both  with  respect  to  Chris- 
tianity and  to  the  king ;  it  was  charged,  that  they  refused 
military  service  and  withheld  the  promised  solatium,  or  in- 
demnity, in  which  they  were  held.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Saxons  heard  the  rumor  that  the  king  intended  to  overrun 
them  with  war,  and  that  the  Abodrites  were  expected  to  co- 
operate with  him  and  invade  their  country. 

795]  A  new  expedition  against  the  rebellious  Saxons  was 
undertaken.  The  king  at  the  head  of  a  large  army  marched 
into  their  country,  and  had  the  gratification  of  receiving  on 
the  march  a  body  of  loyal  Saxons,2  which  joined  the  army. 
In  the  Bardengau  a  halt  was  ordered,  and  a  camp  formed  at 
Liine  on  the  Ilmenau,  south  of  Bardowick.  At  this  point 
his  allies,  the  Abodrites,  were  expected  to  join  the  expedi- 
tion. He  waited  awhile,  but  waited  in  vain  ;  suddenly  news 
was  brought  that  his  vassal,  Prince  Witzan,  in  moving  his 
Abodrites  across  the  Elbe,  had  fallen  into  an  ambush,  set 
by  the  Northalbingian  Saxons,  and  been  slain.     The  king's 

1  Annal.  Einh.  ;  Lauriss. ;  Chronic.  2  Annal.  Lauresh. 

Moiss. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO   ITS  CLOSE.  131 

indignation  was  intense,  nor  was  he  slow  in  chastising  the 
offenders. 

All  the  Saxons  had  been  commanded  to  come  to  Liine, 
and  came  in  great  numbers  ;  they  made  their  humble  sub- 
mission, confessed  the  guilt  of  their  repeated  defection, 
promised  amendment,  and  avowed  their  readiness  of  doing 
whatsoever  the  king  might  enjoin. 

But  the  Northalbingians,  dreading  the  consequences  of  the 
ambush,  together  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  swampy  re- 
gions, and  of  Wigmodia,  were  conspicuous  by  their  absence. 

It  follows  from  these  statements  that  the  king's  authority 
was  now  established  throughout  Saxony  except  in  the  dis- 
tricts on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe.  Charles  ordered  the  devas- 
tation of  the  entire  disaffected  region,  but  accepted  the  offer 
of  the  professedly  loyal  parts  of  giving  hostages  for  their 
future  good  conduct  to  an  extent  which  they  certainly  did 
not  expect.  He  took  one-third  of  the  entire  male  popula- 
tion of  the  country  as  hostages  and  commanded  them  to  be 
removed  into  Francia.1  That  measure,  he  thought,  would 
cure  them  of  their  treachery ;  but  such  was  the  invincible 
and  inveterate  perfidy  of  the  race,  writes  one  of  the  early 
annalists,  that  no  sooner  had  the  king  left,  than  they  fell  to 
breaking  the  covenant.2 

The  official  number  of  the  hostages  thus  removed  is  set 
down  at  7,070 ; 3  it  might  seem  small,  if  it  represented  the 
whole  of  Saxony ;  but  it  clearly  refers  only  to  those  who 
that  year  had  violated  their  oaths,  and  designates  indiscrim- 
inately nobles  {edlinge)  and  the  common  people. 

The  king,  writes  a  Christian  author,  refrained  from  the 
effusion  of  blood,  and,  confiding  in  the  promises  of  the  peni- 
tent people,  rejoiced  that  so  great  and  happy  a  result  had 
been  achieved  by  "  peaceful "  measures  ; 4  these,  however, 
might  have  been  more  pacific  and  humane,  for  another 
Christian  scribe  records,  that  not  less  than  thirty  thousand 
warriors  were  put  to  the  sword.5 

1  Annal.    Einh.,  Lauresh.,  Xanth.,  3  Annal.  Alam.  cont.  Murb. 
Max.,  al.  *  Annal.  Lauresh. 

2  Annal.  Xanth.  5  Ademar,  ap.  Duchesne  II.,  78. 


132  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Convinced  that  the  time  had  come  for  the  final  subjuga- 
tion of  the  country,  Charles  undertook  yet  another  expedi- 
tion in  the  following  year,  on  which  he  was  accompanied 
by  his  sons  Charles  and  Louis.  It  was  substantially  a  repe- 
tition of  the  same  ruthless  destruction  in  all  the  disaffected 
districts  which  had  not  yet  felt  the  ravages  of  the  war.  He 
swept  through  the  country  north  of  the  Lippe,  crossed  the 
Weser,  re-entered  Wigmodia,  and  left  desolation  behind  him. 
■796]  He  took  hostages,  plundered  the  people  of  their  port- 
able property,  applied  the  torch  to  the  rest,  dragged  into 
captivity  a  number  of  men,  women  and  children,  and  re- 
turned, laden  with  "  an  innumerable  multitude  "  of  spoil, 
"without  any  loss,"  and  "prosperously"  into  Francia.1 

In  spite  of  this  prosperity,  and  the  suasions  of  his  army,  the 
unconverted  Saxons  resisted  his  authority,  and  had  retired 
to  this  Wigmodia,  already  twice  mentioned  in  recent  para- 
graphs. It  was  an  almost  inaccessible  region,  situated  be- 
tween the  mouths  of  the  Weser  and  the  Elbe.  Protected 
from  the  sea  by  lofty  dikes,  and  intersected  by  numerous 
canals  and  ditches  not  more  than  a  hundred  paces  apart,  it 
presented  almost  insuperable  difficulties  to  military  opera- 
tions. In  wet  weather  the  roads  were  impassable.  In  that 
retreat  the  rebels  had  thoroughly  intrenched  themselves  be- 
hind formidable  earthworks,  and  maintained  the  defensive ; 
they  had  also  built  a  strong  fortress,  and  until  then  com- 
pelled the  king  to  content  himself  with  ravaging  the  out- 
lying regions. 

797]  But  now  he  came  in  good  earnest,  during  the  dry  sea- 
son, and  with  all  his  resources.  He  led  a  large  army  of  Franks, 
his  best  troops,  ordered  a  fleet  of  large  vessels  to  join  him 
by  water,  and,  for  the  special  purpose  in  hand,  carried  a 
large  number  of  others,  each  composed  of  four  sections, 
which  were  transported  across  the  country.  Two  horses  or 
mules  sufficed  to  draw  one  of  the  sections,  and  as  the  sap- 
pers carried  the  requisite  tools,  nails,  pins,  pitch  and  the  like, 
ready  prepared,  the  boats  could  be  put  together  where  they 

1  Annal.  Mosell.,  Lauresh.,  Lauriss.;  al.  Petav. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  ITS  CLOSE.  1 33 

were  needed,  and  at  the  shortest  notice.  The  army,  sup- 
ported by  the  fleet,  broke  through  the  fort,  and  thus  entered 
the  Gan. 

The  work  of  devastation  began  ;  his  soldiers  had  orders  to 
demolish  every  house  and  wall,  and  set  on  fire  whatever 
would  take  the  flame.  The  people,  with  all  they  had,  sought 
the  most  inaccessible  regions,  but  Charles  forced  his  way 
through  the  swamps,  crossed  the  canals,  and  never  rested 
until  he  reached  the  uttermost  limit  of  the  country,  the  land 
of  Hadeln,  between  the  mouths  of  the  Weser  and  the  Elbe. 

Then  at  last  the  unfortunate  people  came  forth  from  "  all 
ends  and  corners  "  to  which  they  had  fled,  took  the  inevi- 
table oaths,  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  gave  as  many  host- 
ages as  he  required.  Two  years  before  the  king  was  satisfied 
with  taking  every  third  man  in  the  revolted  districts;  now 
nothing  would  satisfy  him  but  the  third  man  with  his  wife 
and  children.  These  he  sent  away  into  Francia,  and  gave 
their  homesteads  to  loyal  Franks.  The  same  policy  was 
pursued  in  the  case  of  the  Frisians.1 

The  subjugation  of  the  entire  country,  from  the  Lippe 
to  the  Elbe,  and  from  the  confines  of  Thuringia  to  the 
North  Sea,  being  now  nominally  completed,  the  question  of 
the  permanent  occupation  of  the  country,  together  with  the 
treatment  to  be  meted  out  to  the  conquered  people  had  to 
be  decided,  and  for  that  purpose  Charles  convened  a  Diet  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  repaired  to  that  city.  The  Diet  was 
composed  of  bishops,  abbots,  and  counts,  together  with  rep- 
resentative Westphalian,  Angrian,  and  Eastphalian  Saxons, 
and  unanimously  enacted  the  instrument  known  as  the  Cap- 
italare  Saxonicum  of  797.* 

It  is  a  vast  improvement,  in  point  of  humanity,  upon- the 
sanguinary  bill  set  forth  before.  The  capitula  are  only 
eleven  in  number,  and,  on  the  whole,  place  the  Saxons  upon 
a  footing  of  equality  with  the  Franks ;  they  repeal,  by 
silence,  the  obnoxious  capital  crimes,  and  substitute  pecun- 
iary fines,  to  wit,  that  the  konigsbann  of  sixty  solidi  be  paid 

1  Annal.     Lauriss.,  major.,    minor.,  2  Baluze,  /.  c.  t.  i.,  p.  275. 

Lauresh. 


134  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

alike  by  Saxon  or  Frank  for  the  crimes  of  disturbing  the 
peace  of  churches,  widows,  and  orphans,  of  rape,  arson,  acts 
of  violence,  and  refusal  of  military  service  (c.  i). 

They  likewise  provide,  in  a  more  merciful  spirit,  that  it 
shall  be  optional  with  the  king,  in  the  case  of  criminals,  who 
under  Saxon  law  have  forfeited  their  lives,  to  commute  the 
sentence  of  death  into  one  of  banishment,  on  the  principle 
that  though  politically  dead  in  their  own  country,  they 
might  (probably  with  a  new  name)  be  colonized  elsewhere 
within  or  without  the  limits  of  the  Frankish  dominions. 

Armed  with  these  new  laws,  which  seem  to  breathe  the 
gentle  spirit  of  Alcuin,  and  Queen  Liutgard,  Charles,  ac- 
companied by  his  entire  court  and  an  army,  returned  into 
Saxony,  in  order  to  terminate,  if  possible,  the  regulations 
necessary  to  the  pacification  of  the  country.  It  was  late  in 
the  season  J  when  the  royal  camp  was  pitched  on  the  Weser, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Diemel ;  the  army  was  required  to 
erect  wooden  barracks,  and  the  place  where  they  stood,  as  well 
as  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  used,  induced  Charles  to 
name  the  spot  Heristelle,  that  is,  the  place  of  the  army  ;  it 
survives  to  this  day  in  the  Westphalian  "Herstelle ;  "2  there 
is  no  doubt  that  he  was  guided  in  the  choice  of  the  name  by 
797]  his  ancestral  He'ristal  on  the  Meuse,  for  we  read,  that 
he  called  it  Niwi  Heristalli  (z.  e.,  New  Heristal),  and  that 
others  speak  of  "  Saxon  Heristall."  3 

That  camp,  however,  was  used  only  by  a  part  of  the 
army,  enough  for  the  protection  arid  circumstance  of  the 
royal  court ;  the  great  bulk  of  the  host  went  into  winter 
quarters  throughout  the  region — possibly  in  more  distant  lo- 
calities.4 Its  situation  in  the  depth  of  a  Westphalian  forest 
was  not  too  remote  for  diplomatic  intercourse  with  rep- 
resentatives of  distant  potentates.  It  was  enlivened  by  the 
arrival  of   an  Avar  embassy  bearing  rich   presents  for  the 

1  Novembrio     mense     mediante. —  3  Annal.   Lauriss.,  Mosell. 

Ann.  Lauriss.  4  Annal.   Einh.     "  per  totam  Saxon- 

2  In  the  Prussian  province  of  West-     iam  in  hiberna  divisit." 
phalia,   W.    of  Karlshafen,    dist.     of 

Minden,  in  the  circuit  of  H  oxter. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO  ITS  CLOSE.  135 

king,  and  that  of  an  ambassador  from  Alonso  II.,  king  of 
Gallicia  and  Asturia,  who  brought  a  most  timely  and  useful 
token  of  affectionate  and  thoughtful  regard  in  the  shape  of 
a  magnificent  tent. 

The  presence  of  the  royal  family,  including  that  of  the 
king's  sons,  the  kings  of  Italy  and  Aquitaine,  added  splen- 
dor to  the  romantic  beauty  of  Herstelle,  and  made  the 
camp  as  unlike  an  ordinary  camp  as  possible.  Charles  had 
come  for  work,  but  there  was  abundant  opportunity  for 
diversion.  The  pleasures  of  the  chase,  of  sleighing  and 
skating,  alternated  with  military  duties,1  and  the  more  genial 
pastime  of  music  and  literature.  Letters  also  came,  and  here 
is  one  from  Alcuin  to  the  queen  : 

"  To  the  most  noble  lady  Leutgarda,  in  the  love  of  Christ 
greeting.  I  entreat  you,  if  it  be  the  king's  pleasure  to  pro- 
long his  stay  in  Saxony,  to  let  me  know  how  he  and  the 
Christian  army  do  fare  and  when  he  expects  to  return.  Pray 
tell  me  also  all  about  your  winter  residence,  and  in  which 
palace  it  has  been  decided  to  spend  the  winter. 

"  As  for  you,  most  noble  lady,  I  rejoice  that  you  ever  set 
unto  all  the  most  shining  example  of  a  most  virtuous  life 
acceptable  unto  God,  and  that  you  are  praised  in  word  and 
beloved  in  heart  by  all  who  know  you. 

"  May  God  of  his  mercy  advance  you  to  ever-increasing 
honors  until  you  are  worthy  of  passing  from  the  happiness 
of  earthly  prosperity  to  the  blessedness  of  eternal  life  in 
heaven.  May  you  live  and  flourish  in  all  virtues  in  Christ 
Jesus."  2 

In  another  letter  of  his  addressed  to  the  king,  he  begs 
him  to  diversify  the  horrid  clash  of  arms  and  the  shrill 
notes  of  the  trumpet  with  the  sweeter  melody  of  poetry 
and  song,  and  thereby  counteract  the  fierce  motions  of  his 
warriors,  as  needing  the  softer  influences  of  vocal  and  in- 
strumental music  to  assuage  their  natural  ferocity.3 

Christmas  came  and  passed  away ;  the  Saxons  saw  how 

i  A   large    stone  on    the    top  of   a  2  Monum.  Alcuinian,  p.  37" : 

bluff   is   indicated   as  the   spot   from  3  Ep.  Ale. ,  No.  ioo  (ed.  Jaffe). 

which  Charles  inspected  the  troops. 


136  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

79§]  the  Franks  kept  Lent,  and  Charles  was  unremitting  in 
his  efforts  for  the  disposition  of  their  affairs.1  He  preferred 
the  peaceable  solution  of  still  impending  troubles  on  the 
part  of  the  unconverted,  intractable,  and  rebellious  Saxons 
beyond  the  Elbe,  the  Nordliudi,  as  they  were  called,  and 
sent  missi  to  them  to  administer  justice. 

About  Easter  these  Nordliudi,  incensed  at  the  persistent 
missionary  zeal,  it  would  seem,  of  the  missi,  fell  upon  them, 
and  put  some  of  their  number  to  death.  The  movement 
was  general,  and  the  infuriated  pagans  even  laid  violent 
hands  on  Count  Gottschalk,  the  king's  ambassador  to  Den- 
mark. He  was  on  his  way  back  to  Charles,  and  obnox- 
ious to  them,  it  is  thought,  on  account  of  his  mission, 
the  nature  of  which  is  not  known,  but  which  they  doubt- 
less construed  as  inimical  to  themselves ;  at  any  rate  they 
seized  and  slew  him.  Some  of  the  missi  escaped  death,  but 
owed  their  lives  less  to  the  mercy  than  to  the  cupidity  of  the 
rebels,  who  expected  and  exacted  a  rich  ransom  for  their 
delivery.  The  ransom  was  paid  ;  still  others,  more  fortu- 
nate than  they,  found  means  of  making  their  way  to  the 
king  and  informing  him  of  what  had  occurred.2 

The  Northalbingians  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  at  a  time 
when  lack  of  forage  prevented  the  army,  which  was  largely 
composed  of  cavalry,  from  leaving  winter  quarters.  The 
commissariat  stores  were  scanty ;  the  whole  country,  far  and 
near,  had  been  devastated,  and  until  fresh  supplies  from  be- 
yond the  Rhine  came  in,  the  army  must  remain  idle.  Until 
they  arrived  the  rebels  might  breathe  freely,  but  the  tem- 
pest, though  deferred,  would  overtake  them  soon  enough. 

Among  those  who  carried  tidings  of  the  revolt  into  the 
royal  camp  was  a  certain  Richard,  a  Christian  Saxon  and 
brother  of  Richolf,  one  of  the  victims.  As  soon  as  he  heard 
of  the  massacre  he  hastened  forth  to  inform  the  king;  dur- 
ing his  absence  the  murderers  of  the  missi  seized  his  wife, 
and  robbed  her  of  the  little  she  had  left.  Richard  was  a 
plucky  fellow  and  succeeded  in  setting  her  free.     This  inri- 

1  Annal.   Lauriss.  2  Annal.      Lauriss.,     Einh.      Poeta 

Saxo. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO   ITS   CLOSE.  1 37 

dent  is  mentioned  in  a  petition  addressed,  many  years  later, 
by  his  son  to  the  emperor  Louis,  setting  forth  the  additional 
detail  that  their  neighbors,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  revolt, 
plundered  the  houses  of  those  whose  loyalty  to  the  king  and 
fidelity  to  Christ  were  peculiarly  odious  to  them.1 

Charles  was  very  angry,  and  ordering  the  camp  at  Her- 
stelle  to  be  struck,  moved  north,  and  halted  at  Minden  on 
the  Weser.  There  the  necessary  dispositions  were  made  in 
virtue  of  which  he  conducted  in  person  a  large  army  through 
the  country  between  the  Weser  and  the  Elbe,  wasted  it  with 
fire  and  sword,2  advanced  to  Bardowick,  received  the  sub- 
mission of  the  people,  seized  a  number  of  the  most  intract- 
able nobles,  and  took  as  many  hostages  as  he  pleased.3  The 
Northalbingians,  as  might  be  expected,  were  most  defiant, 
and  elated  by  the  massacre  of  the  royal  messengers,4  pre- 
pared for  desperate  resistance.  While  Charles  was  engaged 
798]  with  the  pacification  of  Saxon  Mesopotamia,  his  allies, 
the  Abodrites,  doubtless  in  conformity  with  his  directions, 
made  a  movement  against  the  Northalbingians,  and  took 
them  from  the  rear.  The  whole  of  their  army,  nominally 
commanded  by  Thrasco,  their  prince,  but  under  the  direc- 
tion of  able  Frankish  generals,  and  with  the  co-operation  of 
a  body  of  Frankish  troops,  entered 5  and  ravaged  the  hostile 
country.  The  Northalbingians  collected  their  forces,  and 
encountered  the  invading  host  at  Suentana,6  identified  as 
the  Zventinefeld  on  the  Schwentine.7  A  fierce  battle  was 
fought,  in  which  the  Northalbingians  were  routed  with 
great  loss.  According  to  the  credible  report  of  the  missus 
Eboris,  who  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  Abodrites, 
four  thousand  of  the  enemy  fell  at  the  first  onset.8  Panic- 
struck  they  fled  for  their  lives  ;  still,  although  many  more 

1  Epist.  Mogunt.  4. — Jaffe,  Bibl.  latter  make  the  N.  attack  the  Abo- 
III.,  320.  drites. 

2  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Petav.,  Alamann.  6  See  Miihlbacher — Bohmer,  /.  c. 
c. ,  Einh.  p.  137.     Some,  but  I  think  wrongly, 

3  Annal.  Lauresh.,  S.  Amandi,  identify  it  with  the  modern  Schwante 
Lauriss.  on  the  Warnow. 

4  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.  7  It  flows  into  the  bay  of  Kiel. 

5  Annal.     Lauresh.,     Einh.       The  8  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh. 


I38  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

were  cut  down  by  their  pursuers,  the  flying  foe  not  only 
reached  a  place  of  safety,  but  was  strong  enough  to  discuss 
terms  of  peace.1  The  Frankish  accounts,  therefore,  seem 
to  be  exaggerated. 

It  is  difficult  to  explain  why  Charles  did  not  follow  up  his 
advantage ;  he  marched  from  Bardowick  to  the  confines  of 
the  Wendish  country  in  the  Gan  of  Norththuringia,  and 
seems  to  have  contented  himself  with  giving  audience  to  a 
deputation  of  Abodrites,  and  extolling  their  merits  in  terms 
of  unbounded  admiration.2 

Thus  ended  that  year's  work.  The  contemporary  records 
are  meagre,  singularly  vague,  and  convey  no  clear  idea  of  the 
nature  of  the  pacific  measures  or  the  warlike  operations  set  in 
motion  for  the  final  conquest  of  the  unhappy  country,  and 
the  conversion  of  its  still  more  unfortunate  people  from  re- 
volt and  paganism  to  loyalty  and  Christianity.  We  catch  a 
glimpse  of  the  true  condition  of  the  country  at  this  time 
from  an  epistle  of  Alcuin's,  in  which  he  urges  the  king  by  all 
means  to  stay  the  effusion  of  blood  and  make  peace  with 
the  Saxons,  and  recommends  a  policy  of  conciliation.3  In 
one  passage  he  expresses  doubt  if  Saxony  was  really  worthy 
of  becoming  a  country  chosen  by  God,  because  a  number  of 
Saxons  who  had  left  it  had  turned  out  good  Christians,  while 
those  who  stayed  at  home  persisted  in  paganism.4 

Unless  we  have  misread  or  misunderstood  the  meaning  of 
the  good  Alcuin,  he  seems  to  have  advocated  deportation  as 
the  best  means  of  terminating  the  Saxon  affair ;  at  any  rate, 
the  king  believed  in  its  efficacy  as  one  means,  while  he  dis- 
dained not  the  more  martial  counsel  of  others,  for  instance, 
that  of  Angilbert,  who,  adverting  to  his  departure  for  Sax- 
ony in  the  next  year,  plainly  unfolds  the  purpose  of  the 
expedition,  as  intended  "  to  subjugate  the  rebellious  people 
and  cut  off  the  savage  race  with  cold  steel."5 

The  customary  national  muster  took  place  at  Lippeham, 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.     See  H.  v.  3  See  p.  126. 

Sybel,  Kleine  hist.  Schriften,  III.,  50.  4  The    same    epistle — No.    114    in 

-  Et   honoravit  eos   domnus  rex  ut  Jaffe's  edition, 

digni  erant  mirifice. — Annal.  Lauresh.  5  Angilb.  Carmen,  v.,  340. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  ITS  CLOSE.  1 39 

and  the  army,  increased  by  Aquitanian  auxiliaries,  which 
King  Louis  had  been  commanded  to  send  to  the  Rhine,1 
marched  to  Paderborn.  There,  on  that  natural  camping 
ground,  Charles  pitched  his  military  city,  remaining  in  camp 
for  the  purpose  of  entertaining  Pope  Leo,  but  ordering  his  son 
Charles,  with  half  the  army,  into  the  interior  of  the  country. 
The  prince  entered  the  Bardengau,  and  there  conducted 
negotiations  with  the  Welatabians  and  Abodrites,  besides 
receiving  the  submission  of  many  Northalbingian  Saxons. 

The  pacification  seems  to  have  been  conducted  on  the 
Alcuinian  plan,  for  the  annals  record  that  the  king  on  his 
return  carried  off  a  multitude  of  Saxons,  with  their  wives 
and  children,  into  banishment,  and  that  the  prince  also  re- 
turned in  great  triumph  with  a  similar  train,  presumably 
from  the  Bardengau  ;  temporarily,  therefore,  the  Saxon 
war  was  ended.  The  lands  of  the  dispossessed  and  exiled 
pagans  were  confiscated,  and,  by  royal  command,  distrib- 
uted, in  reward  for  military  services,  among  the  faithful 
lieges  of  Charles,  and  in  recompense  of  efficient  missionary 
labors,  and  prayers  offered,  among  the  bishops,  priests,  and 
abbots  in  his  train.2 

These  beneficiaries  kept  Frisia  and  Saxony,  within  the 
limits  named,  in  good  order  for  several  years  to  come,  but 
the  Northalbingians  beyond  the  Elbe  maintained  a  stubborn 
resistance.  An  army  of  Francised  Saxons,  but  doubtless 
§02]  under  Frankish  officers,  was  ordered  to  devastate 
their  country.  The  raid  was  made,  but  seems  to  have  been 
a  failure,  since  the  annals  omit  to  record  a  success  ;  their 
silence  is  always  suspicious.3 

Two  years  later,  however,  Charles,  now  emperor,  deter- 
mined to  consummate  the  final,  total,  and  absolute  subjuga- 
tion of  the  entire  country.  After  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions, the  keerbann  assembled  at  Lippspringe.  A  large 
804]  army  was  directed  to  the  Elbe,  and  Charles  went  into 
camp  at  Hollenstedt,  south  of  Harburg.4 

1  Vita  Hlud.  c.  9.  3  Annal.  Einh. ;  Enh.  Fuld. 

2  Annal.  Lauriss. ;  Einh.;  Lauresh.;  4  Annal.  Mett.;  Chron.  Moiss. 
Petav. ;  Chron.  Moiss. 


140  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

His  arrival  there  in  imperial  state,  with  his  family,  was 
followed  by  that  of  the  princes  and  chieftains  of  his  allies 
the  Abodrites,  who  laid  their  offerings  at  his  feet,  and 
invoked  his  counsel  in  the  regulation  of  their  domestic 
affairs.  The  richest  gifts  were  presented  by  Thrasco,  the 
hero  of  the  Zventinefeld,  and  the  most  powerful  of  their 
number.  Charles  accepted  the  gifts  and,  in  recognition  of 
his  superior  merit,  instituted  him  King  of  the  Abodrites.1 

Then  he  announced  the  plan  of  the  campaign.  In  order 
to  understand  it,  we  should  remember  that  the  rebellious 
districts  lay  substantially  within  the  lines  of  an  irregular 
parallelogram,  having  for  its  base  a  line  drawn  from  Bremen 
to  Hamburg,  and  for  its  northern  limit  the  course  of  the 
Eider.  The  River  Elbe  ran  through  it  diagonally  in  a 
northwesterly  direction,  so  that  the  entire  region  was  en- 
closed on  three  sides  by  water.  The  country  of  the  Abo- 
drites was  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Elbe  and  im- 
mediately contiguous  to  that  of  the  Northalbingians,  who 
occupied  the  modern  district  of  Holstein. 

The  imperial  plan  provided  for  the  division  of  the  army 
into  a  number  of  sections,  and  their  invasion  of  a  corre- 
sponding number  of  regions  of  the  infected  district,  with 
orders  to  sweep  them,  and  hunt  down,  seize,  and  drive  out 
all  the  inhabitants.  To  the  Franks  was  assigned  the  duty 
of  doing  this  work  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Elbe,  and  to  the 
Abodrites  that  of  performing  the  same  operations  on  the 
right,  while  with  a  view  to  stimulating  the  zeal  of  these 
allies  they  were  promised  beforehand  the  country  of  the 
Northalbingians  as  the  guerdon  of  their  exertions. 

The  plan,  which  in  some  respects  resembled  that  of  "  net- 
ting," so  much  in  vogue  among  the  Persians,  seemed  in 
others  to  be  an  adaptation  of  a  rabbit  hunt,  in  which  the 
Saxons  represent  the  rabbits,  the  Franks  and  their  allies, 
the  ferrets.  It  was  immediately  and  successfully  carried 
into  effect  ;  the  Frankish  raiding  expeditions  entered  the 
cantons  of  Wigmodia,  Hostingabi,  and  Rosogabi,  and  others 

1  Annal.    Mett. ;    Lobiens. ;    Chron.  Moiss. ;  cf.  Annal.  Einh.  a.  817. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO  ITS  CLOSE.  141 

besides,  while  the  Sclavonian  Abodrites  fell  upon  the  coun- 
try of  the  Northalbingians. 

The  Saxons,  without  all  military  organization,  were  at 
home  on  their  farms,  or  concealed  in  their  burrows,  and 
804]  utterly  helpless.  The  more  martial  Northalbingians 
might  have  roused  themselves  to  energetic  resistance,  if 
the  expected  aid  of  Gottfried,  king  of  the  Danes,  who  lay 
with  a  strong  armament  off  the  neighboring  coast  of  Sles- 
wig,  had  been  available  to  them  ;  but  it  failed  them,  and 
they  were  as  much  at  the  mercy  of  the  Abodrites,  as  their 
brothers  beyond  the  river  at  that  of  the  Franks. 

They  had  no  escape ;  they  must  either  perish  in  the  sea, 
or  surrender.  Overwhelmed  by  numbers  the  miserable  and 
defenceless  pagans  were  driven  from  their  homes,  hunted 
out  of  their  hiding-places,  and  soon  the  entire  population, 
men,  women,  and  children,  was  led  at  the  point  of  the 
spear  to  the  imperial  presence,  and  thence  dispersed 
throughout  the  Frankish  dominions.1  Not  less  than  ten 
thousand  met  that  fate,  but  that  number  is  doubtless  far 
short  of  the  truth.2 

The  statement  of  one  authority3  that  this  terrible  meas- 
ure was  executed  "  without  war  "  is  flatly  contradicted  by 
that  of  another,  "  that  an  indefinite  number  were  put  to 
death  ;  "4  but  no  one  may  doubt  the  evangelical  accuracy  of 
a  third,  that  it  was  accomplished  without  any  hurt  to  the 
imperial  army.s 

It  is  unnecessary  to  speculate  on  the  spirit  in  which  it 
was  performed,  since  veracious  documentary  evidence  fully 
reveals  the  fact  that  the  raiders  were  men  of  brutal  vio- 
lence, without  discrimination,  who  drove  away  whomsoever 
they  met  or  found,  the  loyal  with  the  rebel,  and  confiscated 
alike  the  possessions  of  Christians  and  pagans. 

In  the  next  reign,  for  instance,  a  number  of  Wigmodians 
appeared  before  the  imperial  commissioners  complaining 
that  though   they  always  were  loyal  to  Charles,  yet  had 

1  Annal.     Einh.,      Metten. ;      Enh.  3  Annal.  Lauriss.  min. 
Fuld..  al.                                                           4  Annal.  S.  Amandi. 

2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  7.  5  Annal.  Mett. 


142  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

their  possessions  been  seized  and  confiscated.  Upon  thor- 
ough scrutiny  it  appeared  that  their  allegations  were  true, 
and  thereupon  the  confiscated  possessions  were  restored  to 
them.1 

Even  the  Saxon  Richard,  a  Christian,  and  in  the  service 
of  Charles,  a  man  of  undoubted  and  self-sacrificing  loyalty 
and  devotion,  2  suffered  most  grievously  at  the  hands  of  the 
raiders.  After  the  plucky  recovery  of  his  wife  he  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  his  maternal  inheritance  in  the  canton 
of  Merstem,  situated  between  the  Leine  and  the  Siintel. 
That  district  also  was  doomed,  and  its  population  driven 
away.  The  hapless  Richard,  with  his  wife  and  children, 
were  sent  from  place  to  place,  and  Richard  died  in  banish- 
ment, or  as  his  son  expresses  himself  in  a  petition  to  Louis 
the  Pious,  "  My  father  was  removed  from  this  light,  and 
my  mother  only  together  with  my  sister  and  myself  are 
left,  and  by  the  mercy  of  God  survive  to  this  day.  Never- 
theless we  have  not  yet  been  able  to  recover  our  paternal 
inheritance."  3 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Louis  was  not  slow  in  ordering  its 
restoration,  and  rewarding  the  survivors  for  Richard's  devo- 
tion to  his  father. 

The  records  do  not  name  the  localities  to  which  the 
ejected  and  dispossessed  Saxons  were  transported.  Ein- 
hard  says  that  Charles  settled  them,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  in  many  different  bodies,  here  and  there  in  Gaul 
and  Germany.  This  is  rather  vague  information,  and  the 
term  "  Germany  "  must  be  understood  as  comprehending 
the  "  marches."  In  a  general  way  it  is  established  that 
Charles  had  the  habit  of  sending  many  Saxon  hostages  and 
captives  to  Frankish  churches  and  monasteries  with  a  view 
to  their  education  as  monks  or  priests.  Many  such  are 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  monastery  of  Corbie  on 
the  Somme,5  of  which  his  cousin  Adalhard  was  abbot ;  others 

1  Simson,  Jahrbiicher,  p.  304,  citing  seems  to  contain  the  name  of  the  said 
Sickel,  and  Wilmans.  Richard. 

2  See  p.  136.  4  Vita  Caroli,  c.  7. 

3  Jaffe,  III.,  319  sqq. ;  compare  the  5  Translatio  S.  Viti  ;  Jaffe',  I.,  6,  7. 
list    in    MG.,    Leges,    I.,   89,    which 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO   ITS   CLOSE.  143 

are  spoken  of  as  under  the  care  of  the  bishops  of  Wiirz- 
burg,  Constance,  Augsburg,  and  Mayence,  the  archbishop  of 
Rheims,  the  abbot  of  Reichenau,  and  sundry  Alemannian 
nobles.  The  first  and  second  bishops  of  Paderborn  were 
Saxons,  the  one  a  hostage,  the  other  a  noble.1 

The  chronicles  of  St.  Denis  make  the  Brabants  and  Flem- 
ish Saxons,  and  say  that  they  spoke  the  Saxon  dialect,2 
and  a  number  of  archaeologists  refer,  but  not  on  convincing 
grounds,  the  occurrence  of  names  like  Sachsenhausen,  etc., 
to  settlements  incident  upon  the  final  deportation  of  the 
Saxons.3 

Thus  cruelly  and  ingloriously  ended  the  Saxon  war,  "  on 
the  terms  offered  by  the  king,"  and  accepted  by  the  Sax- 
ons. 

But  is  this  statement  of  his  biographer  entitled  to  re- 
spect? He  adds  that  these  terms  were  :  "  renunciation  of 
their  national  religious  customs,  and  the  worship  of  devils, 
acceptance  of  the  sacraments  of  the  Christian  faith  and 
religion,  and  union  with  the  Franks  to  form  one  people."4 

They  were  accepted  by  those  who  escaped  the  sword,  but 
not  by  those  who  were  driven  forth  into  the  living  death  of 
a  nameless  exile  ;  these  last  had  no  choice  left  to  them. 

"  Charles,"  writes  one  of  the  chroniclers,  "  returned  with 
triumphal  rejoicing  into  Francia."5  He  might  exult  in  the 
consummation  of  his  purpose,  and  riding  through  the  deso- 
lated country,  denuded  of  its  inhabitants,  past  the  ruins  of 
their  former  idolatry,  over  the  fields  fertilized  with  their 
blood,  think  what  his  grandson  Nithard  the  historian  set 
down  in  writing :  that  "  the  savage  and  iron  hearts  of  the 
Franks  and  barbarians,  which  the  Romans  sought  in  vain 
to  subdue,  had  been  curbed  by  the  moderated  terror  of  his 
indomitable  will."6 

"  Moderated  terror  "  may  be   a  pardonable    euphemism 

1  Transl.  S.  Liborii,  cc.  5,  6.  MG.  3  See  Waitz,  III.,  136.  Nos.  2,  3; 
SS.  IV.,  151.  Eckhart,  Franc,  or.  II.,  35. 

2  Chron.  de  S.   Denis,  Bouquet  V.,  *  Vita  Caroli,  c.  7. 
252.  5  Chron.  Moiss. 

6  Hist.  I.,  1.— MG.  SS.  II.,  651. 


144  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

for  copious  bloodshed  and  adamantine  cruelty,  to  which 
must  be  added  the  bribery,  which  even  Alcuin  admits.1 

By  such  means  he  conquered  and  converted  the  Saxons. 
But  neither  their  conquest  nor  their  conversion  redounds  to 
his  honor.  The  Saxon  war  was  conducted  with  almost  un- 
paralleled ferocity  ;  the  twenty  years  which  separate  the 
massacre  of  Verden  from  the  final  removal  of  the  people, 
are  years  of  brutal  violence  and  oppression,  unrelieved  by 
heroism,  or  even  strategical  skill  on  the  part  of  the  Franks. 
They  conquered  by  sheer  force,  and  our  sympathy,  despite 
all  the  monkish  annalists  and  chroniclers  fable  of  the  wick- 
edness of  the  Saxons,  is  given  to  them  rather  than  to 
their  conqueror. 

The  pacification  was  complete  ;  a  new  era  of  peace  and 
religiousness  set  in  ;  the  Church  flourished,  eight  Saxon 
bishoprics  arose ;  churches,  abbeys,  and  monasteries  were 
multiplied  ;  and  the  poor  Saxons,  in  unknown  regions,  saw 
the  error  of  their  ways,  and  in  due  time  doubtless  became 
as  good  Christians  as  their  neighbors. 


The  Saxon  war  was  ostensibly  waged  for  the  glory  of 
Christ,  and  the  conversion  of  the  Saxons  to  the  religion  of 
Jesus ;  but  the  most  diligent  examination  of  contemporary 
records  fails  to  reveal,  on  the  part  of  the  Franks,  the  spirit 
of  its  blessed  Founder,  the  Prince  of  Peace,  the  Teacher  of 
Mercy,  the  Embodiment  of  Love. 

The  Christian  conqueror  who  directed  it,  and  the  priests 
in  his  train,  were  zealous  and  inflexible  in  their  purpose  ; 
baptism,  or  death  even  unto  extermination,  was  their  watch- 
word and  policy. 

In  what  sense  then  are  we  to  understand  the  conversion 
of  the  Saxons?  Not  in  the  common  and  grammatical 
sense.  Multitudes  of  the  Saxons  had  been  slain  in  battle 
or  put   to   death,    many   thousands   had    been    driven   into 

1  Ep.  14.  /.  c. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO   ITS  CLOSE.  145 

exile,  and  excepting  the  baptized  Saxons  who  remained, 
the  whole  of  their  country  by  the  law  of  conquest  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Charles,  who,  among  other  things,  pro- 
vided for  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  Christian 
institutions,  built  churches  and  monasteries,  and  richly  en- 
dowed them  with  land  and  tithes. 

The  conversion  of  the  Saxons  may  be  a  myth,  but  that 
of  Saxony  into  a  dependency  or  province  of  Christian  Fran- 
cia  is  a  historical  reality. 

A  few  details  may  illustrate  these  statements,  unfold  the 
principles  on  which  Saxony  was  Christianized,  and  fix  cer- 
tain dates  of  the  progress  of  Christian  institutions. 

Among  the  earliest  establishments  near  the  Saxon  coun- 
try is  the  monastery  of  Hersfeld  in  Hessia.  It  was  founded 
by  bishop  Lul,  probably  in  774,  and  consecrated  to  the 
apostles  Simon  and  Thaddeus  ;  through  his  influence  with 
Charles  it  was  at  once  enriched  with  the  royal  protection,  the 
privilege  of  the  free  choice  of  its  abbot,  and  with  tithes.1 

Nothing  seemed  to  be  wanting  to  the  growing  prosperity 
of  the  monastery  but  the  acquisition  of  the  relics  of  an  un- 
doubted saint,  as  an  important  and  unfailing  means  for 
attracting  the  benefactions  of  the  faithful.  The  remains  of 
such  a  saint  reposed  in  the  neighboring  church  at  Fritzlar ; 
they  were  those  of  St.  Wigbert,  and  the  monks  of  Hersfeld 
greatly  longed  for  their  removal  to  their  own  establishment. 
They  prayed,  and  an  angel  appeared  either  to  Witta,  the 
suffragan  bishop  of  Buriaburg,  or  to  bishop  Lul,  enjoining 
the  change. 

Bishop  Lul  referred  the  case  to  Charles  and,  armed  with 
a  royal  permit,  proceeded  to  direct  the  translation.  Three 
monks  were  designated  for  the  purpose,  and  they  performed 
the  deed  secretly  under  cover  of  night ;  this  precaution 
was  necessary,  as  its  execution  by  day  would  doubtless 
have  led  to  violent  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  people. 
Lupus,  the  biographer  of  St.  Wigbert,  remarks  that  though 
bishop  Lul  did  not  doubt  the  saint's  ability  of  protecting 

1  Bohmer-Muhlbacher,  /.  c.  Nos.  172,  173,  iSS,  189. 
10 


146  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

the  carriers,  he  recalled  the  words :  "  Thou  shalt  not  tempt 
the  Lord  thy  God  "  (Matt,  iv.,  7),  and  enjoined  secrecy.  This 
he  thought  eminently  proper,  reasoning :  "  Why  did  the 
Lord,  after  Pharaoh  had  consented  to  the  departure  of  the 
children  of  Israel,  not  conduct  them  through  the  land  of 
the  Philistines  ?  "  "  Forsooth  only  lest  they  should  repent 
of  their  departure  in  the  event  of  war."  On  this  principle 
he  justified  the  secret  removal  of  the  relics. 

The  translation  took  place  in  780;  the  relics  were  solemnly 
deposited  at  Hersfeld,  and  bishop  Lul  caused  the  tomb  of 
the  saint  to  be  ornamented  with  silver  and  gold.  It  was  a 
fortunate  event ;  the  miraculous  power  of  the  saint  was 
manifest  in  rich  donations  which  flowed  into  the  monastery 
from  far  and  near ;  he  even  cast  the  fame  of  the  original 
and  apostolical  patrons  of  the  establishment  in  the  shade, 
which  thenceforth  was  called  after  his  name ;  '  and  as  Lul 
was  soon  after  promoted  to  archiepiscopal  dignity,  St.  Wig- 
bert  may  have  had  some  share  in  his  elevation. 

Six  years  later  [786]  the  archbishop  died  at  Hersfeld  and 
was  buried  there.  His  remains  did  not  escape  the  fate  of 
other  saints,  for  Lul  was  canonized  ;  they  were  taken  from 
their  first  resting  place  to  a  new  church  in  852,  and  when 
that  was  destroyed  by  fire,  removed  with  those  of  St.  Wig- 
bert  to  a  new  tomb  in  1040;  but,  it  appears,  not  perma- 
nently, or  entire,  since  other  churches  boasted  of  their  pos- 
session.2 

Gregory,  the  zealous  head  of  Willibrord's  school  at 
Utrecht,  who  for  more  than  twenty  years  had  been  the  soul 
of  the  mission  for  the  conversion  of  the  Frisians  and  Sax- 
ons, died  in  775,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Alberich. 
Lebuinus,  the  fiery  missionary  already  known  to  us,  fled  to 
Utrecht,  and  after  an  interval,  returned  to  the  scene  of  his 
labors,  rebuilt  the  church  at  Deventer,  and  died  there  in  773. 
That  church  also  the  pagans  set  on  fire,  and  diligently 
sought  to  secure  his  remains,  but  failed.  When  the  storm 
had  passed  Alberich  sent  Liudger  to  continue  the  work  of 

1  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  344.  2  Ibid.  p.  535  sqq. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO   ITS  CLOSE.  147 

Lebuinus,  charging  him  to  rebuild  the  church  over  his  re- 
mains. Liudger  began  to  build,  but  almost  despaired  of 
rinding  the  remains  of  Lebuinus,  when  the  latter  appeared 
to  him  in  a  dream  saying,  "  Dear  brother  Liudger,  you  have 
done  well  in  rebuilding  the  church  which  the  pagans  have 
destroyed ;  search  for  my  bones  in  the  south  aisle  and  you 
will  find  them." 

Liudger,  full  of  gratitude  to  God,  acted  upon  the  miracu- 
lous direction,  discovered  the  remains  in  the  designated 
place,  and  changing  the  lines  of  his  foundation  walls,  was 
glad  to  provide  for  them  a  permanent  home  inside  the  church, 
which  in  due  course  he  completed  and  consecrated.  Their 
virtue  thenceforth  protected  it  from  further  molestation  by 
the  pagans.1 

This  happened  in  775.  After  that  time  he  labored  in  the 
interior  of  the  country,  engaged  with  his  companions  in  the 
arduous  and  perilous  work  of  demolishing  the  idols  and 
temples  of  the  Frisians.  Two  years  later  he  was  ordained 
priest  and  appointed  a  religious  teacher  in  the  Ostergau,2 
where  he  followed  his  holy  vocation  for  seven  years,  until 
the  persecution  of  784  necessitated  his  departure.  He  re- 
paired first  to  Rome  and  thence  to  Monte  Casino,  where  he 
made  himself  familiar  with  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict.  After 
the  lapse  of  two  years  and  a  half,  he  returned,  and,  it  is  be- 
lieved through  the  influence  of  Alcuin,  was  sent  by  Charles 
to  the  former  scene  of  his  labors,  with  instructions  to  exer- 
cise his  ministry  in  five  gauen  of  Frisia  and  the  islet  of  Bant, 
which  has  since  disappeared  in  the  sea.3 

He  was  very  successful,  and  with  the  king's  approbation 
extended  his  labors  to  the  island  of  Heligoland,  or  Fosetes- 
land,  as  it  was  called,  after  Fosete,  a  divinity  worshipped 
there.  Though  the  island  had  been  visited  by  Willibrord 
in  the  beginning  of  the  century,  probably  not  a  vestige  of 
his  labors  remained,  and  Liudger  had  to  begin  the  work  of 
conversion  anew. 

1  Altfrid.  Vita  Liudgeri,  ed.  Die-  3  Ibid.  c.  22  ;  cf.  Spruner-Menke, 
kamp,  I.,  14  sqq.  Histor,  Handatlas  No.  33. 

3  Ibid.  cc.  16,  21. 


148  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

As  he  drew  near  Heligoland,  a  dense  fog  which  had  hid- 
den the  island  from  view  suddenly  lifted ;  the  change 
appeared  to  him  in  the  light  of  a  symbol,  and  he  remarked 
to  his  companions,  that  it  betokened  the  merciful  power  of 
God,  who  had  chased  away  the  Evil  One  who  had  so  long 
covered  the  island  with  darkness.  The  work  of  conversion 
progressed  apace  ;  Liudger  caused  the  sanctuaries  of  Fosete 
to  be  demolished  and  replaced  by  Christian  churches,  and 
baptized  many  of  the  islanders,  among  them  Landric,  the 
son  of  a  chieftain,  with  the  water  of  the  same  holy  well  which 
Willibrord  had  used  at  the  baptism  of  three  men.  That 
act  had  almost  cost  Willibrord  his  life,  for  the  usage  of  the 
island  forbade  any  to  take  water  speaking,  and  his  infraction 
of  the  law  was  viewed  as  sacrilege.1 

The  date  of  these  events,  and  the  duration  of  Liudger's 
stay  on  the  island  are  not  known ;  but  he  returned  to  the 
continent,  and  continued  his  work  in  Frisia,  until  (perhaps 
in  793)  the  king  superadded  to  his  pastoral  care  the  district 
of  Westphalia.  About  804  he  was  consecrated  as  the  first 
bishop  of  Westphalia.  He  built  a  monastery  at  Mimiger- 
naford  on  the  Aa  ;  this  old  Saxon  name  gradually  fell  into 
disuse,  and  about  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  had  been 
displaced  by  that  of  Munster  (=  minster,  monasterium). 
Liudger  long  resisted  episcopal  dignity,  but  at  last  yielded 
to  the  entreaties  of  archbishop  Hildibald,  of  Cologne,  who 
is  believed  to  have  been  his  consecrator.  His  diocese  ex- 
tended from  the  Lippe  to  the  middle  course  of  the  Ems  in 
Westphalia,  arid  embraced  also  the  five  Frisian  gane,  east 
of  the  Lauwers,  the  sphere  of  his  former  labors.  Charles, 
moreover,  provided  for  the  diocese  of  Liudger,  in  the  gift  of 
the  monastery  of  St.  Peter  at  Lotusa  in  Brabant,  with  all 
its  dependencies.  Liudger,  the  first  bishop  of  Westphalia, 
died  March  26,  809,  and  was  buried  in  the  church  of  Werden 
on  the  Ruhr  which  he  had  built.2 

Another  zealous  and  successful  laborer  was  Willehad,  or 
Vilhaed,  an  Anglo-Saxon   from   Northumbria.       He  was  a 

1  Ibid.,  c.  22  ;  Alcuini  Vita  Willibr.  2  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  311  sqq. 

Gaffe,  IV.,  47,  48). 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,    TO  ITS   CLOSE.  149 

friend  of  Alcuin,  and  before  780  rendered  good  service  suc- 
cessively at  Dokkum  in  the  Ostergau,  the  scene  of  Boniface's 
martyrdom,  at  Hugmerke,  and  Thrianta.  At  Hugmerke 
he  was  in  imminent  peril,  for  the  pagans  declared  his  preach- 
ing the  Gospel  a  capital  offence,  and  he  would  have  suffered 
death  but  for  the  interposition  of  some  more  mercifully  in- 
clined who  persuaded  their  brethren  to  let  the  lot  decide  his 
fate  ;  it  fell  in  his  favor,  but  though  his  life  was  spared,  he 
was  obliged  to  quit  the  locality. 

At  Thrianta  also  he  had  a  narrow  escape  in  consequence 
of  the  imprudent  zeal  of  some  of  his  followers  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  pagan  sanctuaries.  An  infuriated  Frisian  struck  him 
with  his  sword,  but  the  blow,  which  was  aimed  at  his  head, 
fortunately  glanced  off  in  virtue  of  a  reliquary  suspended 
from  his  neck.  The  miracle  so  impressed  the  Frisians,  that 
they  desisted  from  further  violence,  spared  his  life,  and  suf- 
fered him  to  depart  unhurt.1 

About  780  the  conversions  appear  to  have  been  of  consid- 
erable magnitude.  "  The  Saxons  forsook  their  idols,  wor- 
shipped the  true  God  and  believed  in  his  works,  and  built 
churches.  A  multitude  of  pagan  Wends  also  made  their 
submission,"  say  some  authorities,  while  another  annalist 
records  that  "  a  great  multitude  of  Wends  and  Frisians  were 
converted  to  him."  2 

The  personal  pronoun  relates  to  Charles,  and  the  conver- 
sion may  denote  either  political  submission,  or  reception  of 
Christianity.  At  any  rate  we  learn  that  the  king  in  yjy 
"  divided  the  country  among  the  bishops,  presbyters,  and 
abbots,  that  they  might  preach  and  baptize."  3  In  virtue  of 
this  informal  division  of  the  country  among  a  number  of 
Frankish  ecclesiastics,  repeated  and  extended  on  a  larger 
scale  in  780,4  Charles,  impressed  with  the  high  qualifications 
of  Willehad,  commissioned  him  to  proceed  to  Wigmodia, 
that  is,  the  district  between  the  Lower  Weser  and  the  Elbe, 
build  churches  and  preach  to  the  people.5     After  two  years 

"  Vita   Willehadi,    c.  2    sqq.,    MG.  3  Vita  Sturmi,  c.  22.  MG.  SS.  II. 

SS.  II.  *  Annal.  Mosell. 

2  Annal.  Petav.,  Mosell.  5  Vita  Willehadi,  c.  5. 


I50  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

of  a  successful  ministry  the  revolt  of  Wittekind  annihilated 
his  work.  Willehad  had  to  flee  for  his  life,  and  apprehen- 
sive of  a  long  continuance  of  the  hostility  of  the  people, 
repaired  to  King  Pepin,  in  Italy,  and  to  Rome.  Returning 
to  Francia,  he  took  up  his  abode  in  the  monastery  of 
Echternach,  collected  his  scattered  and  suffering  disciples, 
and  in  785  was  enabled  to  resume  his  long-suspended  labors 
in  Wigmodia.1 

Nevertheless  the  strictly  missionary  character  of  the 
Church  in  Saxony  proper  prevailed  certainly  as  late  as  787, 
when  Willehad  was  consecrated  bishop  for  the  aforesaid 
district.  But  even  this  does  not  signify  anything  like  a 
diocese,  duly  organized,  and  supplied  with  a  cathedral  and 
other  adjuncts.  It  is  known  that  Willehad  designated 
Bremen,  where  he  built  and  consecrated  the  Church  of  St. 
Peter,  as  a  cathedral  city  ;  but  his  speedy  death  arrested  the 
progress  of  the  movement  for  a  considerable  period,  since 
Willerich,  Willehad's  successor,  did  not  take  up  his  residence 
at  Bremen  until  805,  after  the  close  of  the  Saxon  war,  when 
Charles  endowed  his  bishopric  with  a  hundred  mansiof  land.2 

We  have  still  to  mention  the  pioneer  of  the  Saxon  mis- 
sion, the  abbot  Sturmi  of  Fulda.  He  enjoyed  to  a  remarka- 
ble degree  the  confidence  of  Charles,  accompanied  him  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war  to  Saxony,  and  directed  the  work 
of  the  numerous  clerics,  his  associates.  He  is  expressly 
named  as  placed  in  charge  of  the  largest  district,  set  apart 
for  missionary  operations  in  yjy,  and  it  has  been  conjectured 
from  his  subsequent,  though  not  permanent,  residence  at 
Eresburg,  that  the  region  about  the  Diemel,  and  the  district 
ultimately  embraced  in  the  diocese  of  Paderborn  mark  the 
sphere  of  his  labors.  Eresburg  certainly  was  an  early  mis- 
sionary station."  3 

The  case  of  Sturmi  seems  to  shed  light  on  the  principles 
which  guided  the  judgment  of  Charles  in  the  choice  of  mis- 
sionaries, and  the  conduct  of  the  missions. 

1  Vita  Willehadi,  cc.  6,  8.  3  Vita  Sturmi,  cc.    22,  24,  25,    MG. 

2  Adam.  Gest.  Hammab.  eccl.  pon-     SS.  II. 
tif.  I.,  20;  Simson,  I.e.  II.,  310. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON  WAR,  TO  ITS  CLOSE.  151 

He  selected  men  who,  from  their  connection  with  institu- 
tions already  securely  established,  like  the  monastery  of 
Fulda,  and  because  of  their  aptitude  for  organization,  might 
be  expected  to  prosecute  the  work  of  conversion  with  vigor, 
and  give  it  substantial  support.  Thus  Paderborn  was  after- 
wards connected  with  Wiirzburg,  Verden  with  Amorbach 
in  the  Odenwald,  and  the  region  about  Osnabnick  placed  in 
charge  of  bishop  Agilfrid  of  Liege.1 

Another,  and  probably  the  most  efficacious  means  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Saxons,  was  the  Christian  education  of 
Saxon  hostages.  Thus  the  first  two  bishops  of  Paderborn 
were  Saxons,  and  instances  of  genuine  Saxon  converts  are 
not  wanting.2 

According  to  the  explicit  testimony  of  a  reputable 
author,  writing  towards  the  close  of  the  ninth  century, 
Charles  was  wont  to  build  churches  as  soon  as  possible, 
and  carefully  set  off  the  several  ecclesiastic  districts ;  but 
owing  to  the  singular  lack  of  cities  which,  agreeably  to 
ancient  usage,  might  have  been  designated  as  episcopal  seats, 
chose  localities  geographically  and  by  reason  of  adequate 
population  well  suited  for  the  purpose  he  had  in  hand.  The 
king,  he  continues,  committed  such  districts  to  other  eccle- 
siastical dignitaries,  who  periodically  repaired  there  in  per- 
son, instructing  the  people  in  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian 
faith,  and  designated  approved  ministers  as  resident  clergy ; 
and  that  this  arrangement  continued  until  the  Church  was 
sufficiently  established  to  warrant  the  permanent  settlement 
of  bishops  in  their  several  dioceses.3 

Some  of  these  details  doubtless  belong  to  later  times, 
but  the  general  principle  appears  to  be  correctly  stated. 
Such  an  arrangement  existed  with  respect  to  Paderborn,  etc. ; 
the  subsequent  diocese  of  Verden  was  in  the  first  instance  a 
dependency  of  the  monastery  of  Amorbach,  and  the  first 
two  bishops  of  Verden  were  abbots  of  the  said  monastery ; 
their  episcopal  status  being  purely  titular,  and  hardly  rising 

1  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  268.  3  Translatio   S.    Liborii,    MG.    SS. 

2  Transl.  S.  Liborii,  cc.   5,  6,   MG.      IV.,  149  sqq. 
SS.  IV.,  151  ;  Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  269. 


1$2  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

above  that  of  episcopi  in  partibus  ;  '  a  similar  plan  was  ob- 
served with  the  mission  in  Eastphalia.2  Sundry  assertions 
to  the  contrary,  such  as  the  erection  of  the  eight  Saxon 
dioceses  of  Bremen,  Halberstadt,  Hildesheim,  Verden,  Pa- 
derborn,  Minden,  Miinster,  and  Asenbrugg,  at  one  time, 
according  to  one  authority  in  one  day?  are  doubtless  pure 
inventions  of  a  later  age,  and  simply  incredible.4  The  same 
applies  to  a  pretended  arrangement  in  virtue  of  which 
Charles  engaged  to  donate  portions  of  the  conquered  Saxon 
territory  to  St.  Peter,  that  he  set  off  and  founded  Saxon 
bishoprics  by  papal  command,  and  endowed  them  with 
tithes ;  all  such  notices  are  destitute  of  authority,  and  con- 
flict with  the  well-defined  relations  between  Charles  and  the 
pope.5 

The  actual  establishment  of  the  Saxon  bishoprics  belongs 
to  the  period  following  the  termination  of  the  Saxon  war. 
Bremen  seems  to  have  become  the  seat  of  a  bishop  in  805  ; 
Miinster  (z.  e.,  Mimigernaford)  in  804  ;  the  only  other  Saxon 
bishopric  erected  during  the  life  of  Charles  is  that  of  Pa- 
derborn  in  806,  when  the  Saxon  Hathumar,  who  had  been 
educated  at  Wiirzburg,  was  consecrated  as  its  first  bishop. 
Paderborn,  of  whose  church  notices  are  given  in  another 
connection,  had  until  then  been  under  the  ecclesiastical 
direction  of  the  see  of  Wiirzburg.6 

A  peculiar  case  is  that  of  the  virtual  abolition  of  the  dio- 
cese of  Buriaburg,  near  the  Saxon  country.  It  occurred 
under  the  following  circumstances :  Richulfus,  the  succes- 
sor of  archbishop  Lul,  stood  in  near  personal  relations  to 
Charles  ;  he  was  a  member  of  the  Palace  School,  where  he 
bore  the  name  of  Flavius  Damoetas.  Contrary  to  usage 
his  consecration  took  place,  not  at  Mayence,  but  at  Fritz- 
lar,  situated  in  the  diocese  of  Buriaburg.     The  monasteries 

1  Abel-Simson,    /.    c.    I.,    349  sqq.,  *  Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  356  sq. 

353,  sqq.  s  Simson,  /.  c.  I.,   1S1  sq.,  357  sq., 

2  Ibid.,  p.  354.  and  compare  the  respective    chapters 
sThietmar,  VII.,  53,  MG.  SS.  III.,      in  Book  III.  of  this  work. 

860;  cf.  Annal.  Saxo.,  MG.  SS.  VI.,  6  Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  313  sq. 

560. 


Chapter  IV.]  SAXON   WAR,  TO   ITS   CLOSE.  1 53 

at  these  places  having  been  founded  by  Boniface  were  in  a 
certain  sense  dependencies  of  the  archiepiscopal  see  of 
Mayence,  and  closely  inter-related. 

Richulfus,  desirous  of  asserting  the  dependence  of  Fritz- 
lar  on  Mayence,  designated  it  as  the  place  of  his  consecra- 
tion. The  late  bishop  Witta  of  Buriaburg  was  suffragan  of 
his  predecessor,  but  judging  it  undesirable  to  revive  the 
office,  Richulfus  adopted  the  expedient  of  abolishing  the 
small  diocese  as  a  proper  compensation  to  Mayence  for  the 
alleged  loss  of  certain  possessions  or  sources  of  revenue, 
which  had  been  diverted  to  the  support  of  the  missions, 
eventually  of  the  dioceses,  in  Saxony.  His  consecration  at 
Fritzlar  appears  to  have  been  the  first  step  towards  the 
cessation  of  Buriaburg,  as  a  separate  diocese,1  and  its  in- 
corporation with  that  of  Mayence. 

1  Simson,  /.  c.   II.,  538  sqq.,  and  the  authorities  he  cites. 


CHAPTER  V. 

INVASION   OF   SPAIN. 

Occasion. — Muster . —  March. — Saragossa. —  Results. —  Retreat.  —  Ambuscade. 
— Roncesvalles. — Legend. — The  Altabifaren  Cantua. — Roland. 

777]  It  is  probable  that  the  remarkable  administration  of 
the  Sacrament  of  Baptism  to  a  multitude  of  Saxons  at  the 
Diet  of  Paderborn  was  witnessed  by  personages  who  must 
have  been  as  much  amazed  at  what  they  saw,  as  their  pres- 
ence interested  the  Frankish  warriors  and  their  converts, 
who  until  that  hour  had  never  seen  any  of  their  countrymen. 
They  were  perhaps  the  first  Arabs  who  penetrated  so  far 
north  ;  if  their  person  and  presence  were  strange,  the  errand 
on  which  they  came  was  stranger. 

They  had  heard  in  Spain,  as  those  with  whom  they  sym- 
pathized in  heart  and  aim  had  heard  in  far  away  Bagdad,  of 
the  martial  glory  of  the  king  of  the  Franks,  and  in  the 
phrase  of  one  of  the  annalists,  Ibn-al-Arabi,  the  head  of  the 
embassy,  together  with  his  son  and  son-in-law,  and  other 
Saracens,  came  "  to  surrender  to  the  king  of  the  Franks 
himself  and  all  the  towns  which  the  king  of  the  Saracens 
had  confided  to  his  keeping."  *  He  was  the  governor  of 
Saragossa,  and  stood  politically  much  in  the  same  relation 
to  the  reigning  king  at  Cordova,  as  did  the  Lombard  princes 
to  the  king  of  the  Franks,  and  proposed  to  do  to  him  what 
they  would  fain  have  done  to  the  Greek  emperor.  As 
Charles  had  conquered  Lombardy,  so  had  Abdel-Rhaman, 
the  last  descendant  of  the  Ommiad  khalifs,  conquered 
Spain,  and  held  it  independent  of  the  Khalif  of  Bagdad. 
Ibn-al-Arabi  and  his  party  were  disaffected  Abbassides, 
and   proposed  to  desert  the  cause  of  Abdel-Rhaman,  place. 

'Ann.  Einh.,  Lauriss.,  Fuld. 


Chapter  V.]  INVASION  OF  SPAIN.  155 

the  northern  frontier  of  Spain  under  the  protection  of 
Charles,  acknowledge  his  suzerainty,  and,  in  the  event  of 
war,  invoke  his  aid  against  the  Emir  *  of  Cordova. 

The  matter  appealed  to  his  pride  and  interest,  and  he  was 
readily  persuaded  to  entertain  it ;  it  was  a  novel  enterprise, 
promising  adventure  and  conquest,  and  a  monition  which 
the  most  Christian  king  could  not  disregard. 

There  was  a  Nemesis  in  the  broken  power  of  the  Sara- 
cens, once  the  terror  of  Europe,  when  not  long  since  they 
threatened  to  overrun  her  fairest  provinces,  until  the  ham- 
mer strokes  of  his  grandsire  stunned  them,  and  drove  them 
back.  Then  an  Aquitanian  prince  sought  Saracen  aid 
against  the  Franks,  now  the  Saracens  invoked  his  help 
against  their  own  emir.  The  proud  Frankish  banners 
would  wave  beyond  the  Pyrenees,  and  the  ecclesiastics  in 
the  camp  said  that  his  coming  would  quicken  the  hope  of 
deliverance  slumbering  in  many  Christian  hearts,  which 
even  then  were  speeding  their  prayers  to  heaven  for  his 
success. 

Such  and  similar  reasons,  the  hope  of  spoil  cherished  by 
the  warriors,  and  of  rich  livings  flowing  from  the  conquest 
by  the  bishops  and  abbots,  combined  to  make  the  Spanish 
invasion  a  most  popular  undertaking.  The  hecrbann  was 
called  out,  and  the  martial  strength  of  Francia  heard  with 
enthusiasm  the  summons  to  a  holy  war  against  the  infidel 
Moslems. 

778]  Preparations  were  going  on  in  midwinter ;  the 
armorer's  din  was  heard  everywhere,  and  soon  the  old 
Roman  roads  were  thronged  with  warriors  on  the  march  to 
Spain. 

The  king  and  his  family  went  early  in  the  year  to  Chasse- 
neuil,  on  the  Clain,2  the  designated  rendezvous.  The 
assembled  host,  composed  of  Burgundians,  Bavarians,  Aus- 
trasians,  Provencals,  Septimanians,  Lombards,  and  other 
bodies    not    mentioned    by    name,    was    divided    into    two 

1  The  title  of  Khalif  was  not  as-  reign  of  the  third  emir  of  the  same 
sumed    by    his   successors    until    the      name  (912-961). 

2  Annal.  Lauriss. ;  Metten.,  Einh. 


156  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

armies :  the  one  commanded  by  the  king's  uncle,  Duke 
Bernard,  of  Italian  fame  ;  the  other  by  Charles  in  person. 
The  plan  provided  for  a  simultaneous  invasion  of  the  penin- 
sula from  opposite  directions,  and  a  junction  at  Saragossa. 

Bernard  accordingly  took  the  road  between  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  mountains,  and  Charles  followed  the  line  of 
Vasconia  and  the  Pyrenees  through  the  valley  of  Ronces- 
valles.1 

Brilliant  and  easy  success  seems  to  have  attended  the 
course  of  both  armies  until  they  reached  Saragossa.  The 
governors  of  Gerona  and  Barcelona  gave  hostages  2  to  Ber- 
nard and  furnished  the  necessary  supplies,  enabling  him 
to  conduct  his  column,  without  any  mishap,  to  the  walls  of 
Saragossa. 

778]  On  the  other  hand,  the  progress  of  Charles,  also, 
must  have  been  satisfactory  ;  he  entered  Vasconia,  doubt- 
less with  the  concurrence  of  Lupus,  but  it  is  questionable 
if  it  was  spontaneous  or  compulsory.  Although  there  is  no 
evidence  that  he  was  his  vassal,  his  relations  to  Charles 
must  have  been  those  of  formal  amity ;  cordiality,  however, 
was  out  of  the  question.  Charles,  by  the  right  of  conquest, 
established  by  his  father  and  asserted  by  himself,  was  Lord 
of  Aquitaine,  which  not  long  since  formed  part  of  the 
ancestral  possessions  of  Lupus.  The  loss  of  Aquitaine, 
therefore,  was  one  grievance,  but  by  no  means  the  greatest, 
which  rankled  in  his  breast  ;  he  was  a  Merovingian,  and,  as 
such,  recalled  the  history  of  the  mayors  of  the  palace  and 
the  wrongs  they  had  inflicted  on  his  house.  Had  he  been 
able,  he  would  have  refused  passage  to  Charles  ;  he  granted 
it,  because  necessity  compelled.  Perhaps  he  took  the  cus- 
tomary oaths  of  vassalage,  under  compulsion  ;  at  any  rate,  if 
he  did,  his  submission  "  was  not  without  umbrage  or  with- 
out all  the  feelings  of  a  true  son  of  Waifre,  that  he  saw  the 
Franks  and  the  son  of  Pepin  so  close  to  him."  3 

The  passage  of  the  Pyrenees  was  difficult,  but  the  genius 
of  Charles  made  it  easy.4     At  his  approach  the  confederates 

1  Annal.  Einh. ;  Vita  Caroli,  c.  9.  3  Fauriel,  Histoire  de  la  Gaule. 

2  Annal.  Maxim.  4  Vita  Hlud.  c.  2. 


Chapter  V.]  INVASION   OF   SPAIN.  157 

of  Ibn-al-Arabi  surrendered  the  cities  of  Pampeluna  and 
Huesca,  and  accompanied  him  to  the  gates  of  Saragossa, 
where  he  effected  a  junction  with  Bernard. 

"  All  Spain,"  says  an  annalist,1  "  trembled  at  the  innumer- 
able legions  "  of  the  king  of  the  Franks.  This  is  exaggera- 
tion, for  the  Moslems  in  Saragossa  beheld  them  from  their 
battlements  without  trepidation,  and  showed  no  signs  of 
fear  when  they  cast  an  iron  girdle  around  them  ;  nor  did  fear 
assail  the  rest  of  Spain,  for  the  danger  to  Saragossa  roused 
the  martial  ardor  of  the  Moslems,  who  came  in  bands  from 
all  quarters,  swarmed  round  the  Franks,  and  kept  them  in  a 
state  of  incessant  anxiety  and  danger. 

But  why  did  Saragossa,  whose  pretended  governor,  Ibn- 
al-Arabi,  had  already  made  formal  surrender  of  the  place 
into  the  hands  of  Charles  many  months  ago  in  the  depths 
of  a  Westphalian  forest,  not  open  her  gates  to  the  victorious 
king  who  demanded  admittance?  The  city  and  her  defend- 
ers repudiated  the  action  of  Ibn-al-Arabi,  who  either  had 
drawn  upon  his  imagination,  or  at  the  supreme  moment 
found  himself  deserted  by  his  friends.  The  brilliant  picture 
of  an  easy  conquest  of  a  fair  portion  of  Spain,  with  Sara- 
gossa as  a  point  of  support,  dissolved  like  one  on  the  screen 
of  a  magic  lantern ;  the  great  king  had  suffered  himself  to 
be  lured  into  the  heart  of  a  hostile  country  ;  he  was  in  stress 
of  supplies,  seemingly  caught  in  a  trap,  exposed  to  assault 
from  within  the  stronghold  and  from  the  daily  increasing 
bands  of  Arabs,  that  scoured  the  country  for  miles  around. 
He  was  also  deficient  in  the  apparatus  necessary  for  a  siege, 
which  might  be  of  indefinite  duration,  for  Saragossa  was 
well  supplied,  and  as  strongly  garrisoned  as  fortified.  The 
ecclesiastical  abettors  of  the  scheme,  moreover,  had  drawn 
as  much  upon  their  imagination  as  Ibn-al-Arabi  ;  the  splen- 
did and  touching  spectacle  of  multitudes  of  Christians 
groaning  under  Moslem  rule,  praying,  awaiting,  and  welcom- 
ing the  champion  of  the  faith,  the  grandson  of  Charles 
Martel — that  also  faded  into  airy  nothingness. 

1  Annal.  Mett. 


158  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

It  is  uncertain  what  took  place  before  Saragossa ;  a  great 
battle  is  said  to  have  been  fought  there  of  a  Sunday  after- 
noon in  which  many  thousand  Saracens  were  slain,  but  this 
assertion  is  believed  to  be  as  fabulous  as  an  alleged  defeat 
of  the  Franks  mentioned  by  Arab  writers.1 

It  is  said  that  the  Moslems  made  a  successful  sortie,  that 
sickness  broke  out  in  the  camp,  and  that  Moslem  gold, 
which  Charles  divided  among  his  troops,  hastened  his  depart- 
ure. If  gold  was  paid,  it  was  not  paid  by  Saragossa,  but 
most  probably  exacted  as  indemnity  of  war,  or  the  price  of 
safety  from  districts  or  cities  which  were  at  the  mercy  of 
Charles.  It  is  certain  that  he  scored  no  victory  at  Saragossa, 
neither  took  nor  entered  the  city,  and  left  from  under  her 
walls,  because  necessity  compelled  him  so  to  do.  Ibn-al- 
Arabi  gave  hostages,  but  the  king  retained  him  also,  and 
carried  him  bound2  into  captivity;  his  confederate,  Abu- 
Taher  (or  Abitaurus),  also  gave  hostages,  but  could  not  save 
the  fate  of  Pampeluna,  for  Charles,  on  his  retreat,  caused  its 
walls  to  be  razed  to  the  ground  either  in  a  fit  of  anger  (as 
some  hold)  or  "  that  it  might  not  be  able  to  revolt."3 

The  oath  of  fealty  was  doubtless  exacted  all  along  the 
march,  and  Frankish  officers  together  with  adequate  troops 
placed  in  command  of  all  points  of  importance. 

Charles  might  say,  as  others  have  said  for  him,  that  he 
extended  his  conquest  to  the  Ebro ;  still,  for  all  practical 
purposes,  the  Spanish  invasion  was  a  failure,  and  the  reader 
may  determine  if  it  is  true  "  that  all  the  towns  and  castles 
that  he  attacked  surrendered."4  It  may  hold  good  of  other 
places,  but  not  of  Saragossa,  unless  we  infer  that  he  con- 
tented himself  with  an  investment  of  the  place  without  an 
attack.  This  is  hardly  credible,  for  Charles  emulated  Caesar, 
and  would  not  have  laid  himself  open  to  the  charge  of  wilful 
omission  of  the  third  and  most  important  particular  of  his 
famous  saying.  He  doubtless  tried  to  win,  although  he 
only  came,  saw — and  went. 

1  Chron.  Moiss.  in  MG.  SS.  I.,  2g6.  3  Annal.  Lauriss.  min.,  Mosell.  Lau- 
— Fauriel,  /.  c.  III.,  344.                             resh  ,  Einh.,  Lauriss.  maj. 

2  Annal.  Petav.  ♦  Vita  Car.  c.  9  ad  init. 


Chapter  V.]  INVASION  OF  SPAIN.  1 59 

The  army  retreated  in  one  body,  and  what  befell  it  on  the 
march  is  thus  told  by  the  king's  biographer  and  friend  : 

"  The  king  brought  back  his  army  without  any  loss,  save 
that  at  the  summit  of  the  Pyrenees  he  suffered  somewhat 
from  the  perfidy  of  the  Vasconians.  Whilst  the  army  of 
the  Franks,  embarrassed  in  a  narrow  defile,  was  forced  by 
the  nature  of  the  ground  to  advance  in  one  long,  close  line, 
the  Vasconians,  who  were  in  ambush  on  the  crest  of  the 
mountain  (for  the  dense  forest  covering  those  parts  is  favor- 
able to  ambuscade),  descended  and  fell  suddenly  on  the  bag- 
gage-train and  on  the  troops  of  the  rear-guard,  whose  duty 
it  was  to  cover  all  in  their  front,  and  precipitated  them  to 
the  bottom  of  the  valley. 

"  There  a  fight  took  place  in  which  the  Franks  were  killed 
to  a  man.  The  Vasconians,  having  plundered  the  baggage- 
train,  profited  by  the  night  which  had  come  on,  and  rapidly 
dispersed.  They  owed  all  their  success  in  this  engagement 
to  the  lightness  of  their  equipment  and  the  nature  of  the 
spot  where  the  action  took  place.  The  Franks,  on  the  other 
hand,  being  heavily  armed,  and  in  an  unfavorable  position, 
struggled  against  too  many  disadvantages. 

"  Eggihard,  master  of  the  king's  household  ;  Anselm, 
count  Palatine ;  and  Roland,  prefect  of  the  marches  of  Brit- 
tany, fell  in  this  engagement.  There  were  no  means  at 
the  time  for  taking  revenge  for  this  check ;  for,  after  their 
sudden  attack,  the  enemy  dispersed  to  such  good  purpose 
that  there  was  no  gaining  any  trace  of  the  direction  in  which 
he  should  be  sought  for."  * 

The  valley  of  Roncesvalles,  or  Roncevaux,  is  situated  be- 
tween the  defiles  of  Sizer  and  Val-Carlos,  that  is  the  valley 
of  Charles,  and  the  small  chapel  of  Ibagueta  is  pointed  out 
as  the  precise  spot  on  which  the  drama  was  enacted.  The 
roadway  is  very  narrow — so  narrow  that  hardly  two  men,  at 
the  most  three,  may  pass  abreast.  It  was  near  sunset  when 
the  terrible  Basques  fell  upon  the  mail-clad  and  heavy-armed 
Frankish  rear,  in  charge  of  the  baggage  and  the  spoil,  and 

1  Vita  Caroli.  c.  9. 


160  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

almost  annihilated  it.  The  Moslems  may  have  made  com- 
mon cause  with  them.1  The  date  of  the  disaster  (August  15, 
778)  is  fixed  by  the  epitaph  on  the  tomb  of  one  of  the  slain.2 

Thus  meagre  are  the  historical  notices  of  an  event  so 
famed  in  poetry  and  song;  but  the  deficiency  of  the  record 
is  amply  made  up  by  legendary  lore,  and  we  may  be  par- 
doned in  drawing  upon  it  for  two  or  three  particulars  which 
few  readers  of  this  history  might  care  to  have  suppressed. 

The  great,  sore,  and  sanguinary  disaster  which  had  occur- 
red was  past  repair,  and  would  have  been  so,  had  Charles 
caught  the  bugle-blast  of  Roland's  horn,  to  which  Sir  Walter 
Scott  refers  in  the  well-known  stanza : 

"  O  for  the  voice  of  that  wild  horn, 
On  Fontarabian  echoes  borne, 

The  dying  hero's  call, 
That  told  imperial  Charlemagne, 
How  Paynim  sons  of  swarthy  Spain 

Had  wrought  his  champion's  fall."  3 

For  Charles  was  many  miles  away,  and  the  massacre  most 
probably  lasted  through  the  night ;  he  heard  the  terrible 
tidings  with  excessive  grief  and  ordered  a  halt.4 

When  the  Franks  returned  in  quest  of  their  missing  com- 
rades they  found  them  slain,  robbed  and  dishonored  in  that 
dark  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death,  and  no  living  soul  to 
tell  the  sad  and  cruel  story. 

Not  a  vestige  of  the  enemy  was  to  be  seen — but  they 
were  Basques,  and  the  story  runs  that  Lupus  their  duke 
was  implicated  in  the  foul  deed,  and  that  he  met  his  reward 
in  the  fate  of  Haman. 

The  Franks  saw  in  it  a  national  act,  and  so  did  the 
Basques,  as  is  clear  from  the  Altabigaren  Cantua,  which  is 
of  great  antiquity,  and  claimed  to  have  been  preserved  by 
the  Pyrenean  mountaineers  to  this  day.5 

1  It  is  historically  credible  and  possi-         3  Rob  Roy,  ch.  2.     Marm.  6,   33. 
ble.     See    Reinaud,  Invasion  des  Sar-         4  Annal  Einh. 

razins,  en  France,  p.  96.  5  The  original  song  in  Basque  is  on 

2  That  of  Eggihard.  See  Dummler  record.  A  French  version,  though  in- 
in  Haupt's  Zeitchrift  fur  d.  Alterth.  adequate,  published  by  M.  E.  de  Mont- 
v.  16,  p.  279.  grave,   in    the  Journal    Historique,  t. 


Chapter  V.] 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN. 


161 


The  Etcheco-Ioana,  a  Vasconian  chief,  hears  in  his  hut  on 
the  lofty  Ibaneta  a  shrill  cry  proceeding  from  the  Escaldunac 

i.    p.     76    sqq.,    may    interest    some 
readers. 

Le  Chant  d'Altabiqar. 


Un  cri  s'est  eleve 
Du  milieu  des  montagnes  des  Escal- 

dunacs, 
Et  l'Etcheco-Joana,  debout  devant  sa 

porte, 
A  ouvert  l'oreille,  et  a  dit :   "Qui  va 

la  ?     Que  me  veut  on  ?  " 
Et  le  chien  qui  dormait  aux  pieds  de 

son  maitre 
S'est  leve   et    a    rempli    les  environs 

d'Altabi9ar  de  ses  aboiements. 


Au  col  d'Ibaneta  un  bruit  retentit, 
II   approche,   en   frolant,  a   droite,  a 

gauche,  les  rochers. 
C'est  le  murmure  sourd  d'une  armee 

qui  vient, 
Les  notres  y  ont  repondu  du  sommet 

des  montagnes; 
lis  ont  souffles   dans   leur   cornes   de 

boeuf, 
Et  l'Etcheco-Joana  aiguise  ses  fleches. 


lis  viennent,  ils  viennent !  Quelle  haie 

de  lances, 
Comme     les     bannieres     versicolores 

flottent  au  milieu  ! 
Quel  eclairs  jaillissent  des  armes  ! 
Combien  sont  ils  ?     Enfant  compte-les 

bien  ! 
Un,  deux,  trois,  quatre,  cinq,  six,  sept, 

huit,  neuf,  dix.  onze,  douze, 
Treize,    quatorze,    quinze,   seize,  dix- 

sept,  dix-huit,  dix-neuf,  vingt. 

4- 

Vingt,  et  des  milliers  d'autres  encore  ! 
On  perdrait  son  temps  a  les  compter. 
11 


Unissons  nos  bras  nerveux,  deracinons 

ces  rochers, 
Lancons  les  du  haut  des  montagnes 
Jusque  sur  leurs  tetes  ! 
Ecrasons  les,  tuons  les. 

5- 

Et  qu'avaient  ils  a  faire  dans  nos  mon- 
tagnes, ces  hommes  du  Nord? 
Pourquoi  sont  ils  venus  troubler  notre 

paix? 
Quand  Dieu  fait  des  montagnes,  c'est 

pour  que  les  hommes  ne  les  f  ran- 

chissent  pas. 
Mais  les  rochers  en  roulant  tombent : 

ils  ecrasent  les  bataillons. 
Le  sang  ruisselle,  les  chairs  palpitent ; 
Oh  !  combien  d'os  broye's  !  quelle  mer 

de  sang  ! 

6. 
Fuyez,  fuyez,  ceux  a  qui  il  reste  de  la 

force  et  un  cheval, 
Fuis,    roi   Carloman,    avec   ta   plume 

noire  et  ta  cape  rouge  ! 
Ton  neveu,  ton  plus  brave,  ton  che'ri 

Roland,  est  etendu   mort  la-bas  ; 
Son  courage  ne  lui  a  servi  a  rien. 
Et   maintenant,    Escaldunac,   laissons 

les  rochers  ; 
Descendons  vite  en  lancant  nos  fleches 

a  ceux  qui  fuient. 

7- 
Ils  fuient !  ils  fuient !  ou  est  done  la 

haie  de  lances  ? 
Ou   sont    ces    bannieres    versicolores 

flottant  au  milieu  ? 
Les  eclairs  ne  jaillissent  plus  de  leurs 

armes  souillees  de  sang. 
Combien  sont  ils?    enfant  compte-les 

bien  ! 
Vingt,    dix-neuf,     dix-huit,    dix-sept, 

seize,  quinze,  quatorze,  treize, 
Douze,  onze,  dix,  neuf,  huit,  sept,  six, 

cinq,  quatre,  trois,  deux,  un  ; 


162  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

range.  He  rushes  forth  to  see  and  hear,  shouting,  "  Who's 
there?  What  do  you  want?"  His  dog,  till  then  asleep,  has 
also  heard  the  cry,  and  with  its  bark  wakes  the  echoes  of 
Altabicar. 

The  cry  is  followed  by  another  sound,  dull,  confused,  and 
strong,  shifting  from  rock  to  rock,  and  coming  nearer.  He 
concludes  that  it  is  the  noise  of  a  moving  host,  hears  the 
familiar  notes  of  the  bull-horn1  from  every  mountain-top, 
smiles,  and  sharpens  his  arrows. 

A  forest  of  lances,  with  gay  banners  and  flashing  helmets 
and  coats  of  mail,  emerges  from  the  pass.  He  bids  his  son 
count  them.  The  lad  counts  :  "  One,  two,  three,  four,"  and 
so  forth,  to  twenty. 

"  Twenty  thousand,  and  many  more  thousands  following." 

"  Stop  counting  !  "  he  cries. 

"...     'Tis  waste  of  time  to  count. 
Let's  use  our  arms,  displace  these  stones. 
Direct  their  course  and  downward  roll, 
In  death  involve  each  living  soul, 
And  crush  their  bones  !  " 

Thus  occupied,  the  father  asks :  "  What  came  they  for, 
those  northern  men  ?  Why  did  they  enter  our  mountains 
and  disturb  our  peace?"    and  replies,    "when   God   made 

8.  mon  to  other  nations.     An  old  statute 

Un  !  il  n'y  en  a  meme  plus  un  !  requires   the  mountaineer  on  hearing 

C'est  fini.     Etcheco-Joana,  vous  pou-  the  siSnal  to  leave  his  flocks,  seize  his 

vez  rentrer  avec  votre  chien,  arms>  and  follow  the  cal1- 

Embrasser  votre    femme   et   vos   en-  "  Cum  homines  de  villis  qui  stant  in 

fants  montanis    cum   suis   ganatis    (flocks), 

Nettoyer  vos  fleches,  les  serrer  avec  audierint    appelitum,    omnes   capiant 

votre  arma,  et,  demissis  ganatis,  sequantur 

Come  de  boeuf,  et  ensuite  vous  cou-  appelitum.— Biancae  Comment.   His- 

cher  et  dormir  dessus  ;  Pan*  dlustr. 

Lanuit,  les   aigles  viendront  manger  Compare  the  lines  of  "Pibroch   of 

ces  chairs  ecrasees,  Donald  Dhu: 

Et  tous  ces  os  blanchiront  dans  l'eter-  „  Leavg  untended  the  herd> 

nite#  The  flock  without  shelter,  etc.," 

1  The    custom  of    summoning  the 

Basque  mountaineers  with  the  blast  of  showing   that   a   similar  custom  pre- 

the  bull-horn  is  primitive,  and  com-  vailed  in  Scotland. 


Chapter  V.]  INVASION   OF   SPAIN.  163 

the  mountains,  he  set  them  as  barriers  between  man  and 
man." 

The  stones  roll  down,  and  bury  the  battalions.  The 
savage  Basque  feasts  his  eyes  on  the  pandemonium  below, 
expatiating  on  the  quivering  flesh  and  shattered  bones  in 
seas  of  blood. 

Then  he  bids  them  fly,  knowing  that  flight  is  vain  ;  scorn- 
fully bids  Charles  fly,  Charles  with  his  sable  plume  and 
crimson  pall,  telling  him  that  his  nephew,  his  brave  and 
loved  Roland,  lies  dead  in  the  vale. 

Their  work  is  done  aloft,  but  other  work  awaits  them 
below ;  they  shoot  their  arrows  after  the  flying  host  until 
they  are  spent,  draw  them  out  of  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  and 
return  to  their  mountain  home. 

Again  the  Etcheco-Ioana  stands  looking,  and  watching  the 
flight  triumphantly  exclaims:  "Where  is  it  now, that  forest 
of  lances  ?  where  are  the  banners  gay  ?  No  sunlight  flashes 
from  those  blood-stained  helmets  and  coats  of  mail !  "  Again 
he  bids  his  son  count  them  ;  the  lad  obeys,  but  reversing 
the  order,  says,  "  Twenty,  nineteen,  eighteen,"  and  so  forth 
down  to  one. 

"  No,  not  one,"  shouts  the  savage  Basque,  "  it  is  all 
finished." 

"  Yes,"  concludes  the  poet,  "  turn  in  now,  Etcheco-Ioana, 
and  take  your  dog  with  you.  Kiss  your  wife  and  children  ; 
cleanse  your  arrows  and  tie  them  to  your  bull-horn  ;  seek 
your  rest  and  sleep  upon  them.  In  the  night  the  eagles  will 
come  and  feast  on  the  flesh,  and  the  bones  they  leave  will 
blanch  into  eternity." 

The  solitary  notice  of  the  death  of  Roland  in  the  massa- 
cre of  Roncesvalles  is  the  groundwork  of  the  famous  Song 
of  Roland  of  the  romance  writers. 

A  few  passages,  supposed  to  describe  the  event,  are  suf- 
ficient for  the  purpose  in  hand. 

Roland  "  now  blew  a  loud  blast  with  his  horn,  to  summon 
any  Christian  concealed  in  the  adjacent  woods  to  his  assist- 
ance, or  to  recall  his  friends  beyond  the  pass.  This  horn  was 
endued  with  such  power  that  all  other  horns  were  split  by 


164  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

its  sound  ;  and  it  is  said  that  Orlando  at  that  time  blew  it  so 
vehemently  that  he  burst  the  veins  and  nerves  of  his  neck. 

"  The  sound  reached  the  king's  ears,  who  lay  encamped 
in  the  valley  still  called  by  his  name,  about  eight  miles  from 
Ronceval,  towards  Gascony,  being  carried  so  far  by  super- 
natural power.  Charles  would  have  flown  to  his  succor, 
but  was  prevented  by  Ganalon  who,  conscious  of  Orlando's 
sufferings,  insinuated  it  was  usual  with  him  to  sound  his 
horn  on  light  occasions.  '  He  is  perhaps,'  said  he,  '  pursu- 
ing some  wild  beast,  and  the  sound  echoes  through  the 
woods ;  it  will  be  fruitless,  therefore,  to  seek  him.'  " 

Meanwhile  Orlando,  resigning  himself  to  his  fate,  con- 
fesses his  sins  and  dies  ;  angels  appear  and  carry  his  soul  to 
paradise.  This  happened  at  Roncesvalles,  but  "  whilst  the 
soul  of  the  blessed  Orlando  was  leaving  his  body,  I,  Turpin, 
standing  near  the  king  in  the  valley  of  Charles,  at  the 
moment  I  was  celebrating  the  mass  of  the  dead,  namely,  on 
the  16th  day  of  June,  fell  into  a  trance,  and  hearing  the 
angelic  choir  sing  aloud,  I  wondered  what  it  might  be.  Now, 
when  they  had  ascended  on  high,  behold  there  came  after 
them  a  phalanx  of  terrible  ones,  like  warriors  returning  from 
the  spoil  bearing  their  prey.  Presently' I  inquired  of  one  of 
them  what  it  meant,  and  was  answered,  '  We  are  bearing  the 
soul  of  Mansir  to  hell,  but  yonder  is  Michael  bearing  the 
Horn-winder  to  heaven.'  When  the  mass  was  over  I  told 
the  king  what  I  had  seen  ;  and  whilst  I  was  yet  speaking, 
behold  Baldwin  rode  up  on  Orlando's  horse,  and  related 
what  had  befallen  him,  and  where  he  had  left  the  hero  in, 
the  agonies  of  death,  beside  a  stone  in  the  meadows  at  the 
foot  of  the  mountain  ;  whereupon  the  whole  army  immedi- 
ately marched  back  to  Ronceval." 

The- body  is  discovered  by  Charles  himself,  "lying  in  the 
form  of  a  cross,  and  he  began  to  lament  over  him  with  bitter 
sighs  and  sobs,  wringing  his  hands,  and  tearing  his  hair  and 
beard." 

We  omit  the  words  of  the  lamentation  and  the  "  poetry," 
and  conclude  this  veracious  account  in  the  words  of  the 
monastic  former : 


Chapter  V.]  INVASION   OF   SPAIN.  1 65 

"  There  did  Charles  mourn  for  Orlando  to  the  very  last 
day  of  his  life.  On  the  spot  where  he  died  he  encamped, 
and  caused  the  body  to  be  embalmed  with  balsam,  myrrh 
and  aloes.  The  whole  camp  watched  it  that  night,  hon- 
oring his  corse  with  hymns  and  songs  and  innumerable 
torches  and  fires  kindled  on  the  adjacent  mountains."1 

1  Rodd's     Translation  of    the    His-  217,  the  road  from  Spain  to  Aquitaine 

tory     of  Charlemagne    and    Orlando,  ran   as   follows  :   Pampalone,    Turissa, 

falsely  ascribed    to  Turpin. — Accord-  Summo  Pyrenaeo  (Roncesvallcs),   Imo 

ing  to  Itinerarium  Antonini  et  Hiero-  Pyrenaeo  (St.  Jean-Pied  de  Port)  Car- 

solymitanum,    ed.   Pinder-Parthey,    p.  asa,  Aquis  Terebelicis  (Dax),  etc.,  etc. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SEQUEL  TO  FALL  OF  THE  LOMBARDS. 

Plot. — Charles  quells  the  revolt  in  Friuli. — Revisits  Italy. — Social  condition. — 
Incidents  at  Parma,  Rome,  Milan,  etc. — Puppet  kings. — Legislation. — In- 
vasion and  submission  of  Benevento. — War  with  Tassilo. — He  is  arraigned 
and  deposed. — Annexation  of  Bavaria. — The  penitent  monk. 

Barely  fifteen  months  after  the  conquest  of  Lombardy 
the  political  situation  in  Italy  had  become  most  critical. 
The  Frankish  governors  and  officers  were  not  popular  ;  the 
court  of  Constantinople  was  intriguing  with  the  powerful 
vassals  whose  allegiance  to  the  dispossessed  king  of  the 
Lombards  was  supposed  to  have  been  transferred,  at  least 
formally,  to  the  king  of  the  Franks  ;  and  the  presence  of 
Adelchis  in  the  metropolis  of  the  East  was  a  standing 
menace,  which  in  the  eyes  of  the  pope,  who  had  his  own 
grievances,  might  at  any  moment  break  out  in  open  in- 
surrection, having  for  its  object  the  overthrow  of  Frank- 
ish supremacy  and  the  restoration  of  the  Lombards.  The 
vigilant  spies  of  Hadrian  kept  him  well  informed  of  the 
threads  of  the  plot,  which  his  own  fears,  probably  also  his 
private  designs,  magnified  into  colossal  dimensions.  Epistle 
followed  epistle  full  of  the  most  dreadful  forebodings,  and 
the  most  earnest  appeals  to  Charles  to  hasten  to  Italy. 

Such  a  Job's  message  awaited  him  on  his  return  from 
775]  Saxony ;  it  was  more  ominous  than  any  he  had  yet 
received,  and  the  pope's  account  was  confirmed  in  other 
quarters.  A  Lombard  league  had  been  formed,  Hrodgaud, 
duke  of  Friuli,  had  openly  proclaimed  his  independence, 
and  quite  a  number  of  cities  joined  in  the  revolt.  The 
faithless  vassal  was  in  league  with  the  powerful  dukes  of 
Spoleto,    Benevento,   and    Clusium,    and   his    father-in-law, 


Chap.  VI.]    SEQUEL  TO  FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  167 

Count  Stebelinius  of  Treviso  ;  the  revolt  in  Friuli  was  only 
the  first  act  of  the  conspiracy  which  would  be  followed  by 
other  events  in  March  of  the  ensuing  year,  when  Adelchis, 
the  son  of  Desiderius,  was  expected  to  arrive  with  a  Greek 
fleet,  seize  Rome,  and  with  the  support  of  his  confederates, 
repossess  himself  of  his  ancestral  inheritance. 

"  Rome,"  wrote  the  pontiff,  "  was  to  be  assailed  by  land 
and  by  water,  and  all  the  churches  of  God  were  to  be  robbed  ; 
yea,  it  was  part  of  the  conspiracy,  God  forbid,  to  abduct  him, 
Hadrian,  into  captivity,  and  restore  the  Lombard  dominion. 
He  adjured  Charles  by  the  true  and  living  God  to  hasten, 
with  the  utmost  speed,  to  his  deliverance,  lest  the  nations 
should  say,  '  Where  is  the  trust  of  the  Romans,  which, 
next  to  God,  they  put  in  the  king  and  government  of  the 
Franks?'  He  assured  him  that  failure  on  his  part  involved 
consequences  for  which  he  must  answer  at  the  bar  of  God, 
because  he,  the  pope,  by  divine  command,  and  that  of  St. 
Peter,  had  placed  the  Church  of  God  and  the  people  of  the 
Roman  Commonwealth  *  under  the  powerful  protection  of 
his  most  sweet  sublimity." 

Hadrian  felt  sore,  and,  in  this  letter,  drew  largely  on  his 
imagination  ;  Charles  doubtless  did  not  depend  solely  upon 
him  for  intelligence,  but  judged  the  situation,  in  spite  of  the 
pope's  exaggeration,  sufficiently  grave  to  call  for  instant 
action.  It  was  midwinter ;  the  army  had  been  disbanded, 
but  something  must  be  done.  The  revolt  in  Friuli  must  be 
quelled  forthwith  and  its  faithless  head  chastised;  the  exam- 
ple of  a  Frankish  vassal  breaking  his  oath,  and  proclaim- 
ing his  independence  was  perilous  to  his  rule  in  Italy,  and 
left  him  no  choice  but  instant  action. 

He  left  Schlettstadt  in  Alsace  immediately  after  Christ- 
mas with  a  scara  of  picked  household  troops,  and  crossed 
the  Alps  with  amazing  rapidity.  He  was  in  the  duchy  of 
Friuli  before  Hrodgaud  knew  that  he  was  coming.  The 
feeble  resistance  he  offered  ended  in  defeat,  imprisonment, 
and  death.     It  is  not  certain  how  he  lost  his  life,  whether 

1  Epist.    Hadr.     Bouquet,  V.,    549.      547,    548. — Also,  as   to    the  pontiff's 
cf.   ibid.  Epp.  54,  58,  59,  on  pp.  545,      grievances,  ibid.,  p.  546  A. 


1 68  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

he  fell  in  combat,  or  was  put  to  death  by  his  followers,  who 
went  over  to  Charles  in  large  numbers,  not  voluntarily, 
however,  but  by  bribery.1 

776]  His  speedy  punishment  frightened  the  rest  of  the 
league,  and  nipped  it  in  the  bud.  Hrodgaud's  father-in- 
law,  Count  Stebelinius,  with  a  number  of  revolted  Lom- 
bards, withdrew  behind  the  ramparts  of  Treviso,  and  pre- 
pared to  stand  a  siege.  Charles  took  it  by  storm,  and  in 
like  manner  marched  against  the  other  cities,  and  conquered 
them.  The  story  that  Treviso  was  betrayed  by  Petrus,  an 
Italian  priest,  who  reaped  the  reward  of  his  treachery  in  the 
honors  and  emoluments  of  the  see  of  Verdun,  is  not  credited, 
although  the  unfortunate  bishop  labors,  let  us  hope,  under 
the  false  imputation  of  having  performed  the  same  act  in 
the  capture  of  Pavia.2 

The  conquered  cities  were  placed  under  the  direction  of 
Frankish  counts,  the  customary  oaths  were  administered,  the 
property  of  the  rebels  was  confiscated,  a  number  of  whom 
were  sent  into  banishment.  Charles  gave  one  of  the  seques- 
tered estates  to  his  devoted  adherent,  the  grammarian 
Paulinus,  the  same  who  afterwards  became  patriarch  of 
Aquileia,3  and  divided  the  others,  as  was  his  wont,  among 
his  warriors  and  the  Church.  The  rebellion  was  quelled, 
the  league  evaporated,  Rome  continued  safe,  and  Charles, 
with  more  pressing  work  on  hand  in  Francia,  denying  him- 
self the  pleasure  of  an  excursion  to  Rome,  as  quickly  as  he 
had  come  recrossed  the  mountains  blessed  with  prosperity 
and  victory,4  and  accompanied  by  a  number  of  prisoners, 
among  whom  is  mentioned  by  name  the  Lombard  Arichis, 
a  brother  of  Paul  the  Deacon. 

The  devotion  of  Arichis  to  the  Lombard  dynasty  entailed 
separation  from  his  wife  and  children,  who  languished  in 
misery,  and  his  own  most  sad  and  long  captivity. 

Six  years   later   his   brother,  the   deacon,   also    strongly 


1  Annal.  Einh. ;  Lauriss. ;  Fuld. ;  cf.  3  Bohmer,  /.  c.  No.  198. 
Bohmer,  /.  c.  Nos.  196  c.  198.    Andr.  4  "  Eadem  qua  venerat  velocitate  re- 
Berg,  c.  4.  versus  est." — Annal.  Einh., cf.  Lauriss., 

»  MG.  SS.  IV.,  44  ;  VIII.,  35i-  and  note  2>  P-  l69- 


Chap.  VI.]     SEQUEL  TO   FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  169 

attached  to  the  Lombards,  in  a  touching  poem  interceded 
for  him  with  Charles,  and  obtained  his  freedom. 

This  was  the  occasion  of  his  personal  relations  to  Charles, 
and  removal  to  Francia.1 

The  annals  suppress  the  reason  why  Charles  did  not  go 
to  Rome,  and  their  language  is  misleading.  He  spent  more 
than  two  months  in  Italy  after  the  fall  of  Treviso,  and  had 
plenty  of  time  to  visit  Rome,  had  such  been  his  purpose. 

But  he  clearly  avoided  Hadrian,  and  felt  as  reluctant  to 
admit  his  inordinate  claims  to  territorial  possessions,  alleged 
to  have  been  given  or  promised  to  St.  Peter,  as  to  espouse 
his  cause  against  the  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  the  duke  of 
Spoleto  and  others. 

The  archbishop  of  Ravenna  had  the  king's  ear,  and  more 
influence  with  him  than  Hadrian.  Charles,  moreover,  had 
confirmed  to  its  duke  the  duchy  of  Spoleto,  which  the  pontiff 
claimed  for  St.  Peter ;  and,  in  fact,  had  completely  ignored 
him  in  the  recent  regulation  of  the  affairs  of  the  Peninsula. 

Under  such  circumstances  a  meeting  with  Hadrian  would 
have  been  painfully  embarrassing,  and  for  these  reasons 
Charles  returned  to  Francia  without  visiting  Rome.2 

This  brief  and  brilliant  Friulian  campaign  illustrates,  per- 
haps better  than  any  other  as  yet  presented,  one  of  the  most 
striking  characteristics  of  the  military  ability  of  Charles. 
The  thirty-two  years  of  Saxon  warfare  mark  the  relentless 
and  inexorable  purpose  of  the  tyrant,  the  conquest  of  Lom- 
bardy  the  skill  of  the  strategist  and  tactician,  the  invasion 
of  Spain  the  wisdom  of  the  disappointed  general,  but  this 
Friulian  expedition  shows  the  genius  of  Charles  and  the 
versatility  of  his  powers. 

Even  now,  with  all  the  appliances  and  conveniences  of 
modern  contrivance,  the  sight  of  an  equestrian  in  any  of 
the  hollow  approaches  to  the  Alpine  passes,  who  in  mid- 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  MG.  SS.  Lang.  s  See  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  25S,  to- 
15. — Versus  Pauli  ad  regem  precando,  gether  with  his  authorities  and  refer- 
in  Poet.  Lat.  aev.  Carolin.  I.,  47  sq. —  ences,  especially  to  Codex  Carol.  Nos. 
Cf.  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  253.  57,  58,   in  Bibl.    Rer.  Germanic.  IV., 

iqo.  sqq. 


170  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

winter  proposed  so  difficult  and  perilous  an  undertaking 
would  undoubtedly  receive  the  old  man's  advice  so  gener- 
ously given  to  the  hero  of  "  Excelsior  ;  "  but  think  of  that 
magnificent  scara  of  troopers,  which  left  Schlettstadt  about 
New  Year,  776,  and  its  wonderful  achievements !  The  roads, 
bad  at  all  seasons  of  the  year,  at  least  at  that  time,  were 
buried  in  snow ;  the  terrible  savageness  of  ice-bound  preci- 
pices along  whose  slippery  edge  ran  their  course  might  make 
the  boldest  shudder  as  he  looked  upward  past  sombre  and 
icicled  pines  to  the  rocky  needles  which  shot  from  the  base 
of  eternal  whiteness  into  the  sky,  and  down  into  the  black 
depths  of  certain  death  in  the  wild,  seething  and  roaring 
waters  which  yawned  at  his  feet ;  a  storm,  a  false  step,  meant 
destruction  to  the  mail-clad  scara,  which  in  biting  cold,  and 
through  blinding  snow,  followed  the  intrepid  captain,  who 
did  what  only  Hannibal  and  Caesar  had  done  before. 

He  crossed  the  mountains,  swept  over  the  plains  of  Lom- 
bardy  with  incredible  speed,  strangled  the  revolt,  punished 
the  offenders,  and  made  such  wise  dispositions  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  conquered  territory,  that  for  several  years 
to  come  revolt  did  not  dare  to  lift  its  head. 

Celerity  and  executive  ability  of  the  highest  order  achieved 
this  remarkable  success  in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  in  a 
country  distracted  by  faction,  jealousy,  and  misrule.  Such 
was  the  power  of  his  presence,  and  the  dread  of  his  revenge, 
that  he  might  leave  to  his  lieutenants  the  administration  of 
affairs,  and  attract  the  rich  and  spontaneous  homage  of  the 
duke  Hildeprand  of  Spoleto,  who  sought  and  delighted  the 
new  king  of  the  Lombards  with  a  visit  of  state  which  he  paid 
to  him  at  Verzenay,  in  the  heart  of  his  Frankish  dominions. 

779]  Still  he  felt  the  necessity  of  an  early  return  into 
Italy,  and  embraced  the  opportunity  of  a  lull  in  the  Saxon 
tempest  to  make  a  prolonged  stay. 

The  objects  of  the  journey  were  strictly  peaceable  ;  one 
was  religious,  the  other  political.1 

It  was  in  fulfilment  of  a  religious  vow  coupled  with  the 

1  Annal.  Einh.  Lauriss.,  Mosell. 


Chap.  VI.]   SEQUEL   TO    FALL   OF  THE   LOMBARDS.  171 

desire  of  praying  at  the  tomb  of  the  apostles,  and  taking 
personal  cognizance  of  the  internal  and  external  affairs  of 
Italy,  that  orders  were  given  for  the  progress,  in  which  the 
Court  and  part  of  the  royal  family  participated. 

The  family  of  Charles  was  already  large  ;  he  had  eight 
children  living,  two  by  Himiltrud,  and  six  by  Queen  Hil- 
degard ;  altogether  four  sons  and  four  daughters.  Pepin, 
surnamed  the  Hunchback,  and  Rothaid  were  the  children 
of  Himiltrud,  while  Charles,  Rothrud,  Bertha,  Carloman, 
Louis,  and  Gisla  were  those  of  the  latter. 

Of  these  Pepin  and  Charles  remained  at  Worms ;  the 
others  accompanied  him  to  Italy.1 

Couriers  were  despatched  to  prepare  the  way  and  announce 
his  coming  ;  the  royal  party  travelled  under  strong  military 
escort,  and  probably  followed  the  course  of  Constance,2  Chur, 
and  the  Splugen  ;  in  the  absence  of  royal  palaces,  villas,  or 
hotels,  the  monastic  and  religious  establishments  on  the 
road  offered  convenient  resting  places.  It  was  late  in  the 
year  when  the  King  of  the  Franks  and  of  the  Lombards 
made  his  entry  into  Pavia,  and  took  up  his  residence  in  the 
palace  for  the  winter. 

781]  Much  public  business  of  a  miscellaneous  nature 
arising  from  the  conquest,  and  inadequate,  vague,  or  con- 
flicting legislation,  such  as  the  conduct  of  the  counts  and 
judges,  the  adjustment  of  claims,  and  the  correction  of 
abuses,  engaged  his  attention.  Two  capitularies  were  set 
forth,  one  in  the  Diet  which  he  held  at  Mantua,  some  time 
before  the  middle  of  March,3  whose  provisions  disclose  a 
most  unenviable  state  of  society.  The  country  was  infested 
by  robbers  ;  Christian  and  pagan  serfs  were  sold  into  slav- 
ery ;  tolls  were  unlawfully  extorted,  and  the  ends  of  jus- 
tice most  shamefully  perverted.  Even  the  pope  had  been 
accused,  it  is  thought  by  the  duke  of  Spoleto,  of  encour- 
aging the  nefarious  traffic  in  slaves,  and  Charles  wrote  to 
him  on  the  subject.  A  few  paragraphs  from  his  reply  shed 
some  light  on  it : 

1  Same   authorities    as    in    the   last  2  Radperti  Casus  S.  Galli,  c.  3. 

note.  3  Boretius,  Capitul.  108. 


172  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

"  You  advert,"  he  writes,  "  to  the  slaves  whom  we  Romans 
are  said  to  have  sold  to  the  infamous  race  of  the  Saracens. 
God  knows  that  we  never  committed  or  authorized  such 
criminal  work.  But  the  Lombards  on  the  sea-coast  have 
always  kept  up  this  trade  with  the  Greek  pirates,  and  sup- 
plied them  with  slaves.  We  commanded  duke  Alio  to  fit 
out  several  galleys,  chase  the  said  pirates,  and  burn  their 
vessels  ;  but  he  disobeyed  our  orders,  and  we,  having  neither 
ships,  nor  sailors  to  man  them,  cannot  do  anything  in  the 
matter.  But  God  is  our  witness  that  we  have  not  ceased 
doing  all  we  were  able  for  stopping  that  shameful  busi- 
ness. Thus,  when  Greek  pirates  entered  our  port  of  Cen- 
tumcellae  [that  is,  Civita  Vecchia],  we  caused  their  ships  to 
be  burned,  and  their  crews  imprisoned.  Even  at  the  time 
of  the  recent  famine,  the  Lombards  knew  how  to  turn  the 
general  distress  to  their  own  advantage  by  engaging  still 
more  extensively  in  the  slave  trade,  and  entire  Lombard 
families  are  known  to  have  gone  voluntarily  on  board  the 
Greek  vessels  as  their  last  means  of  escape  from  otherwise 
inevitable  starvation.     .     .     . 

"Your  sublimity  should  not  credit  the  calumnies  against 
our  clergy.  The  more  lovingly  we  feel  towards  you,  so 
much  the  more  the  enemies  of  the  Church  sow  the  tares 
of  discord.  But  through  the  aid  of  God  and  the  interces- 
sion of  St.  Peter,  their  efforts  will  fail,  and  we  confide  in  the 
words  of  the  Psalmist :  Disperdat  Dominas  universa  labia 
dolosa  et  linguam  maliloquam.     Ps.  II.,  4." ' 

On  his  way  to  Rome  Charles  stopped  at  Parma  and  there 
met  for  the  first  time  Alcuin,  who  even  then  bore  the  repu- 
tation of  being  a  very  learned  and  virtuous  man,  and  was 
on  his  way  to  England  charged  with  the  mission  of  carrying 
the  pallium  to  the  archbishop  of  York.  He  extended  to 
him  a  cordial  invitation  to  settle  in  Francia.2 

The  royal  family  spent  Easter  at  Rome.  The  pope  had 
long  since  expressed  the  desire  of  assuming  sponsorial 
duties  to  one  of  the  royal  princes,  and  now  had  the  gratifica- 

»  Hadr.  Ep.  Bouquet  V.,  557.  2  Vita  Ale— Jaffe,  Bibl.  VI.,  17,  cf. 

Mon.  Sang.  I.,  1,  2. 


Chap.  VI.]    SEQUEL  TO   FALL   OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  1 73 

tion,  probably  on  Easter  Even,  of  christening  the  second  son 
of  Hildegard.  He  had  borne  before  the  name  of  Carloman, 
but  it  was  changed  to  that  of  Pepin,  perhaps  in  compliment 
of  the  pope,  for  the  popes  had  cause  to  cherish  that  name. 
The  event  explains  the  expression  compater  which  thence- 
forth appears  in  Hadrian's  letters  to  Charles.  But  the  offi- 
cial acts  of  the  pontiff  were  not  confined  to  the  christening, 
for  he  solemnly  crowned  and  anointed  his  godson  Pepin 
king  of  Italy,  and  his  younger  brother  Ludwig,  or  Louis, 
king  of  Aquitaine.  Both  kings  were  very  youthful ;  his 
majesty  of  Italy  numbered  four  summers,  and  his  brother 
of  Aquitaine  only  three.1 

The  royal  offerings  appear  to  have  been  truly  magnificent, 
for  as  such  we  may  regard  the  donation  of  the  Sabinensian 
territory.  The  pope  seems  to  speak  of  the  entire  Sabina, 
but  the  appointment  of  a  royal  commission  charged  with 
the  duty  of  examining  into  his  claims  warrants  the  conclu- 
sion that  it  was  restricted  to  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  in 
that  territory.2 

It  is  said  that  the  pope  had  been  approached  by  the  Em- 
press Irene,  through  her  ambassadors,  in  the  matter  of  an 
attempted  reunion  of  the  East  and  the  West  by  means  of 
intermarriages.  There  is  no  doubt  whatsoever  that  the 
Princess  Rothrud,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Hildegard,  a  young 
lady  of  eight,  was  solemnly  affianced  to  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine  (Porphyrogenitus),  about  two  years  her  senior.  The 
Greeks  converted  her  name  into  Erythrea,  and  it  was  ar- 
ranged that  a  Constantinopolitan  officer  came  to  the  court 
of  Charles  and  taught  her  Greek.  There  the  matter  ended, 
for  the  engagement  was  ultimately  annulled.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  betrothal  of  the  children  covered  the 
project  of  a  matrimonial  alliance  by  their  parents. 

The  presence  of  Hildegard,  morality,  politics,  and  last, 
not  least,  the  unenviable  reputation  of  Irene  (of  having 
poisoned  the  Emperor  Leo,  her  husband)  may  be  adduced 

'Cod.  Carol.,  Jaffe,  No.  61.— An-  2  Cod.    Car.    ibid.    Nos.    73,  74,  cf. 

rial.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  al.  cf.  Vita  70-72  ;  and  compare  the  authorities 
Hlud.  c.  4.  in  Bohmer,  /.  c.  226,  a. 


174  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

as  grounds  for  discrediting  the  rumor,  at  least  at  this 
time. 

Some  think,  and  probably  they  are  right,  that  the  plan  of 
separate  kingdoms  with  nominal  but  visible  figure  heads 
originated  with  the  pope.  One  cannot  read  without  a 
smile  the  grave  contemporary  notice  that  Charles  on  that 
Easter  Day  divided  his  dominions  among  his  sons ; *  as  a 
matter  of  fact  the  whole  arrangement  was  fictitious,  for  he 
held  the  reins  of  government  with  a  firm  grasp  until  he 
died.  The  juvenile  kings  were  solemnly  established  in 
their  capitals,  put  in  charge  of  nurses,  governesses,  tutors, 
and  guardians,  who  received  their  instructions  down  to  the 
minutest  particulars  from  Charles,  and  were  required  to 
keep  him  well  informed  of  all  their  acts.  He  was  also 
in  the  habit  of  despatching  at  stated  intervals  his  missi, 
or  special  commissioners,  whom  he  empowered  to  inquire 
into  the  conduct  of  the  guardians,  and,  if  necessary,  to  cor- 
rect or  cancel  their  acts.  The  record  is  silent  as  to  the 
ceremonial  observed  with  respect  to  the  introduction  of 
Pepin  into  Lombardy  ;  but  we  know  almost  to  a  certainty 
that  Rotechild,  apparently  an  arbitrary  man,  was  his  bainlns, 
that  is,  his  guardian  and  administrator.  The  common  state- 
ment, that  abbot  Adalhard,  and  Angilbert,  the  latter  with 
the  title  of  primicerius,  officiated  in  that  capacity  during 
the  minority  of  Pepin,  is  untenable.2 

In  the  case  of  Louis  the  information  is  fuller.  The 
baiulus  Arnold  was  chief-guardian,  and  with  him  went  a 
number  of  Frankish  officers  of  rank  and  ability,  "  distin- 
guished not  only  for  bravery  and  firmness,  but  also  for 
adroitness,  and  such  as  they  should  be,  to  be  neither  de- 
ceived nor  scared  by  the  cunning,  fickle,  and  turbulent 
populations  with  whom  they  had  to  deal."  A  company 
of  good  nurses,  under  strong  military  escort,  took  charge 

1  Annal.  S.  Am.  ratori,    Antiq.  ItaL,   II.,  977  sq.,  in 

2  Vita  Adalh.    c.    16,  is  adduced  in      favor  of  Rotechild. 

favor  of  Adalhard  ;  Alcuini,  ep.  4,  5  See   the  merits   of   the  question  in 

(Jaffe'),  in  favor  of  Angilbert ;  and  Mu-      Simson    /.    c.    II.,   435,  note   6;  436, 

notes  I,  2. 


Chap.  VI.]     SEQUEL  TO   FALL   OF   THE  LOMBARDS.  175 

of  the  juvenile  majesty  of  Aquitaine,  and  conducted  him  in 
a  cradle  from  the  banks  of  the  Meuse  to  those  of  the  Loire. 
At  Orleans  they  took  him  out  of  the  cradle  and  prepared 
him  for  more  dignified  and  martial  presentation  of  the  people. 
They  encased  him  in  a  coat  of  mail,  expressly  constructed 
for  his  tender  frame,  gave  him  suitable  weapons,  set  him  on  a 
charger,  and,  as  he  was  too  small  to  guide  it  or  sit  alone,  held 
him  in  place,  and  thus  introduced  him  into  his  dominions.1 

The  political  situation  in  Italy  was  thoroughly  discussed 
by  Hadrian  and  Charles,  and  the  former,  as  we  know  from 
his  epistles,  did  not  spare  his  insinuations  as  to  the  inimical 
attitude  of  Arigiso,  the  powerful  duke  of  Benevento,  a  son- 
in-law  of  the  dethroned  Desiderius. 

He  was  truly  a  thorn  in  his  eye,  but  Arigiso  had  cause  to 
say  that  Hadrian  was  literally  a  scourge  in  his  side.  The 
pontiff  saw  his  interest  in  the  humiliation  of  so  dangerous  a 
neighbor,  and  would  fain  have  persuaded  Charles  to  overrun 
him  with  war,  so  that  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  unright- 
eously withheld  by  the  husband  of  Adelberga,  might  be 
restored,  and  so  forth.2 

The  time  for  Frankish  intervention  in  Benevento  had  not 
yet  come,  but  there  was  another  son-in-law  of  Desiderius,  the 
duke  of  Bavaria,  whose  attitude  was  far  from  satisfactory  to 
Charles.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  Hadrian  came  to 
interfere,  if  he  acted  proprio  motu,  or  at  the  instance  of 
Charles.  At  any  rate,  a  mixed  embassy,  composed  of  two 
bishops  representing  the  pope,  and  of  the  deacon  Riculf  and 
the  cupbearer  Eberhard  on  the  part  of  Charles,  was  sent  to 
the  refractory  duke,  to  remind  him  of  his  oath  of  allegiance 
and  demand  its  renewal.3 

Leaving  this  embassy  on  its  way  to  Bavaria,  we  accom- 
pany Charles  to  Milan,  where  the  archbishop  Thomas  did  for 
the  baby  of  the  royal  household,  the  princess  Gisla,  what  the 
pope  had  done  in  the  case  of  Pepin,  that  is,  he  baptized  her 
781,  June]  and  stood  sponsor.4 

J  Vita  Hlud.,  c.  4.  3  Ann-  Einh- 

2  Cod.  Carol.,  ed.   Jaffe  ;    Nos.  66,  4  Annal.  Lauriss. 

87. 


176  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

By  this  time  Charles  had  obtained  abundant  evidence  of 
great  and  sore  evils  in  the  body  politic  of  his  transalpine 
possessions,  and  set  forth  other  capitularies,  one  emanating 
from  a  council  of  bishops,  the  other  from  an  assemblage  of 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  dignitaries.  They  disclose  a  state 
of  things  which  requires  no  commentary,  except  that  of 
subsequent  legislation  ;  bishops  and  the  inferior  clergy,  to- 
gether with  abbots,  monks  and  nuns,  led  most  scandalous 
lives,  not  only  in  violation  of  the  Canons  and  the  Rule, 
but  of  morality  and  decency ;  one  capitulum  denounces  in 
general  terms  the  shameful  practices  which  disgraced  the 
Church  and  scandalized  the  people,  and  others  command, 
but  only  on  pain  of  pecuniary  fines,  the  immediate  annul- 
ment of  marriages  contracted  by  nuns,  and  of  adulterous 
and  incestuous  connections  ;  some  are  directed  against  witch- 
craft and  superstition,  others  against  injustice,  extortion, 
bribery,  sacrilege,  perjury,  and  homicide.  Lesser  matters, 
such  as  the  perversion  of  benefactions,  the  misapplication  of 
trusts,  the  shelter  or  unlawful  detention  of  fugitive  serfs, 
are  of  constant  recurrence  ;  and  we  learn  from  the  abuses  to 
which  they  gave  rise,  of  the  existence  of  exenodochia,  that  is, 
of  venerable  places  in  which  poor,  or  at  least  impecunious 
travellers,  or  pilgrims,  received  gratuitous  entertainment. 

The  strong  arm  and  inflexible  purpose  of  Charles  were 
needed,  but  not  adequate  for  moulding  such  a  chaos  of 
wrong  into  the  orderly  workings  of  justice  and  right.1 

781]  The  embassy  to  Tassilo  was  in  so  far  successful  that 
he  listened  to  their  representations  and  promised,  if  hostages 
were  given  him  for  his  personal  safety,  to  repair  to  the  Diet 
and  do  as  he  was  required.  Charles  acceded  to  his  request, 
received  his  homage,  and  took  twelve  hostages  for  his  future 
good  behavior.  Tassilo  repaired  to  Worms,  and  renewed 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Charles  which  he  had  before  ren- 
dered to  Pepin,  and  whereby  he  promised  fidelity  and  obe- 
dience to  the  king  of  the  Franks  and  his  sons. 

He  also  brought  rich  presents  to  Charles,  and  in  return 

1  Boretius,  /.  c.  104,  107,  125,  I2S,  129,  130,  135. 


Chap.  VI.]     SEQUEL   TO  FALL   OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  1 77 

received  the  villas  of  Ingolstaclt  and  Lutrahahof  in  the 
Nordgau  as  a  bcneficium.  The  king  dismissed  him  in  the 
most  honorable  manner.1  The  duke  returned  to  Bavaria, 
but  at  the  instigation  of  the  duchess  Liutperga,  soon  forgot 
his  oaths,  abandoned  his  hostages,  and  fell  into  his  old  dis- 
loyal ways.2 

A  few  years  passed,  but  the  situation  in  Benevento  and 
Bavaria  grew  worse.  Hadrian  and  the  duke  were  at  dag- 
gers drawn,  and  such  was  the  adroit  policy  of  the  former 
and  his  influence  with  Charles,  that  he  persuaded  him  to 
begin  hostilities  on  the  plea  that  the  conquest  of  Lombardy 
(and  the  capture  of  its  king)  necessarily  involved  that  of  a 
vassal  province.  Though  an  idle  pretext  it  commended 
itself  to  the  judgment  of  the  conqueror  who,  deeming  the 
juncture  propitious,  hastily  collected  a  large  army,  with- 
786]  out  mishap  of  any  kind  proceeded  to  Florence,  where 
King  Pepin,  now  in  his  ninth  year,  joined  him,  and  hastened 
to  Rome.  The  pope  advised  immediate  invasion  of  the 
Beneventan  territory.  Arigiso,  convinced  of  the  utter  hope- 
lessness of  successful  resistance,  sought  to  avert  the  coming 
storm  by  diplomacy.  He  sent  rich  presents  by  the  hands  of 
his  son  Rumoald,  and  begged  the  king  of  the  Franks  to 
abandon  the  plan  of  invasion,  as  he  was  content  in  all  points 
to  comply  with  his  requests.  It  seems  therefore  that  a  for- 
mal requisition,  the  terms  of  which  are  not  known,  had  taken 
place,  that  it  had  been  refused,  and  that  a  Frankish  army  of 
occupation  was  the  consequence  of  the  refusal.  The  pope 
advised  Charles  to  reject  the  overtures  of  Arigiso  as  unsatis- 
factory, for  he  had  no  confidence  in  the  duke's  good  faith, 
and  easily  persuaded  the  Frankish  nobles  to  express  them- 
selves to  the  same  purpose. 

7§7]  Charles  held  Rumoald,  marched  to  Capua,  and  went 
into  camp.  His  rejection  of  the  Beneventan  proposals 
greatly  alarmed  Arigiso,  who  had  sought  safety  behind  the 
walls  of  the  fortified   sea-town  of  Salerno,  and  now  sent  a 

1  Annal.   Lauriss.  maj.  MG.  SS.  I.,      a.  806,  c.  2,  Capp.  I.,  127  ;  and  Abel- 
162  compared    with    I.,   170  ;    Annal.      Simson  /.  c.  I.,  397,  notes  1,  2. 
Einh.,  Petav.,  Enh.  Fuld. — Div.  regn.  2  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  al. 


178  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

second  embassy  with  rich  presents,  offering  both  his  sons 
as  hostages,  together  with  others,  in  guarantee  of  his  good 
faith.  The  king  was  touched  by  his  prayers,  took  twelve 
hostages,  to  which  he  added  a  thirteenth  in  the  person  of 
Grimoald,  the  duke's  second  son,  released  Rumoald,  and 
prompted  by  the  humane  and  religious  consideration  that 
his  acceptance  of  the  proffered  submission  would  prevent  the 
devastation  of  the  country  and  the  desolation  of  churches 
and  monasteries,  ordered  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  Ari- 
giso  moreover  engaged  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  seven 
thousand  solidi,  surrendered  the  alleged  patrimony  of  St. 
Peter,  and  both  he,  together  with  Rumoald,  and  his  people, 
swore  fealty  to  the  king  of  the  Franks.1 

The  peace  augmented  the  possessions  of  the  Church, 
to  which  Charles  presented  the  city  of  Capua,  and,  if  the 
Roman  allegations  are  true,  likewise  the  cities  of  Populonia, 
Rosellae,  Toscanella,  Viterbo,  Bagnarea,  Sora,  Arce,  Aquino, 
Arpino,  and  Teano.  But  this  must  be  doubted  until  docu- 
mentary evidence,  thus  far  unproduced,  establishes  the  claim.2 

A  donation  of  certain  Beneventan  cities  was  made,  and 
the  instrument  is  said  to  have  been  set  forth  in  the  names 
of  the  king,  the  queen,  the  royal  sons,  as  well  as  those  of 
the  Frankish  bishops,  abbots,  and  nobles  present.  Hadrian 
repeatedly  exhorts  the  king  in  his  subsequent  epistles  to 
fulfil  the  promise  of  the  cities  which  he  had  donated  to 
St.  Peter  and  himself,  but  mentions  only  Capua  by  name. 
Charles,  moreover,  seems  to  have  granted  to  Hadrian 
Populonia  and  Rosellae,  possibly  also  Sovana,  Toscanella, 
Viterbo  and  Bagnorea.  But  it  is  impossible  to  resist  the 
conviction  that  Hadrian  viewed  the  nature  of  the  grant  in 
one  way,  while  Charles  regarded  it  altogether  differently ;  at 
any  rate  its  execution  fell  greatly  short  of  the  claims  and 
expectation  of  Hadrian.3 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  maj.  et  minor;  3  Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  571.  citing  Jaffe 
Einh. ;  Alamann. ;  Fuld. — See  Bohm-  IV.,  252,  255  sq.  259,  264  sq.,  cf.  Epist. 
er,  /.  c.  No.  277  a. — Vita  Caroli,  c.  Carol.  4.  Annal.  Juvav..  min.,  state 
10.  that  Charles    "conquered   Benevento 

2  Bohmer,  /.  c.  and  gave  it  to  St.  Peter,"  while  Annal. 


Chap.  VI.]     SEQUEL  TO  FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  1 79 

On  his  return  to  Rome  the  case  of  Tassilo  came  up. 
That  refractory  vassal,  duly  informed  of  the  king's  inten- 
tions with  regard  to  Benevento,  and  anticipating  the  result, 
took  alarm,  and  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  entreating  the 
good  offices  of  Hadrian  with  Charles. 

The  strained  relations  between  Charles  and  Tassilo  were 
of  long  standing,  and  the  tension  threatened  to  break  out 
in  war. 

Tassilo  was  certainly  a  vassal  of  the  kings  of  the  Franks ; 
he  had  sworn  fealty  to  Pepin  and  Charles ;  but  he  made 
light  of  his  oath,  and  evaded  its  obligations. 

It  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  his  ambassadors,  accord- 
ing to  the  tenor  of  their  instructions,  suited  their  course  to 
the  issue  of  the  events  pending  in  Benevento,  and  were  pre- 
pared either  to  make  common  cause  with  Arigiso  against 
Charles,  or,  in  the  event  of  his  submission  to  Frankish  rule, 
to  invoke  the  mediation  of  Hadrian. 

The  sympathies  of  Tassilo  were  entirely  with  his  brother- 
in-law  of  Benevento,  nor  is  it  surprising  that  Liutperga,  his 
wife,  nursed  in  her  heart  hatred  against  the  enemy  and 
destroyer  of  her  house.  It  was,  doubtless,  at  her  instance 
that,  in  spite  of  the  peace  patched  up  five  years  before,  he 
was  intriguing  against  Charles  with  the  Byzantines,  the 
Avars,  and  Sclavonians,  as  well  as  the  vast  army  of  malcon- 
tents in  the  old  Lombard  dominions. 

Again  and  again  he  assumed  the  conduct  of  an  independ- 
ent sovereign,  and  quite  recently,  while  the  king  was  march- 
ing against  Benevento,  undertook  to  settle  a  territorial 
dispute  with  a  Frankish  noble  in  the  Tyrol,  by  the  arbitra- 
ment of  the  sword.  Tassilo  was  a  good  churchman,  and 
Hadrian  would  fain  have  laid  him  under  obligations,  if  he 
could  do  so  without  alienating  the  good  will  of  Charles. 
The  Bavarian  embassy,  consisting  of  Arno,  bishop  of  Salz- 
burg, and  Hunrich,  abbot  of  Mondsee,  arrived  during  the 
Easter  festivities,1   and  prevailed  with  Hadrian  to  act   as 

Maxim.  MG.  SS.  XIII.,  21,  record  that  *  Annal.  Lauriss.  maj.,  Einh., 
he  "restored  Benevento  to  St.  Peter."  Maxim.,  al.  ;  cf.  Luden,  IV.,  350, 
— Compare  Forschnngen,  I.,  527.  542,  n.  S. 


l8o  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

mediator  between  Charles  and  the  duke.  The  king  ac- 
cepted his  good  offices,  and  asked  the  ambassadors  what 
security  they  could  give  for  the  duke's  good  faith  in  the 
future. 

They  replied,  that  they  had  no  instructions  beyond  re- 
porting to  their  master  the  words  of  Charles  and  Hadrian. 
This  so  incensed  Hadrian,  who  suspected  trickery,  that  he 
forthwith  launched  the  anathema  of  the  Church  against 
Tassilo,  notifying  the  ambassadors  that  in  the  event  of  a 
further  breach  of  good  faith,  the  responsibility  of  a  sangui- 
nary and  destructive  war  must  rest  on  his  guilty  head,  but 
that  Charles  and  the  Franks  should  be  innocent. 

This  message  the  Bavarian  ambassadors  bore  to  their 
master ;  Charles  took  leave  of  Hadrian  and  set  out  for 
Francia,  stopping  at  Pavia,  to  add  to  his  train  many  Lom- 
bard nobles  of  suspected  loyalty,  a  number  of  persons 
skilled  in  arithmetic  and  grammar,  together  with  Theodore 
and  Benedict,  two  fine  musicians,  the  last  for  the  express 
purpose  of  introducing  the  Gregorian  chant  in  the  churches 
of  Francia. 

787]  He  arrived  in  Germany  in  time  for  the  May  Parade 
at  Worms.  Tassilo,  who  ought  to  have  been  in  attendance, 
stayed  away ;  the  Assembly  heard  with  great  enthusiasm 
the  king's  account  of  the  Italian  campaign,  and  with  corre- 
sponding indignation  the  course  of  the  Bavarian  duke  ;  it 
was  resolved  to  anticipate  the  threatened  peril  to  the 
Frankish  monarchy  by  an  immediate  declaration  of  war; 
three  armies  were  directed  to  march  into  Bavaria ;  one  led 
by  Pepin  through  the  valley  of  the  Adigo  to  the  Enns ;  a 
second,  probably  commanded  by  his  brother,  prince  Charles, 
was  massed  at  Pforing  on  the  Danube,  while  the  third, 
under  the  king  in  person,  crossed  the  Rhine  and  passed 
through  Suabia  to  the  Lechfeld  near  Augsburg. 

Tassilo  was  in  sore  plight ;  he  was  simultaneously  assailed 
from  three  cardinal  points  ;  the  Greeks  and  Huns  upon 
whose  aid  he  had  counted  failed  him,  and,  worse  than  all, 
his  own  subjects  deserted  him.  The  stars  were  against  him, 
but   accepting  the    situation,  he  went  to  Charles,  humbly 


Chap.  VI.]     SEQUEL  TO  FALL  OF   THE   LOMBARDS.  l8l 

apologized,  returned  to  him,  as  an  ordinary  fief,  his  duchy, 
and  received  it  again  as  the  king's  vassal.  This  was  done 
by  means  of  a  symbolical  ceremony ;  he  presented  to  the 
sovereign  a  small  staff  with  the  figure  of  a  man  engraved  on 
the  head  ;  Charles  took  and  then  returned  it  to  him  ;  this 
signified  that  Tassilo  had  become  his  vassal. 

The  king,  moreover,  in  token  of  his  reconciliation,  and 
of  Tassilo's  perpetual  vassalage,  gave  him  gemmed  bracelets 
of  gold,  and  a  steed  covered  with  a  housing  of  cloth  of  gold. 
A  contemporary  poet  explains  that  Charles  said  while  pre- 
senting the  symbols,  "  Receive,  my  son,  these  symbols  of 
your  vassalage,"  adding  that  Tassilo  then  kissed  the  king's 
knees,  saying,  "  O  King,  you  wield  your  office  for  the  happi- 
ness of  the  world,  and  I  acknowledge  my  service  to  you 
world  without  end."  Then  he  took  the  royal  gifts  and  re- 
paired to  his  camp.1 

Both  he  and  the  Bavarians,  moreover,  were  required  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance ;  Charles  also  took  twelve  hos- 
tages besides  his  son  Theodo,  and  bound  Tassilo  to  appear 
at  the  forthcoming  Diet  to  be  held  at  Ingelheim  near  May- 
ence.2 

What  occurred  during  the  interval  is  not  known  ;  but  to 
Ingelheim  the  duke  repaired  in  due  course.  The  Diet  was 
the  most  imposing  thus  far  convened  in  that  reign  ;  the  whole 
hierarchy  of  Francia  and  the  most  illustrious  dignitaries  of 
the  realm  were  assembled.  Tassilo  came  openly  without 
suspicion  ;  he  was  seized,  disarmed,  and  placed  in  arrest  ;3  at 
the  same  time  the  duchess  Liutperga,  his  wife,  and  their 
children  were  surprised  and  arrested  in  the  palace  at  Ratis- 
788]  bon  ;  they  also  and  their  hereditary  treasure,  were 
transported  by  royal  command  to  Ingelheim.4 

A  number  of  Bavarian  counts,  the  counsellors  and  legates 

1  Annal.  Nazar.,  Cont.  MG.  SS.  L,  Lauresh.,  Maxim. — Cf.  Vita.  Caroli, 
43.       Lauriss.    maj.,    Einh.,    Guelf.      c.  II. 

contin.  MG.   SS.  I.,  43. — Versus  Hi-  3  Annal.  Nazar.  /.  c.  Lauriss.   maj., 

bern.  exulis  in  Poet.  Lat.  aev.  Carol.  Einh.,  Maxim.,  al. 

I.,  399.  *  Annal.  Nazar.,  Guelf. 

2  Annal.    Einh.,     Nazar.;    Lauriss. 


1 82  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

of  Tassilo,  stood  up  in  the  Diet  and  laid  to  his  charge  numer- 
ous crimes  worthy  of  death.  It  was  charged  that  he  had, 
at  the  instigation  of  Liutperga,  violated  his  oath,  in  making 
overtures  to  the  Avars,  in  essaying  to  corrupt  the  king's 
vassals,  and  in  recommending  or  commanding  his  subjects 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  with  mental  reservation  ;  they 
also  charged  that  he  had  said  "  that  he  would  rather  lose 
ten  sons,  if  he  had  them,  and  die  himself  than  have  them 
fulfil  the  obligations  he  had  undertaken  on  oath ;  it  were 
better  to  be  dead  than  endure  the  disgrace  of  such  a  life." 

Such  was  the  tenor  of  the  crimes  of  which  he  was 
accused  ;  it  is  said  that  he  admitted  them,  and  "  did  not 
begin  to  deny  any  one  of  these  charges."  If  he  was  guilty, 
it  would  have  been  madness  to  attempt  a  denial ;  if  the 
charges  were  trumped  up,  the  assertion  of  his  innocence 
would  not  have  bettered  his  case,  but  probably  made  it 
worse.  His  only  chance  of  escaping  the  headman's  axe  was 
silence,  or  confession.  He  understood  the  temper  of  his 
cousin  and  brother-in-law,  and  knew  that  his  fate  was  sealed  ; 
he  could  not  possibly  err  in  that  conviction,  when  he  found 
that  the  crime  of  herisliz,  or  desertion,  of  which  he  was 
declared  to  have  been  guilty  twenty-five  years  before  in  the 
time  of  King  Pepin,  was  raked  up  and  added  to  the  other 
charges.  That  was  a  capital  offence,  and  the  High  Court 
of  the  Diet  accordingly  convicted  him  of  high  treason  and 
condemned  him  to  death.1 

788]  What  then  occurred  in  the  Diet  is  not  of  full  record  ; 
there  was  probably  a  colloquy  between  Charles  and  Tassilo, 
and  the  unfortunate  man  doubtless  implored  the  mercy  of 
his  all-powerful  cousin,  nor  implored  in  vain,  for  Charles  of 
his  clemency  commuted  the  sentence  of  death  into  compul- 
sory assumption  of  monastic  vows.  The  act  of  deposition 
and  degradation,  at  the  further  request  of  Tassilo,  did  not 
take  place  then  and  there ;  he  was  spared  that  humiliation, 
and  permitted  to  repair  to  the  neighboring  monastery  of  St. 
Goar,  where  the  metamorphosis  was  effected  privately.    The 


1  Annal.  Lauriss.  maj.,  Einh.,  Lauresh.,  Nazar.,  al. 


Chap.  VI. J     SEQUEL   TO   FALL  OF  THE   LOMBARDS.  1 83 

monk  who  issued  forth  from  that  cell  was  sent  to  the  mon- 
astery of  Jumieges  in  Neustria.  He  went  gladly  {libcnter) 
to  that  haven  of  rest  in  order  to  spend  the  residue  of  his 
life  in  acts  of  penance  for  his  many  sins  and  to  save  his 
soul  alive.1 

A  similar  fate  was  meted  out  to  the  whole  ducal  family. 
The  duchess  Liutperga  (a  daughter  of  Desiderius  and  a 
sister  of  Desiderata)  was  compelled  to  take  the  veil  in  a 
convent,2  perhaps  that  of  Chelles,  of  which  Gisla,  the  king's 
sister,  was  abbess ;  her  daughters  were  forced  to  renounce 
the  world  in  that  of  Laon  ; 3  Theodo  and  Theotbert,  the 
sons  of  Tassilo,  also  became,  involuntarily,  monks,  the  for- 
mer at  St.  Maximin's,  the  latter  in  another  monastery  not 
known. 

The  estates  and  treasures  of  the  ducal  house  were  confis- 
cated by  Charles.  Such  of  the  Bavarian  nobles  as  had  stood 
by  Tassilo,  or  even  after  his  degradation  had  the  hardihood 
of  resisting,  or  attempting  to  resist,  Charles,  were  sent  into 
exile.4 

Then,  most  probably  immediately  after  the  adjournment 
of  the  Diet,  Charles  proceeded  in  person  to  Bavaria  to  com- 
plete the  subjugation  of  the  duchy.  He  defined  the  fron- 
tiers, especially  in  the  direction  of  the  Avars,  by  military 
occupation  ;  undertook  the  regulation  of  its  internal  affairs 
by  immediate  annexation  and  the  radical  change  of  its 
status  from  that  of  an  independent  state  into  a  Frankish 
province,  administered  not  by  a  duke,  but  by  counts,  acting 
under  his  own  directions  as  expounded  by  his  brother-in- 
law,  duke  Gerold  (brother  of  the  sainted  Queen  Hildegard), 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.  maj.,  Einh. —  cesses,  who  bore  the  names  of  Cotani 
Annal.  Nazar.  say  that  tonsure  was  and  Hrodrud,  were  shut  up  in  different 
distasteful  {invitus)  to  him  ;  Regino,  convents,  the  one  at  Chelles,  the  other 
MG.  SS.  adds  that  Tassilo  prostrated  at  Laon. — Riezler,  Geschickte  Baiems, 
himself  before  Charles,  begging  to  be  I.,  170,  note. 

permitted  to  enter  a  monastery.  *  Annal.  Lauresh.,  Einh.,  Lauriss., 

2  Rudhart,  p.  323,  names  Kochlsee,  Nazar.,  Petav. ;  Gesta  abb.  Fontan. 
dioc.  of  Augsburg;  but  the  place  is  c. ;  16;  Chron.  Moiss. ;  Vita  Caroli, 
uncertain.  c.  II. 

3  Some  say  that  the  Bavarian  prin- 


1 84  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

whom  he  appointed  local  governor  ;  he  also  commanded 
the  attendance  of  the  Bavarian  chieftains  and  nobles  and 
compelled  them  to  give  hostages,  and  in  fine,  to  use  the 
language  of  one  of  the  annals,  "  arranged  things  as  he 
pleased."  l  Thus  ended  the  ancient  and  independent  prin- 
cipality of  Bavaria,  and  thus  perished  the  house  of  the 
Agilolfingians.2 

All  these  things,  we  learn,  redounded  to  the  glory  and 
honor  of  the  king,  but  to  the  shame  and  confusion  of  his 
enemies,  because  the  Creator  of  the  world  made  him  always 
to  triumph;3  yea,  writes  another  obsequious  scribe,  that 
year  Almighty  God  himself  fought  for  the  lord  king  Charles, 
as  of  old  he  fought  for  Moses  and  the  children  of  Israel  at 
the  Red  Sea  ;  for  the  mighty  divine  combatant  delivered 
Bavaria  into  his  hand  without  war  or  a  word  of  strife.4 

The  Bavarians  doubtless  thought  differently,  but  what 
could  they  do  ?  They  submitted  to  the  force  majeure,  and 
hoped  for  better  times. 

The  tantalizing  mystification,  which  runs  through  the 
whole  of  the  biography  of  Charles  as  writ  by  Einhard,  and 
often  amounts  to  perversion,  may  be  illustrated  by  his 
presentation  of  the  seizure  of  Bavaria.  "  At  this  time,"  he 
says,  "  the  Bavarian  war  broke  out  on  a  sudden,  but  came 
to  a  speedy  end."  It  was  due  to  the  arrogance  and  folly 
of  duke  Tassilo.  His  wife,  a  daughter  of  King  Desiderius, 
was  desirous  of  avenging  her  father's  banishment  through 
the  agency  of  her  husband,  and  accordingly  induced  him 
to  make  a  treaty  with  the  Huns,  the  neighbors  of  the  Bava- 

1  Annal.  Lauresh.  Fragm.  Chesnii,  merit  has:  "Baiuariam  adquisivit  ad 
MG.  SS.  I.,  33.  (ac)  Tassilonem  clericavit,"    Meichel- 

2  Annal.  Lauriss.  ;  Lauresh.  ;  Max-  beck,  j>,  80,  no.  100  ;  and  bishop  Arno 
im.,  Einh.,  S.  Amandi.  ;  Vita  Caroli,  caused  the  inventory  of  his  church  to 
c.  11.  The  regulation  of  Bavarian  af-  be  drawn  up  "  unacum  consensu  et 
fairs  is  only  vaguely  stated  in  Annal.  licentia  d.  Karoli  regis  eodem  anno 
Lauriss.,  Lauresh.,  Maxim.,  S.  Am-  quo  ipse  Baioariam  regionem  ad  suum 
andi,  cf.  Petav.  Bavarian  documents  opus  recepit;"  Indicul.  Am.  ed. 
extant    are    dated    thus:     "  regnante  Keinz,  26. 

Charlo  rege  primo  anno   quando  ad-  3  Annal.  Naz. 

quisivit  gentem  Baiuvvariorum,"  M.B.  4  Annal.     Franc,     a.     788,     apud 

28b,  13,  16,  19,  31  ;  a  Freising  docu-      Duchesne,  II.,  9. 


Chap.  VI.]    SEQUEL  TO  FALL  OF  THE   LOMBARDS.  jgg 

rians  on  the  east,  and  not  only  to  leave  the  king's  com- 
mand unfulfilled,  but  to  challenge  him  to  war.  Charles's 
high  spirit  could  not  brook  Tassilo's  insubordination,  for  it 
seemed  to  him  to  pass  all  bounds  ;  accordingly  he  straight- 
way summoned  his  troops  from  all  sides  for  a  campaign 
against  Bavaria,  and  appeared  in  person  with  a  great  army 
on  the  river  Lech,  which  forms  the  boundary  between  the 
Bavarians  and  the  Alemanni.  After  pitching  his  camp 
upon  its  banks,  he  determined  to  put  the  duke's  disposition 
to  a  test  by  an  embassy  before  entering  the  province.  Tas- 
silo  did  not  think  that  it  was  for  his  own  or  his  people's 
good  to  persist,  so  he  surrendered  himself  to  the  king,  gave 
the  hostages  demanded,  among  them  his  own  son  Theodo, 
and  promised  by  oath  not  to  give  ear  to  any  one  who 
should  attempt  to  turn  him  from  his  allegiance ;  so  this 
war,  which  bade  fair  to  be  very  grievous,  came  very  quickly 
to  an  end.  Tassilo,  however,  was  afterwards  summoned  to 
the  king's  presence,  and  not  suffered  to  depart,  and  the 
government  of  the  province  that  he  had  in  charge  was  no 
longer  intrusted  to  a  duke,  but  to  counts."  J 

Reviewing  the  case  of  Tassilo  it  seems  established  that 
the  invincible  desire  of  independence  was  the  remote  cause 
of  his  fall,  and  his  unpardonable  offence.  He  doubtless 
felt  and  believed  that  the  title  of  the  Frankish  sovereigns 
to  the  suzerainty  of  Bavaria  was  neither  clear  nor  absolute. 
He  saw  in  them  the  relentless  enemies  of  his  house,  the 
usurpers  of  his  hereditary  rights  and  possessions.  This 
explains  his  conduct  in  the  reign  of  Pepin,  and  afterward  in 
that  of  Charles.  Alone,  and  uninfluenced  by  Liutperga, 
the  daughter  of  the  degraded  and  exiled  king  of  the  Lom- 
bards, he  might  have  submitted  with  good  grace  and  acted 
the  part  of  a  faithful  vassal ;  but  her  antipathy  to  Charles 
gave  him  no  rest,  and  fanned  the  embers  of  his  discontent 
into  open  and  persistent  antagonism. 

That  antagonism,  however,  was  not  shared  by  his  sub- 
jects, who  were  more  loyal  to  Charles  than  to  their  duke, 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  II. 


1 86  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

and,  if  we  may  credit  the  Frankish  annals,  not  only  acknowl- 
edged the  justice  of  his  claim,  but  preferred  acquiescence 
to  hostile  opposition.1  The  papal  bann  of  excommunica- 
tion, moreover,  widened  the  breach  between  the  duke  and 
his  people ;  even  bishop  Arno,  his  own  ambassador  to 
Hadrian,  seems  to  have  shared  the  popular  feeling,  and 
aware  of  the  sentiments  both  of  the  pope  and  Charles,  used 
his  influence  with  Tassilo  to  counsel  submission.2 

Such  was  the  situation  at  the  time  of  the  impressive 
ceremony  in  the  Lechfeld.  Then  Tassilo  returned  to  Ratis- 
bon,  while  Charles  conducted  his  army  into  Francia,  and  set 
up  his  court  at  Ingelheim  near  Mayence. 

The  duke  of  Bavaria,  in  spite  of  his  solemn  oath  of 
allegiance  and  the  acceptance  of  the  symbols  of  his  vassal- 
age, took  immediate  steps  towards  making  it  of  non-effect. 
His  course  was  most  impolitic  and  injudicious;  indeed  an 
illustration  of  the  old  adage,  that  those  whom  God  wishes 
to  destroy,  He  first  makes  mad.  He  opened  commerce  with 
the  enemies  of  Charles,  and  denounced  him  to  his  people ; 
he  absolved  his  subjects  from  the  consequences  of  their 
oath,  and  recommended  them  to  swear  with  mental  reser- 
vation ;  he  committed  himself  to  the  utterance  of  impas- 
sioned and  hostile  sentiments ;  he  remained  blind  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  surrounded  by  spies  and  enemies  who 
reported  all  he  said  or  did  to  Charles. 

His  doom  was  fixed  before  he  went  to  Ingelheim,  and  we 
can  hardly  doubt  that  the  plan  of  his  arrest,  trial,  humili- 
ation, and  degradation  had  been  minutely  mapped  out. 

His  own  subjects,  the  most  trusted  and  prominent  of  his 
counsellors,  were  his  accusers,  and  when  he  was  taken  before 
the  Diet,  he  must  have  felt  that  his  case  was  utterly  hope- 
less. 

The  crowning  accusation  of  the  capital  offence  of  herisliz 
demonstrates,  first,  that  the  charges  enumerated  were  proba- 
bly exaggerated,  at  any  rate  not  sufficiently  established  by 
evidence  to  justify  extreme  measures  ;  and,  secondly,  that 

*  Annal.  Lauriss.  maj.  599  — Arno  appears  soon  after  as  the 

2  See  the  notes  in  Simson,  /.  c.  I.,      partisan  of  Charles. 


Chap.  VL]    SEQUEL  TO   FALL  OF  THE   LOMBARDS.  1 87 

it  was  the  set  purpose  of  Charles  to  ruin  Tassilo.  None  but 
Charles  would  have  dared  to  unearth  that  old  and  seem- 
ingly forgotten  crime  of  high  treason. 

When  Tassilo  heard  the  word  herisliz  in  the  accusation 
his  heart  must  have  failed  him,  for  he  knew  that  it  meant 
death.     Then  monastic  imprisonment  was  his  only  hope. 

Charles  did  not  favor  half  measures,  and  effectually 
settled  the  Bavarian  question  by  visiting  the  disgrace  and 
degradation  of  Tassilo  on  all  the  members  of  his  family. 
He  made  them  all  harmless  and  the  whilom  duchy  of  Bava- 
ria sunk  into  a  province  of  the  Frankish  Empire. 

Special  pleading  may  succeed  in  justifying  the  course 
of  Charles  on  the  ground  of  political  necessity,  but  even- 
handed  justice  condemns  it  as  violent  and  cruel  usurpation. 

The  absorption  of  Bavaria  into  the  Frankish  system 
made  the  empire  of  Charles  stand  forth,  well  rounded  off, 
in  all  the  splendor  of  an  unbroken  whole  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Elbe,  from  southern  Italy  to  the  northern  seas. 

Only  once  more  in  the  course  of  history  re-appears  the 
fallen  Tassilo,  at  a  place  and  a  time  where  we  might  least 
expect  him.  The  place  was  the  Synod  of  Frankfort,  and 
the  time,  the  year  of  grace  794.  The  scene  of  Ingelheim 
was  re-enacted,  and,  as  it  were,  legalized  by  a  Council  of  the 
Church.  He  was  dragged  from  the  obscurity  of  his  cell, 
and  introduced  to  the  Synod,  the  veriest  object  of  misery, 
invoking  the  royal  clemency,  because  of  his  numerous 
crimes,  both  in  the  reign  of  the  late  King  Pepin  and  in  that 
of  the  present  most  pious  King  Charles.  He  renounced, 
without  all  wrath  and  strife,  from  the  plenitude  of  a  truly 
penitent  heart  and  pure  mind,  then  and  for  all  time  to  come 
any  and  every  claim  in  behalf  of  himself,  his  sons  and 
daughters,  to  all  his  lawful  possessions  in  Bavaria,  and  left 
the  fate  of  his  children  in  the  hands  of  the  mighty  King  of 
the  Franks.  Then,  when  Charles  as  sobrinus,  or  cousin- 
german,  of  the  deposed  and  now  beggared  Tassilo,  had  se- 
cured the  full  legal  title  to  all  the  personal  property  at 
stake,  his  bowels  of  mercy  constrained  him  to  extend  to  him 
the  richest  and  freest  token  of  forgiveness,  and  receive  him 


1 88  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

to  the  warmth  of  his  love  so  that  thenceforth  he  might 
bask  in  the  sunshine  of  divine  mercy.  To  make  quite  sure 
of  the  legal  consequences  of  this  formal  renunciation  and 
abdication,  the  article  was  drawn  up  in  triplicate,  one  to  be 
put  for  safe-keeping  in  the  palace  archives,  another  in  the 
chapel  archives  of  the  holy  palace,  and  a  third  as  a  precious 
keepsake  to  Tassilo,  "  that  he  might  have  it  by  him  in  the 
monastery."  1  The  ducal  monk  and  cousin  of  the  king  left 
the  council,  and  as  history  does  not  unfold  the  record  of  the 
tender  mercies  of  Charles  to  Tassilo,  his  duchess,  and  their 
children,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  such  record  may  be  found  in 
the  book  of  God's  remembrance.2 

Not  even  the  year  of  his  death  is  known,  but  he  died  on 
the  eleventh  day  of  December,  and  traces  of  the  house  of 
the  Agilolfingians  have  been  found  in  the  eleventh  century.3 

1  Annal.  Lauresh.,  Baluze,  Capit.  resting-place;  "  tres  enervati,  ut  vo- 
L,  p.  263,  MG.  Leg.  I.,  72.  cant,  in  isto  monasterio  sepulti  jacent, 

2  The  mother  of  Tassilo  was  Hil-  quorum  tumuli  hactenus  in  oratorio 
trud,  sister  of  King  Pepin.  It  is  said  S.  Petri  visuntur." — Le  Cointe,  An- 
that  after  the  Synod  of  Frankfort,  nal.  Eccl.  Franc,  VI.,  p.  5  sq. — See 
Tassilo,  together  with  his  sons,  were  the  concluding  section  of  Chapter 
sent  to  the  Ccenobium  Gemmeticense,  VII.  for  additional  details  relating  to 
dioc.    Rotomagensis  ;  how  long   they  Tassilo. 

remained   there   none   can   tell  ;    but  3  Riezler,     Geschichte    Baierns,  I., 

three  tumuli  are  indicated  as  their  last      171. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CONQUEST   OF  THE  AVARS. 

The  Avars. — Preparations. — March. — Pepin's  raid. — Stampede  of  the  enemy. 
— Devastation. — The  Avars  seek  Christianity. — Exploit  of  Eric. — The 
"  Ring." — The  spoils. — Baptism  of  Avars. — Pepin's  aftermath. — Mission- 
ary work. — Eric's  victory. — Death  of  Gerold  and  Eric. — The  end. 

7S§]  Charles  sequestered  Bavaria  to  his  own  use  on  the 
plea  that  it  was  his  of  right,  as  appears  most  clearly  from  the 
preamble  of  a  diploma  in  which  he  donates  the  monastery 
of  Chiemsee  to  the  archiepiscopal  church  at  Metz.  It  de- 
serves to  be  preserved  as  affording  insight  into  the  hidden 
workings  of  his  diplomacy,  and  an  example  of  the  forensic 
medicine  which  he  administered  to  his  conscience.  It  runs 
as  follows : 

"  Whereas  the  duchy  of  Bavaria,  which  for  some  time 
past  had  been  unfaithfully  subtracted  and  alienated  from 
our  Frankish  dominions  by  wicked  men,  to  wit  Odilo,  and 
Tassilo  our  relative,  but  has  now,  thanks  to  the  interposi- 
tion of  Divine  Providence  favoring  our  righteous  cause, 
been  recalled  to  our  proper  jurisdiction,"  therefore,  etc., 
etc.1 

We  have  seen  that  he  took  immediate  and  effective  meas- 
ures for  the  absolute  subjugation  of  the  entire  province, 
proceeded  in  person  to  Ratisbon,  and  summoned  to  his  pres- 
ence the  Bavarian  nobles,  requiring  them  to  swear  fealty 
and  give  hostages.     He  defined  and  protected  the  frontiers, 

1    See   Miihlbacher,  /.   c.   No.   289.  atus  fuit,  quern  nunc,  moderatore  justi- 

"  Quia    ducatus    Baioariae   ex    regno  ciarum  deo  nostro  adjuvante,  ad  pro- 

nostro  Francorum   aliquibus  tempori-  priam  revocavimus  dicionem." — Date 

bus   infideliter  per  malignos  homines  of   document,     October     25th,     788. 

Odilonem  et  Tassilonem,  propinquum  Apud    Sickel    K.    120  ;    Kleinmayrn, 

nostrum,  a    nobis  subtractus  et  alien-  Juvavia,  Anhang,  p.  48,  No.  8. 


190  CHARLES    THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

especially  in  the  East  against  the  predatory  incursions  of 
the  Avars,  regulated  the  internal  affairs  of  the  duchy, 
divided  it  into  gauen  or  cantons,  set  a  count  over  each  gau, 
and  assigned  the  supreme  direction  to  count  Gerold,  a  man 
of  worth  and  ability.  The  whole  country  was  thoroughly 
franciscd,  but  due  regard  was  had  to  the  traditions,  habits, 
and  feelings  of  the  people,  to  whom  he  guaranteed  their 
ancient  laws,  and  while  holding  them  liable  to  military 
service,  accorded  to  them  the  privilege  of  eligibility  to 
public  offices  in  other  parts  of  the  Frankish  dominions. 
Royal  commissioners  {missi)  moreover  might  arrive  at  any 
time,  take  cognizance  of  the  conduct  of  every  part  of  the 
public  service,  and  report  to  him  the  result  of  their  visi- 
tation.1 

In  close  connection  with  the  deposition  of  Tassilo  must 
be  named  the  grandiose  conspiracy  which  the  ever  watchful 
Hadrian  traced  to  the  machinations  of  that  unfortunate 
man  and  his  Lombard  brothers-in-law,  the  duke  Arigiso, 
and  Adelchis,  the  son  of  Desiderius,  who  had  plotted  the 
overthrow  of  the  Frankish  empire  by  a  double  blow  to  be 
struck  simultaneously  in  Italy  and  Bavaria.  The  plot,  if  it 
really  had  such  vast  and  quixotic  aims,  belonged  of  course 
to  the  secular  days  of  the  now  monastically  secluded  and 
penitent  duke,  who  stood  convicted  of  having  called  the 
Avars  to  his  aid. 

7§8]  It  is  a  fact  that  two  columns  of  those  swarthy  and 
fleet  savages  made  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the  Marche 
of  Friuli  and  the  eastern  districts  of  Bavaria,  but  were  re- 
pulsed by  Frankish  prowess  in  both  quarters,  and  chased 
back  to  their  own  country  with  great  loss.  Undismayed 
by  their  failure,  and  eager  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  of  de- 
feat, they  returned  with  incredible  speed  and  in  greater 
numbers  on  the  frontiers  of  Bavaria,  but  failed  again,  for  the 
Bavarians  not  only  offered  effective  resistance,  but  pursued 
them  ;  an  innumerable  multitude,  it  is  said,  wa's  slain  in  the 
encounter,    and    many   of   those    who    escaped    the    sword 

'Annul.  Lauriss.,  Lauresh.,  Maxim.  ;  Vita  Car.  c.  n  ;  Baluze,  Capit.  I., 
p.  208,  cf.  Chron.  Moiss. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF   THE   AVARS.  I9I 

perished  in  the  surging  depths  of  the  blue  Danube,  as  they 
tried  to  swim  across.1 

Such  were  the  preliminaries  of  the  war  against  the  Avars, 
which  will  now  engage  our  attention. 

790]  The  Avars  were  troublesome  neighbors,  and  their 
periodical  incursions  most  vexatious  to  the  people  on  the 
Bavarian  frontier.  It  is  charged  that  those  pagans  not  only 
came  to  rob,  but  that  they  devastated  the  country,  and  de- 
stroyed the  churches  ;  they  had  no  respect  for  laws  human 
or  divine,  and  did  as  they  pleased.  The  king's  missi  warned 
them  off,  and  they  claimed  a  portion  of  his  dominion  as 
their  own  territory  and  stayed.  Threats  followed,  and  the 
result  was  an  Avar  embassy  to  Charles,  which  he  returned 
by  one  from  himself.  Commissioners  were  appointed  to 
negotiate  concerning  the  delimitation  of  the  frontier.  The 
negotiations  were  protracted,  and  ended,  as  similar  negotia- 
tions are  still  apt  to  end,  in  aggravated  variance,  and  em- 
bittered hostility.  Angry  disputations  followed,  and  the 
king,  persuaded  that  it  was  his  special  mission  to  convert 
the  heathens,  resolved  upon  war.  "  He  took  it  up,"  we 
learn,  "  with  more  spirit  than  any  of  his  other  wars,  and 
made  far  greater  preparations  for  it."  2 

A  war  with  a  people,  regarded  with  abhorrence  by  all  the 
nations  of  Europe,  was  sure  to  be  popular.  The  Huns 
were  more  martial  and  formidable  than  their  modern  cousins 
the  Chinese.  In  the  eighth  century  the  remembrance  of 
Attila  and  his  hordes  was  still  fresh,  and  the  sight  of  a  Hun 
provoked  bitterness.  The  Huns  were  believed  to  be  in- 
vincibly cruel,  and  compared  "  to  the  animals  that  walk  very 
awkwardly  on  two  legs,  and  to  the  misshapen  figures,  the 
Termini,  which  were  often  placed  on  the  bridges  of  antiq- 
uity ;  they  were  distinguished  from  the  rest  of  the  human 
species  by  their  broad  shoulders,  flat  noses,  and  small  black 
eyes,  deeply  buried  in  the  head ;  and  as  they  were  almost 
destitute  of  beards,  they  never  enjoyed  either  the  manly 
graces  of  youth,  or  the  venerable  aspect  of  age."3 

t    Annal.  Einh.  3    Gibbon,    Decl.      and     Fall,     c. 

'  Annal.  Einh.,  La-iriss.  ;  Adon.  xxvi.  See  notes  in  Smith's  ed., 
Chron. ;  Vita  Caroli,   c.  13.  London,  1854. 


192  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  preparations  were  on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  we  read 
of  "  an  innumerable  multitude,"  and  many  thousands  of 
791]  horses  ;  throughout  the  winter  the  whole  Frankish 
world  was  in  commotion  ;  orders  for  the  mobilization  of  all 
available  troops  were  sent  to  every  part  of  the  empire,  and 
as  soon  as  the  weather  allowed  the  king  himself  set  out  for 
Bavaria,  while  all  Europe  was  preparing  for  the  contest  to 
be  waged  for  the  acquisition  of  some  of  her  fairest  and 
richest  lands. 

He  ordered  the  formation  of  three  separate  army  corps ; 
the  Italians,  massing  in  Friuli,  commanded  nominally  by 
King  Pepin,  but  in  reality  by  the  dukes  of  Istria  and  Friuli, 
were  ordered  to  advance  from  the  south  ;  a  colossal  concen- 
tration of  troops  from  Gaul  and  Germany  took  place  under 
his  own  eyes.  Ratisbon  witnessed  an  imposing  muster,  at 
which  Louis  of  Aquitaine,  then  in  his  thirteenth  year,  ac- 
cording to  ancient  usage  was  advanced  to  the  degree  of  a 
warrior  by  receiving  formally,  before  the  whole  army,  the 
investiture  of  the  sword.1  He  accompanied  his  father  as 
far  as  the  Cumeoberg,  and  then  returned,  probably  as  the 
bearer  of  important  despatches  for  Queen  Fastrada,  to 
Ratisbon. 

Then  followed  a  placitum  at  which  the  nobles  of  the 
united  Franks,  Saxons,  and  Frisians  resolved  upon  war  with 
791]  the  Avars  in  punishment  of  the  many  grievous  and 
intolerable  acts  of  malice  which  they  had  inflicted  on  the 
Franks  and  the  Church  of  God.2 

The  hierarchy  invoked  the  divine  blessing  on  so  laudable 
an  enterprise,  and  forth  went  the  victorious  hosts  of  Charles 
in  the  following  order  : 

Count  Theoderic,  of  Siintel  fame,  and  the  chamberlain 
Magenfrid,  led  a  column  of  Franks,  Saxons,  and  Frisians, 
through  southern  Bohemia  to  the  Danube,  and  followed  the 
course  of  that  river  on  its  northern  bank ;  Charles  with  the 
remaining  troops  took  the  southern  bank  and  marched  upon 
Pannonia  ;  while  the   Bavarians,  on   board  a  fleet  with  the 

:  Vita  Hludov.  c.  6.  2  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Chron.  Regino. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF  THE  AVARS.  193 

commissariat,  descended  the  river,  and  kept  open  communi- 
cation between  the  two  armies. 

The  march  was  interrupted  at  the  confluence  of  the  Enns 
and  the  Danube  ;  the  former  river  being  the  recognized 
boundary  between  the  Bavarians  and  the  Avars,  a  religious 
service  was  ordered  to  inaugurate  the  war.  The  whole 
army  went  into  camp,  sheathed  the  sword  and  united  with 
the  clergy  in  a  three  days'  fast  and  litany  of  prayers  for  their 
safety  and  victory. 

We  glean  many  particulars  of  this  interesting  and  strik- 
ing incident  from  an  epistle  of  Charles  addressed  to  the 
queen.  The  solemn  exercises  of  the  tridnum  of  litanies  were 
appointed  for  the  express  purpose  of  invoking  the  divine 
blessing  on  the  martial  enterprise  of  the  Frankish  host. 
It  must  have  been  an  imposing,  impressive,  and  edifying 
spectacle.  Charles,  the  clergy,  and  the  whole  army  made 
their  humble  supplication  for  peace,  safety,  and  victory,  a 
prosperous  march,  and  a  successful  campaign,  devoutly  and 
fervently  praying  that  God  of  His  mercy  and  goodness 
would  vouchsafe  to  guide,  help,  and  defend  the  Franks  in 
all  their  tribulations. 

This  tridnum  moreover  bore  a  penitential  character ;  it 
was  a  Lenten  exercise  in  September,  and  the  entire  host,  by 
royal  command  and  episcopal  injunction,  were  required  for 
the  space  of  three  days  to  forego  the  use  of  wine  and  meat. 
Quite  a  number  of  bishops  were  present  ;  among  them 
Angilram,  archbishop  of  Metz  and  archchaplain  of  Charles, 
Sindpert,  bishop  of  Ratisbon,  and  Arno,  bishop  of  Salzburg. 

Abstinence  was  to  be  general,  except  on  the  part  of  the 
sick,  and  such  as  by  reason  of  old  age  or  tender  youth  were 
physically  unable  to  observe  it.  Provision  was  also  made 
for  valetudinarians  requiring  the  use  of  wine,  who,  if  they 
were  rich,  might  on  payment  of  a  solidus  a  day  indulge 
their  taste,  while  those  in  more  humble  circumstances  could 
procure  a  license  for  a  denarius  a  day. 

It  was  likewise  recommended  that  every  person  accord- 
ing to  his  ability  should  make  an  offering  in  alms.  Every 
cleric  was  expected,  unless  prevented  by  sickness,  to  say  a  spe- 
13 


194  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

cial  mass  ;  and,  if  skilled  in  psalmody,  to  chant  fifty  psalms. 
All  the  clergy  moreover  were  enjoined  to  walk  barefooted. 

Charles,  in  communicating  some  of  these  details  to  Fas- 
trada,  recommended  her  to  propitiate  Heaven,  by  causing 
similar  litany  processions  to  be  arranged  at  Ratisbon,  but 
cautioned  her  not  to  overtax  her  strength  by  too  rigid  fast- 
ing. He  wrote  feelingly  on  the  subject,  for  he  knew  that 
fasting  did  not  agree  with  him,  and  the  queen,  being  in 
delicate  health,  might  follow  his  example. 

Taking  all  in  all,  this  triduum  of  litanies  together  with  the 
fast  was  a  strange  religious  preparation  for  the  indiscrimi- 
nate plunder,  devastation  and  slaughter,  which  marked  the 
progress  of  the  Franks  through  the  country  of  the  Avar 
Canaanites.1 

The  phraseology  of  the  prayer  also  seems  a  strange  per- 
version of  fact.  Is  it  not  a  stretch  of  the  imagination  to 
represent  so  purely  aggressive  a  war  as  that  with  the  Avars 
as  a  tribulation  of  the  Franks?  It  was  a  terrible  and  crush- 
ing tribulation  to  the  Avars,  but  a  triumphant  exultation  to 
their  Christian  foe. 

In  this  camp  Charles  received  messengers  from  his  son 
Pepin,  informing  him  that  his  army  had  already  invaded  the 
enemy's  country  and  on  the  23d  of  August  scored  a  great 
victory  ;  the  engagement,  he  wrote,  was  most  disastrous 
to  the  Avars,  and  their  loss  in  slain  very  great  ;  it  was  the 
most  stinging  defeat  they  were  known  to  have  sustained ; 
the  victorious  Franks  also  took  the  fortified  camp  (the 
Ring)  of  the  Avars  and  plundered  it ;  spent  all  night  there, 
and  at  9  A.M.  left  with  the  spoils  without  opposition  ;  they 
took  also  a  hundred  and  fifty  Avar  prisoners,  and  he  desired 
to  know  the  king's  pleasure  as  to  their  disposition. 

The  king's  joy  was  great ;  a  formal  declaration  of  war  to 
the  Avars  was  proclaimed,  and  immediately  followed  by  the 
invasion  of  their  territory.2 

1  Annal.    Einh.,     Lauriss.  ;    Epist.  2  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.,  Lauresh., 

Carolin.  6  (Jaffe,  IV.,  349-351);  Vita  Meichelbeck,    Hist.    Frising.,   I.b  Si, 

Caroli,  c.    24. — Cf.    Annal.    Lauresh.  82  ;  Epist.  ad   Fastradam  (Ep.  Carol. 

Sithiens.,  Enh.  Fuld.,  Regino.  6,  Jaffe). 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF   THE  AVARS.  195 

The  progress  of  the  Frankish  hosts  was  unimpeded  ;  the 
Avars  were  strongly  intrenched  within  the  fortifications 
which  they  had  erected  on  both  banks  of  the  river ;  one  of 
the  forts,  that  on  the  north  bank,  stood  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Camp,  below  Krems ;  another,  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Danube,  very  strong,  had  been  built  on  the  Cumeoberg 
near  the  city  of  Comagenae,  that  is,  in  modern  phrase  in  the 
Wiener  Wald,  near  Tuln,  above  Klostemeiibnrg}  If  the 
erection  of  those  forts  showed  a  valorous  purpose  the  event 
proved  that  it  could  not  ripen  in  their  craven  hearts.  The 
simultaneous  advance  of  two  armies  on  both  banks  of  the 
Danube,  and  of  the  vessels  in  the  river,  must  have  convinced 
them  of  the  utter  hopelessness  of  resistance  ;  they  made  not 
the  faintest  attempt  of  defending  their  forts,  but  fled  like 
sheep,  and  allowed  the  Franks  to  come  up  and  level  them 
with  the  ground.  The  consternation  of  their  flight  was  un- 
exampled ;  the  clergy  saw  in  it  the  finger  of  God  ;  He  filled 
them  with  dismay,  and  conducted  the  hosts  of  Charles ;  it 
was  the  invasion  of  Canaan  over  again  ;  the  Avars  were  the 
Canaanites,  and  Charles  was  Joshua.  At  his  approach,  or 
that  of  his  army,  they  deserted  the  trenches,  fortifications, 
and  other  defences  they  had  set  up  on  the  mountains,  in 
the  woods  or  near  rivers,  surrendered  or  were  cut  down 
and  driven  to  flight  ;  they  threw  down  everything,  left  their 
engines  and  whatever  could  impede  their  progress. 

They  were  utterly  demoralized  from  the  start,  but  their 
miraculous  stampede  may  possibly  be  explained  by  the  in- 
telligence they  possessed  of  the  defeat  of  their  brethren  at 
the  hands  of  the  Italian  army.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  they 
did  nothing  to  check  the  advance  of  Charles.  He  led  his 
legions  to  the  Raab,  crossed  that  river,  and  swept  along  its 
northern  bank  to  where  it  joins  the  Danube. 

There  he  rested  for  several  days,  and  ordered  the  army 
to  return  by  way  of  Sabaria,  the  modern  Stein  am  Anger, 
where  the  old  Roman  roads  met.  His  army  carried  fire  and 
sword  throughout  the  whole  country  for  the  space  of  fifty- 


See  the  authorities  for  these  localities  in  Muhlbacher,  /.  c,  p.  119. 


196  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

two  days.  Universal  devastation  marked  the  path  of  all 
the  armies ;  they  carried  off  "  spoil  without  measure  and 
number,  together  with  a  countless  multitude  of  prisoners 
in  men,  women,  and  children."  His  loss  in  men  was 
merely  nominal,  but  in  horses  prodigious,  for  an  epidemic 
broke  out  which  carried  off  nine-tenths  of  those  in  his  own 
army. 

The  army-corps  of  Theoderic  and  Maginfrid  returned  by 
the  same  way  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Danube  through 
Bohemia,  while  his  own  took  the  southern,  and  thus  retraced 
its  way  into  Bavaria.  Charles  disbanded  the  army,  and 
with  his  family  and  the  court  resided  at  Ratisbon. 

The  net  results  of  the  expedition  were  these :  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  impotent  enemy  was  as  much  an  estab- 
lished fact  as  the  irresistible  power  and  superiority  of  the 
Franks.  The  terror  of  their  presence  was  prophetic  of  the 
ultimate  destiny  of  the  Avars.  Their  strength  was  broken, 
and  their  final  subjugation  only  a  question  of  time. 

Thus  closed  the  first  campaign  against  the  Avars.1 

The  prosecution  of  the  war  was  interrupted  by  several 
calamities,  notably  the  conspiracy  of  Pepin  the  Hunch- 
back, the  massacre  of  count  Theoderic,  and  revolts  of  the 
Saxons,  as  narrated  in  other  connections,  when  an  unex- 
pected circumstance  set  in,  which  seemed  to  contemporary 
writers  an  almost  miraculous  interposition. 

Charles  was  in  his  camp  at  Hliune  in  the  Bardengau 
when  there  arrived  an  embassy  from  the  Tudun,  one  of  the 
most  powerful  chieftains  of  the  Avars,  with  the  message 
that  he  and  his  people  had  determined  to  surrender  them- 
selves to  the  king  of  the  Franks,  and  accept  the  Christian 
faith.2 

This  was  truly  wonderful  and  seemed  almost  .too  good  to 
be  true  ;  the  king  was  delighted,  and  forthwith  (for  thus 
we  construe  what  ensued)  directed  the  margrave  Eric  of 
795]  Friuli,  as  nearest  to  the  country  of  the  Avars,  to  take 
advantage  of  the    internal   dissensions  of  the   enemy  and 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,   Lauresh.  ;  2  Ann.      Lauriss.,       Einh.,     Enh. 

cf.  Chron.  Moiss.  Fuld.,  Poeta  Saxo. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF   THE   AVARS.  197 

strike  a  blow.  The  good  news  of  so  favorable  a  turn,  and 
so  signal  an  augury  of  success  spread  far  and  near,  and  the 
gentle  Alcuin  wrote  to  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia  :  "  How 
great  is  the  goodness  and  wisdom  of  God  !  by  His  power 
and  grace  the  race  of  the  Avars  has  been  wonderfully  con- 
quered. They  have  sent  messengers  to  the  king  offering 
to  submit  in  peace,  and  welcome  the  Christian  faith  ! "  * 

It  is  known  that  a  most  sanguinary  and  destructive  civil 
war  distracted  the  Avars ;  and  that  the  Khakhan  (z.  e.,  the 
Khan  of  the  Khans),  or  supreme  ruler,  and  the  Jugur,  an- 
other chief  leader,  were  put  to  death  by  their  own  people.2 
At  this  juncture  the  raid,  organized  by  the  margrave  Eric 
in  conjunction  with  the  auxiliary  troops  of  Woinimir,  a 
Sclavonian  chief,  was  carried  into  effect.  It  was  a  brilliant 
and  most  successful  affair.  The  troopers  invaded  Panno- 
nia,  swept  through  the  country,  entered  and  plundered  the 
chief  Ring,  which  for  centuries  had  not  been  molested  by 
an  enemy,  subdued  such  of  the  enemy  whom  they  met,  and 
carried  off  an  immense  amount  of  booty.  It  was  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  exploits,  perhaps  the  most  dashing,  suc- 
cessful, and  important,  in  the  reign  of  Charles ;  it  stunned, 
crushed,  almost  annihilated  the  power  of  a  foe  who  for 
ages  past  had  been  the  terror  of  Europe.3 

Unfortunately  the  details  of  the  expedition,  of  record, 
are  hardly  fuller  than  here  narrated,  but  its  results  are 
established  beyond  all  doubt.  The  stronghold  or  royal  cas- 
795]  tie  and  residence  of  the  Avars,  which  the  Franks  call 
the  "ring,"  and  the  Lombards  "the  field,"4  is  believed  to 
have  stood  in  the  level  plain  between  the  Danube  and 
the  Theiss,  and  the  most  recent  investigation  indicates  the 
Pusste  Sarto-Sar,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Tatar,  as  the  proba- 
ble site,  where  traces  of  the  wonderful  circular  structure  are 
said  to  have  been  discovered.5     The  most   circumstantial 

1  Epist.  56.  *    'Hringus"   .    .    .    "Campus." — 

2  Ann.  Lauriss.,  Einh.  ;  cf.  Zeuss,  Annal.  Einh.,  Enh.  Fuld.  cf.  Zeuss., 
Die  Deutschen  ti.  die  Nachbarstamme,      1.  c.,  pp.  4,  73. 

pp.  729,  739.  s  Riezler,    Geschichte    Baierns,    I., 

3  Annal.      Lauriss.,     Einh.,     Enh-      182  n. 
Fuld. 


198  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

description,  though  rather  fantastic  and  legendary,  is  that 
which  the  garrulous  and  credulous  Monk  of  St.  Gall,  writing 
late  in  the  next  century,  declares  to  have  committed  to 
writing  from  the  oral  description  of  a  certain  Adalbert,  who 
took  part  in  the  fights  with  the  Avars  under  count  Gerold, 
the  supreme  count  in  Bavaria. 

The  said  Adalbert  was  greatly  his  senior,  a  man  of  only 
one  topic,  with  which  he  ceased  not  to  familiarize  the  Monk, 
who  at  the  time  was  a  boy,  and  a  rather  reluctant  hearer. 
With  this  explanation  the  reader  may  peruse  the  subjoined 
account  of  that  interesting  and  famous  locality. 

"  '  The  country  of  the  Huns  was  surrounded  with  nine 
rings — '  'Rings?'  asked  the  boy.  'It  was  protected  by 
nine  walls,  or  palisades,'  explained  the  old  soldier.  '  The 
diameter  of  the  first  ring  [i.  e.,  the  distance  of  the  space 
enclosed  between  the  first  and  the  second]  was  equal  to  the 
distance  from  Zurich  to  Constance.'  The  palisades  were 
constructed  of  oak,  beach,  and  pine  logs,  twenty  feet  in 
height  and  twenty  feet  in  width,  filled  in  with  stones  and 
lime,  and  closely  covered  above  with  sod.  Trees  were 
planted  on  the  edges.  Within  the  enclosures  [t.  e.,  the  in- 
terspace] the  farms  and  villages  were  so  disposed  as  to  dis- 
tance that  each  was  so  near  the  other  as  to  fall  within  reach 
of  the  voice.  The  impregnable  walls  had  narrow  gates 
through  which  those  living  within  or  without  the  immediate 
enclosure  were  wont  to  issue  forth  on  their  predatory  ex- 
cursions. The  distance  from  the  second  ring,  which  resem- 
bled the  first  in  construction,  to  the  third  was  equal  to 
twenty  German  or  forty  Italian  miles,  and  so  on  to  the 
ninth,  although  each  succeeding  ring  was  much  wider  than 
that  before.  Homesteads,  moreover,  were  so  distributed 
between  the  rings,  that  trumpet-signals  given  in  one  were 
easily  heard  in  the  other."  r  The  picture  suggests  a  kind  of 
Chinese  wall  nine  times  repeated,  and  the  ninth  concentric 
circle  would  enclose  the  royal  residence,  in  which  the  accu- 
mulated wealth  of  ages,  collected   on   predatory  excursions, 

1  Monach.  Sang.  (ed.  Jaffe),  I.,  34;  II.,  1 


Chapter  VII.J  CONQUEST   OF   THE  AVARS.  I99 

from  the  wars  of  Attila  until  then,  or  extorted  as  tribute, 
lay  treasured  up.  Some  idea  of  the  last  may  be  had  from 
the  undoubted  fact  that  the  Greek  emperors  paid  the  Avars 
throughout  the  seventh  century  an  annual  tribute  of  80,000 
gold  solidi,  and  upon  one  occasion  the  emperor  Heraclius 
was  forced  to  submit  to  the  payment  of  800,000  gold 
solidi.1 

The  greater  part  of  this  wealth  in  gold  and  silver  coin, 
sacred  vessels,  garments,  weapons  and  the  like  was  seized  by 
the  raiders,  and  taken  by  Eric  to  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Never 
before  had  such  a  multitude  of  spoil  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Franks.  "  Up  to  that  time  the  Huns  had  passed  for 
a  poor  people,  but  so  much  gold  and  silver  was  found  in  the 
khan's  palace,  and  so  much  valuable  spoil  taken  in  battle, 
that  one  may  well  think  that  the  Franks  took  justly  from 
the  Huns  what  the  Huns  had  formerly  taken  unjustly  from 
other  nations."2  It  is  stated  that  fifteen  wagons  each 
drawn  by  four  oxen,  and  all  laden  with  the  aforesaid  treas- 
ure, Avere  laid  at  the  feet  of  Charles.3 

His  gratitude  was  great  and  sincere,  and  found  expres- 
sion not  only  in  liberal  offerings  to  the  churches  of  Chris- 
tendom, but  in  munificent  donations  to  the  poor,  the  counts, 
the  nobility,  the  royal  officers  and  servants.4  A  large  share 
of  the  spoil  he  set  apart  as  a  special  offering  to  Pope 
Hadrian,  but  before  the  gifts  left  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he  was 

1  Simson,    /    c.  II.,  p.   102.     Soet-  it  established  that  the  Avars  gathered 

beer  in  Forschnngen,   IV.,  351  ;  II.,  much  booty  on  their  predatory  incur- 

336,  n.  2. — Biidinger,  Oester.  Gesc/i.,  sions   of   Western    Europe,    although 

I.,    70.     A  view  different   from    that  they  possibly  took  some."     If  this  be 

presented  in  the  text  may  commend  the  true  state  of  the  case,  the  mystery 

itself   to   others.     Contemporary  and  of  the  vast  treasure  found  in  the  Ring 

later  writers  treat  the  Huns  and  the  is   greater  than   ever  ;  or   are   we   to 

Avars  as  the  same  people  ;  this  is  the  hold  that  the  whole  of  the  record  is  a 

current  opinion,  which  some  denounce  myth?     I  accept  the  record,  and  the 

as  inaccurate.    Soetbeer,  /.  c.  observes  :  statements  of  the  text  rest  on  it. 

"It  is  possible  that  a  large  part  of  2  Vita  Car.,  c.  13. 

the   plunder  of   the   Huns   found   its  3  Annal.  Nordh.,  Chron.  Melr. 

way  into  the  hands  of  the  Avars  ;  but  4  Ann.    Lauriss.  ;    Einh.,  Lauresh., 

the    evidence    is    awanting,    and    the  alii, 
thing  itself  hardly  probable.     Nor  is 


200  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

grieved  by  the  intelligence  of  his  death,  of  which  more  re- 
mains to  be  said  on  a  subsequent  page ;  in  due  course  they 
were  sent  to  his  successor  ;  nor  did  he  stop  there,  for  he 
directed  that  parts  of  the  Hungarian  spoils  should  be  given 
to  the  Anglo-Saxon  metropolitical  cities,  and  he  even  remem- 
bered the  king  of  Mercia  in  the  presentation  of  a  sword- 
belt,  an  Avar  sword,  and  two  Syrian  palls  or  cloaks.1 

About  this  time,  we  suppose  on  good  grounds,2  Charles 
was  delighted  that  the  Tudun,  whose  ambassadors  had 
brought  such  good  news  into  the  camp  at  Hliune,  kept  his 
promise,  and  arrived  with  a  large  retinue  at  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
796]  made  the  submission  of  himself  and  his  people,3  crav- 
ing Christian  baptism.  The  Avhole  deputation  expressed 
the  same  readiness,  and  then,  probably  at  Easter  or  Whit- 
suntide, a  scene  was  witnessed  in  the  cathedral,  the  like  of 
which  had  never  occurred  before. 

A  large  number  of  Avars,  so  great  that  it  is  called  "  a 
large  part  of  the  Avars,"  in  their  strange  costume,  their 
hair  braided  in  long  tresses,  intertwined  with  cords,  falling 
on  their  necks,  presented  themselves  for  baptism,  and  were 
received  into  the  church.4  The  king  himself5  received  the 
Tudun  from  the  font,  gave  honorable  treatment  to  all  the 
converts,  and  sent  them,  with  rich  gifts,  to  their  distant 
homes.6  Their  baptism  was  the  theme  of  universal  com- 
ment throughout  Christendom  ;  the  muse  of  Theodulf  de- 
scribed it  in  metre,  the  ready  pen  of  Alcuin  rehearsed  it  in 
prose,  and  the  eloquent  lips  of  Paulinus  announced  it  to  a 
synod  in  Friuli.7 

*Ep.  Carol.  10,  u.  Adveniunt  gentes  Christo  servire  pa- 

s  See  them  reasoned  out  in  Simson-  ratae, 

Abel,  /.  c.  II.,  p.  117.  Quas   dextra    ad   Christum   sollici- 

3  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Alam.  al.  tante  vocas. 

4  The  same.  Pone  venit  textis  ad  Christum  crini- 
s  Annal.  Maxim.  bus  Hunnus, 

6  Annal.  Lauriss..  Maxim.,  Lau-  Estque  humilis  fidei,  qui  fuit  ante 
resh.,  Alam.  a.  795.  ferox. — Theodulf. 

7  Theodulf.  Carm.  25  ;  Ale.  ep.  67  ; 

Paul.  Aquil.  Migne,  XCIX.,  284.  Gentes  populosque  Hunorum,  anti- 
Subjoined   are   the   passages  in   full,      qua  feritate  et  fortitudine  formidabiles, 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF   THE  AVARS.  201 

Unfortunately  the  Tudun's  religious  sincerity  was  equal 
to  his  political  loyalty ;  he  returned  to  Pannonia  but  soon 
fell  from  both,  and  miserably  perished  in  captivity  without 
the  use  of  his  hands,  and  the  light  of  his  eyes.1 

The  Franks  followed  up  the  advantage  they  had  gained 
the  year  before.  A  large  army,  composed  of  troops  collected 
in  Italy,  and  an  auxiliary  force  of  Bavarians  and  Aleman- 
nians,  was  mustered  by  Pepin  and  entered  the  hostile 
country.  At  his  coming  the  new  khakhan  and  many  mag- 
nates presented  offerings  and  voluntarily  made  their  sub- 
mission to  the  Franks.  Thus  encouraged  the  martial  king 
of  Italy  advanced,  apparently  without  opposition,  to  the 
"  ring,"  possessed  himself  of  the  treasure  which  Eric's  raid- 
ers had  left,  and  so  effectually  demolished  the  entire  enclo- 
sure that,  "  the  site  of  the  khan's  palace  became  a  desert 
without  all  trace  of  human  habitation."  That  treasure, 
among  other  things,  contained,  if  the  record  is  true,  many 
sacred  vessels,  church  ornaments,  ecclesiastical  vestments,  the 
robes  of  nuns,  and  the  like,  for  which  the  Avars  and  Huns 
had  a  singular  fondness,  although  the  uses  to  which  they 
put  them  were  vile  and  insulting,  it  being  charged  that  their 
own  women  affected  to  wear  under  demoniac  influence  the 
hallowed  garments  of  Christian  ministers  and  nuns.2 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  bloodless  triumph  with  the 
statement,  that  "  the  general  destruction  of  the  region,  and 
the  depopulation  of  the  country,  bear  witness  how  many 
battles  were  fought  in  those  [seven]  years,  and  how  much 
blood  was  shed,"  and  that  "  the  entire  body  of  the  Hun 
nobility  perished  in  this  contest,  and  all  its  glory  with  it."3 

tuis  suo  honori  militantibus  subdidit  de  coelo,  reddita  jam  quietissima  pace 

sceptris     [Christus]     praevenienteque  terris,  superna  prorsus  largiente  gratia, 

gratia,   colla  diu  superbissima  sacrae  .     .     . — Paulinus. 

fidei  iugo  devinxit  et  caecis  ab  anti-  »  Annal.     Einh. ;     Leibniz,    AnnaL 

quo  tempore  mentibus  lumen  veritatis  imp.  I.,  190. 

infudit.     .     .     .— Alcuin.  2  Hist.  Langob.  SS.  rer.  Langob.  et 

Ital.    saec.   VI. -IX.,    11.— Rhythmus 

Nunc  autem  divina  opitulante  clc-  de  Pipp.,  etc.     Poet.  Lat.  aevi  Carol. 

mentia   attritis   utique    ferocium   bar-  I.,  116. 

barorum  superbiae  typho  erectis  cervi-  3  Annal.   Lauriss.  ;  Alam.  (Murb.)  ; 

cibus,  auxilio  per  omnia  adminiculante  S.    Amandi. — Rhythmus    de    Pippin. 


202  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  subjugation  of  the  Avars  cannot  have  been  so  abso- 
lute and  entire,  for  part  of  them  fled  across  the  Theiss,  and 
Pepin  not  only  carried  the  treasure  to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  but 
a  large  number  of  prisoners.  Besides,  it  is  indisputable 
that,  although  we  may  hold  in  a  general  way  that  the  opera- 
tions and  events  of  the  present  campaign  under  Pepin  mark 
the  epoch  of  the  fall  of  the  Avars,1  much  fighting  remained  to 
be  done,  and  the  final  conquest  did  not  take  place  till  years 
after. 

Their  conversion  was  not  lost  sight  of.  The  Franks  had 
stripped  them  of  all  their  earthly  treasures,  and  sent  them 
houseless  into  the  wide  world  ;  still  they  might  recover  a 
home,  and  perhaps  earn  a  living,  if  they  would  only  re- 
nounce the  devil,  forswear  paganism,  and  become  good 
Christians. 

Pepin  discussed  the  matter  with  a  number  of  bishops  in 
his  camp  on  the  Danube,  and  gravely  argued  the  propriety 
of  administering  baptism  more  frequently  than  at  Easter 
and  Whitsuntide.  For  thus  far  the  whole  of  the  Chris- 
tianity of  the  Avars  began  and  ended  with  baptism,  even 
797]  without  the  formal  rehearsal  of  the  Creed.  It  was 
now  proposed  to  pursue  a  more  judicious  and  rational 
course  ;  the  rude  and  ignorant  people  should  receive  some 
Christian  instruction  and  not  be  baptized  by  violence. 
Owing  to  the  small  number  of  priests  baptism  might  be 
lawfully  administered  any  Sunday  in  the  year.  Persons 
already  baptized  by  lawful  ministers  should  not  be  re- 
baptized,  while  those  who  had  been  baptized  without  a 
confession  of  faith,  and  really  undergone  only  ablution 
with  water,  were  to  be  considered  unbaptized.  The  con- 
version of  the  Avars  engaged  the  minds  of  Paulinus  and 
Arno,  but  ultimately  the  missionary  operations  were  com- 
mitted to  the  care  of  the  bishop  of  Salzburg,  and  military 
measures  resumed  the  very  next  year  by  the  margrave  of 
Friuli. 

A  battle  was  fought  in  which  Eric  triumphed,  "  con- 
Avar.,  in-12  ;  Vita  Caroli,  c.  13  ;  l  Pauli  c.  Rom.,  SS.  rer.  Langob. 
Poeta  Saxo.,  III.,  300-302.  et  Ital.,  p.  202,  a.  796. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF   THE   AVARS.  203 

quered  the  country  and  brought  it  under  the  domination  of 
799]  the  lord  king  Charles."  l  But  even  this  battle  was  not 
decisive,  for  only  two  years  later  the  Avars  were  again  in 
open  insurrection,  and  falsified  the  hope  of  their  peaceful 
submission.2 

New  fighting  ensued,  and  it  is  safe  to  conclude  that  the 
Avars  showed  mettle  and  scored  a  success,  since  the  Frank- 
ish  annals  maintain  discreet  silence  as  to  Frankish  victories, 
and  only  record  the  untimely  death  of  count  Gerold,  one  of 
the  best  of  the  generals  of  Charles.  He  was  "  slain,  with 
only  two  other  men  in  his  company,  by  an  unknown  hand, 
while  he  was  marshalling  his  forces  for  battle  against  the 
Huns,  and  riding  up  and  down  the  line  encouraging  each  of 
his  command."3 

What  then  ensued  is  not  known  ;  but  his  death  appears 
to  have  caused  a  panic,  for  neither  his  Alemannian  country- 
men nor  his  Bavarian  followers  remained  to  recover  the 
body  of  the  king's  brother-in-law,  of  late  supreme  in  com- 
mand, and  supreme  in  the  general  government  of  Bavaria. 
That  service  of  love  was  rendered  by  a  faithful  Saxon,  who 
took  up  the  remains  and  carried  them  to  far  distant  Reich- 
enau  for  burial  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary.4 

By  a  strange  coincidence  the  death  of  Eric,  margrave  of 
Friuli,  took  place  about  the  same  time.  He  was  perhaps 
the  ablest  of  Frankish  generals,  and  fell  into  an  ambush 
which  the  Croat  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Tharsatica 
(Terzattd)  near  Fiume  on  the  Adriatic  had  set.  He  fought 
Avith  desperate  and  heroic  valor  against  his  assailants,  main- 
taining an  unequal  contest  until  his  shield  was  broken,  his 
lance  dropped  shivered  from  his  grasp,  and,  pierced  with 

'Annal.  Guelf.,  Alam.  (Murb.).  Mabillon,  A.  S.  o.    S.    Bened.  IV.  a. 

2Annal.  Lauriss.,  Alam.  (Murb.)  a.  ed.  Venet.  p.   256:    De  Gerolto  vero 

798  :   "  Wandali  mentiti  sunt."  quodam    comite   dixit   idem   angelus, 

3Annal.      Lauriss.,      Einh.,     Enh.  quos  in  requie  esset  gloriae  martyrum 

Fuld.,  al. — Vita  Caroli,  c    13.  adaequatus.     "  Zelo  enim,"  inquiens, 

4  See  the  epitaph  and  metrical  trib-  "  Dei  in  defensione  sanctae  ecclesiae 

utes  to   his  memory  in  Simson,  /.  c.  infidelium   turbis  congressus,   tempo- 

II.,  190  sq.     Of  these  the  following  ralis  vitae  dispendia  est  passus :  ideo 

passage  is  from  Visio  Wetini,   18,  in  aeternae  vitae  est  particeps  factus." 


204  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

many  arrows,  he  fell,  expiring  under  a  shower  of  stones. 
He  was  not  only  the  hero  of  this  war,  but  famed  for  brilliant 
victories,  and  personal  worth." 

It  is  remarkable  that  romance  writers  have  neglected 
Eric.  The  poem  named  in  the  note  recites  his  exploits, 
how  he  overcame  the  fierce  barbarians  within  the  confines 
of  the  Drave  and  the  Danube,  hiding  in  the  flags  of  the 
Maeotic  marshes  (Sea  of  Azov),  encompassed  by  the  salt 
sea  wave  over  against  Dalmatia ;  it  lauds  his  personal  vir- 
tues, and  extols  him  as  a  benefactor  of  churches,  a  friend 
and  patron  of  the  clergy,  a  father  of  the  poor,  a  comforter 
and  helper  of  the  distressed  and  of  widows.  The  poet  in- 
vokes all  the  rivers  of  the  region,  and  the  cities  (we  omit  a 
score  of  names)  to  mourn  his  loss ;  especially  his  native 
city,  distant  Strassburg;  he  curses  the  place  where  his  hero 
fell,  the  coast  of  Liburnia  and  the  Laurentian  hill ;  no  re- 
freshing dew  shall  descend  on  it,  nor  fruitful  rain  ;  no  pur- 
ple blossom,  no  ear  of  corn  grow  thereon  ;  no  vine  fling 
its  arms  round  the  elm  ;  the  fig-tree  shall  wither,  the  pome- 
granate fail,  and  the  chestnut  desert  its  prickly  house.  The 
ominous  rumor  of  the  melancholy  tidings  which  preceded 
the  positive  announcement  of  his  fate  unmanned  and  con- 
vulsed the  people ;  matrons  and  husbands,  young  men  and 
maidens,  masters  and  servants,  every  age  of  either  sex,  the 
clergy,  yea,  all  broke  out  in  mournful  strains,  and  disconso- 
late smote  their  breast  and  plucked  out  their  hair.  The 
patriarch  Paulinus,  of  Aquileia,  the  reputed  author  of  this 
remarkable  dirge,  thus  laments  the  loss  of  his  friend,  whom 
Alcuin  also  held  in  affectionate  veneration.2 

The  Pannonian  troubles  continued  for  a  number  of  years, 
but  nothing  is  known  of  their  character  save  that  from 
time  to  time  armies  were  despatched,  or  Avar  deputations 
arrived,  with  assurances  of  loyalty  and  submission. 

Three  years  after  his  coronation  Charles  undertook  the 
final  regulation  of  Avar  affairs.     Even  that  year  a  Frankish 

»  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Ale.  epp.  Poet.  Lat.  aevi  Carolin.  I.,  132;  Al- 
55,  125  ;  Versus  Paulini.  cuin.  epist.  55,  56.  "5  (ed.  Jaffe). 

"  Versus  Paulini  de  Herico  duce  in 


Chapter  VII.]         CONQUEST  OF  THE  AVARS.  205 

army  entered  the  country,  and  returned  to  Ratisbon  with  a 
new  Tudun  and  an  Avar  legation.  They  were  introduced  to 
the  Diet,  where  they  solemnly  surrendered  their  persons  and 
all  their  country  to  imperial  authority.1  Order  was  taken 
for  the  adjustment  of  all  matters  in  dispute,  and  these  were 
so  effectual  that  after  the  further  lapse  of  two  years  the 
poor  Avars  were  in  the  extremity  of  political  dissolution. 
Their  khakhan  Theodore  went  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  for  the 
purpose  of  submitting  to  the  emperor  the  unsatisfactory 
condition  of  his  country,  and  imploring  his  aid  towards  its 
alleviation  and  redress. 

Exposed  to  the  incessant  and  vexatious  depredations  of 
the  Sclavonians,  they  desired  to  quit  their  country  and  re- 
move to  a  region  where  greater  security  might  be  had,  crav- 
ing the  emperor's  permission  for  settling  on  a  tract  of  land 
between  Sarwar  and  Haimburg  (or  as  they  were  then  called, 
between  Sabaria  and  Carnuntum),  two  old  Roman  villages 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube  and  within  the  Frankish 
dominions.2  Such  was  the  low  estate  of  the  once  potent 
race  of  the  Avars,  and  such  the  practical  result  of  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century's  warfare.    How  were  the  mighty  fallen  ! 

The  piteous  appeal  of  that  broken-hearted  Christian  Avar 
chieftain,  standing  on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  told  most 
eloquently  and  most  pathetically  what  the  Franks  had 
done.  "  This  war,"  writes  Einhard,  "  was  almost  bloodless 
so  far  as  the  Franks  were  concerned  ; "  but  the  mysterious 
work  of  the  armies  going  into  Pannonia,  and  returning  in 
triumph  throughout  those  long  years,  stands  revealed  in 
that  dying  man's  story.  The  Avars  were  almost  extermi- 
nated as  a  nation,  and  the  poor  remnant  was  obliged  to 
retire  before  the  pressure  of  the  Sclavonians,  and  seek  under 
the  protection  of  the  Frankish  flag  security  of  life  and 
property. 

The  descendants  of  the  proud  khakhans  who  dictated 
terms  of  peace,  and  exacted  golden  tribute  from  the  Emperor 
of  the  East,  came  invoking  the  aid  of  the  mighty  Emperor 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Mett.,  Einh.,  Lo-         2  Annal.  Einh. 
biens. 


206  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

of  the  West,  and  craving  his  leave  to  occupy  a  strip  of  land 
not  wider  than  the  interspace  of  two  of  their  ancient  rings. 

Charles  heard,  and  heard  graciously,  granted  all  that  The- 
odore had  asked,  rejoiced  him  with  tokens  of  his  favor  in  an 
imperial  gift,  and  sent  him  home.  Soon  after  his  return 
Theodore  died.1  The  new  khakhan  sent  a  legate  to  Charles, 
begging  the  emperor  to  permit  his  resuming  the  position 
and  authority  of  old  enjoyed  by  his  predecessors.  The 
request  was  reasonable  enough,  but  only  imported  the 
empty  honors  of  a  degraded  office  which,  under  Frankish 
supremacy,  could  never  be  exalted  to  its  former  glory. 

It  is  idle  to  speculate  on  the  precise  character  of  the  digni- 
ties attached  to  the  khakhanship,  but  the  petitioner  obtained 
what  he  sought.  The  emperor  ordered  that  thenceforth 
the  khakhan  should  be  clothed,  as  of  old,  with  supreme 
power.2  The  khakhan  was  pleased,  and  the  Bavarian  an- 
nals record  the  fact  that  he  accepted  Christian  baptism 
and  was  christened  Abraham.3  It  is  certain,  moreover,  but 
unrecorded,  that  the  imperial  permission  was  not  prejudicial 
to  the  interests  of  the  Frankish  dominions,  and  for  all  prac- 
tical purposes  this  is  truly  the  end  of  the  Avar  wars  and — 
of  the  Avar  nation. 


The  conquest  and  conversion  of  the  Avars,  and  the  con- 
tact of  the  Franks  with  certain  Sclavonian  tribes  on  the 
eastern  and  southern  frontiers  of  Bavaria,  suggest  a  retro- 
spective view  of  the  course  of  events  in  that  country  prior 
to  the  degradation  of  its  last  duke,  the  unfortunate  Tassilo. 

In  no  country  east  of  the  Rhine  had  Christianity  struck 
deeper  roots.  Bavaria  was  the  natural  bulwark  to  western 
civilization  from  the  fierce  barbarism  of  Asiatic  tribes,  and 
her  last  duke  was  as  valiant  a  champion  in  the  field,  as  a 
zealous  propagator  of  the  Christian  faith. 

Synods,  composed  of  secular  and  spiritual  dignitaries,  were 

1  Annal.  Einh.  Maxim.  3  Annal.  Juv.     Maj. ;     S.     Emmer. 

2  Annal.       Einh.       Maxim.,     Enh.      Rat.  Maj. 
Fuld. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST   OF   THE  AVARS.  20J 

held  at  an  early  date,  one  at  Aschheim  in  756,  another  at 
Dingolfing,  about  769 ;  several  at  Freising,  and  yet  another 
at  Neuching,  unless  it  be  accepted  as  identical  with  that  of 
Dingolfing.  The  decrees  of  the  last-named  synod  form 
part  of  the  so-called  "  Laws  of  duke  Tassilo,"  incorporated 
with  the  Bavarian  Code. 

The  twelve  Canons  of  the  latter  are  of  a  miscellaneous 
character,  dealing  alike  with  civil  and  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
They  enjoin  strict  Sabbath  observance,  exhort  bishops  to 
live  according  to  the  Canons,  and  abbots  according  to  the 
Rule,  and  make  the  marriage  of  nuns  a  canonical  offence. 

They  likewise  provide  for  the  weregeld  of  certain  laics, 
the  tenure  and  conveyance  of  property,  and  accord  to  a 
noble  lady  ignorantly  marrying  a  man  not  free  the  privilege 
of  annulling  the  marriage  ;  they  also  regulate  judicial  com- 
bat, etc.,  etc.1 

Connected  with  the  Canons  is  the  "  League  made  by  the 
bishops  and  abbots  in  Bavaria  for  deceased  brethren."2  It 
was  a  "  Covenant  of  Death,"  or  "  Death  League,"  much  in 
vogue  at  the  time,  and  reflecting  the  current  belief  as  to  the 
condition  of  the  departed.  In  the  event  of  a  member  of 
the  League  dying,  his  surviving  brethren,  being  bishops  or 
abbots,  were  bound  to  say  for  his  benefit  a  hundred  masses, 
or  cause  to  be  chanted  a  hundred  psalms.  Every  bishop  or 
abbot,  moreover,  was  obliged  to  say  himself,  or  cause  one  of 
his  clergy  to  say,  thirty  additional  masses  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. If  the  deceased  was  a  presbyter  or  a  monk,  it  was 
the  duty  of  his  bishop  or  abbot  to  cause  a  presbyter  or  a 
monk  to  say  thirty  masses,  and  chant  the  same  number  of 
psalms.  The  Bavarian  Death  League  numbered  nineteen 
members,  six  bishops  and  thirteen  abbots  ;  the  bishops  were 
the  following:  Manno  (Neuburg),  Alim  (Seben),  Virgilius 
(Salzburg),  Wisurich  (Passau),  Sindpert  (Ratisbon),  Heres  or 
Arbeo  (Freising) ;  and  the  abbots :  Oportunus  (Mondsee), 
Wolfpert  (Niederaltaich),  Adalpert  (Tegernsee),  Atto  (Schar- 
nitz-Schledorf),  Uto  (Illmunster),  Landfrit  (Benedictbeuern), 

1  Simson,  I.  c.  I.,  51  sqq.  2  Leg.  III.,  461. 


208  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Alpuni  (Sandau),  Roadhart  (Isana),  Ernst  (Oberaltaich), 
Reginpert  (Mosburg),  Wolchanhart  (Osterhofen),  Perahtcoz 
(Schliersee),  and  Sigidio  (Weltenburg).1 

This  Death  League,  it  is  thought,  is  the  beginning  of  the 
interesting  and  historically  important  VerbriiderungsbucJi  of 
St.  Peter's  at  Salzburg,  that  is,  the  book  in  which  the  names 
of  all  persons  who  joined  the  League  were  entered.  The 
brothers,  it  seems,  undertook  to  mention  each  other  in  their 
prayers  while  living,  and  to  continue  the  pious  remembrance 
after  their  decease.  This  obligation  necessarily  occasioned 
the  practice  of  keeping  accurate  lists  of  all  the  members 
of  the  League,  and  as  these  rapidly  multiplied,  while  the 
record  was  kept  up  for  centuries,  it  is  evident  that  this  book 
is  one  of  the  most  trustworthy  authorities  touching  a  great 
variety  of  topics  and  relations.2 

The  activity  and  zeal  of  Tassilo  as  a  devout  churchman 
appears  from  the  part  he  took  in  the  Translation  of  the 
Relics  of  St.  Valentinus  from  Trent  to  Passau  in  768,  and  of 
that  of  the  Relics  of  St.  Corbinianus  from  Mais  in  the  Tyrol 
to  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  at  Freising  in  769.3 

Tassilo  does  not  seem  to  have  come  in  collision  with  the 
Bohemians  and  Moravians  in  the  northeast,  but  responding 
to  an  appeal  of  the  Sclavonian  Carantanians,  the  occupants 
of  Carinthia,  Styria,  and  part  of  the  Tyrol,  for  help  against 
the  Avars,  he  not  only  repelled  that  enemy,  but  brought 
the  Carantanians  themselves  to  a  state  of  dependence,  and, 
mainly  through  the  missionary  zeal  of  the  aforesaid  bishop 
Virgilius  of  Salzburg,  established  Christianity  among  them.* 

The  rapid  progress  of  Christianity  received,  however,  a 
rude  check  after  the  death  of  duke  Chotimir,  a  man  of 
strong  Christian  sympathies,  when  the  adherents  of  paganism 
again  came  into  power  and  expelled  the  Christian  mission- 

1  Simson,  /.  c.  55  sq.  and  notes.  3  Meichelbeck,  /.  c  I.a  71,  73  ;  I.b 

2  v.  Kara jan.  Verbrfiderungsbuchvon      1 8. 

St.  Peter  in  Salzburg,  Introduction  I.,  4  De  Conversione  Bagoar.  et  Carant. 

sqq. — Herzberg -Frankel,    Neues    Ar-      libellus,    MG.  SS.  XL,  7  sq. 
chiv  d.  Geschichte  fiir  dlterc  deutsche 
Geschichtskunde,  XII.,  53  sqq. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST  OF  THE  AVARS.  209 

aries.  For  several  years  no  priest  labored  among  the 
Carantanians,  but,  thanks  to  the  energy  of  Tassilo,  Carinthia 
was  reconquered,  incorporated  with  Bavaria,  and  revisited  by 
Christian  missionaries.  As  early  as  769  Tassilo  donated  to 
the  abbot  Atto  of  Scharnitz  the  place  called  India  (Inni- 
chen),  in  the  Puster  valley  on  the  Sclavonian  frontier,  for 
the  express  purpose  of  establishing  there  a  monastery  as  the 
centre  from  which  the  infidel  race  of  the  Sclavonians  might 
be  led  into  the  way  of  the  truth.1 

The  conversion  of  the  Carantanians  was  chiefly  carried  on 
from  Salzburg,  and  the  mantle  of  Virgilius,  who  died  in  784, 
fell  on  the  shoulders  of  Arno,  a  remarkable  man,  already 
familiar  to  us,  of  whom  more  remains  to  be  said  in  subse- 
quent paragraphs.2 

About  yjy  Tassilo  founded  the  monastery  of  Kremsmlin- 
ster.  According  to  an  ecclesiastical  legend  the  immediate 
occasion  of  that  pious  foundation  was  the  accidental  death 
of  his  son  Gunthar  on  a  boar  hunt  in  the  forest  near  the 
confluence  of  the  Enns  and  the  Danube.  Gunthar  having 
mortally  wounded  a  she-boar,  was  assailed  and  fatally  hurt 
by  the  infuriated  animal.  He  fell  and  died  on  the  spot ;  his 
dog  discovered  him,  and  a  stag  with  luminous  antlers  indi- 
cated the  place  of  his  burial.  Tassilo,  says  the  legend, 
caused  a  wooden  church  to  be  erected  over  him,  and  that 
humble  temple  was  the  beginning  of  the  monastery  of 
Kremsmiinster.3 

The  legend  belongs  to  the  fourteenth  century,  and  sheds 
no  light  on  the  true  history  of  the  monastery.  The  ori- 
ginal charter  explicitly  states  that,  impelled  by  the  earnest 
desire  of  shunning  the  horrid  abode  of  Satan,  and  of  enter- 
ing the  blissful  mansions  of  Christ,  he  had  concluded  to 
consecrate  to  the  service  of  God  a  portion  of  those  riches 
with  which  God  had  blessed  him.  As  his  ancestors  of  good 
memory  had  to  the  best  of  their  ability  consecrated  their 
substance  to  God,  built  and  endowed  churches,  founded 
monasteries  and   richly  provided   for  them,  so  he  had  de. 

1  Meichelbeck,  /.  c.  I>  38,  no.  22.  3  MG.  SS.  XXV.,  641. 

3  See  Index. 

14 


210  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

termined  to  build  a  monastery  to  the  glory  of  Christ  near  the 
river  Chremsa,  etc.1 

When  the  building  was  completed,  he  appointed  Fater  of 
Niederaltaich,  a  monastic  institution  founded  by  his  father 
Odilo,  abbot  of  the  new  monastery,  and  set  him  over  a 
number  of  monks  from  the  same  establishment.  He  then 
made  most  generous  provision  for  the  support  of  the  insti- 
tution in  land,  and  a  dependent  population,  and  doubtless 
planted  it  for  the  laudable  purpose  of  making  it  the  centre 
of  missionary  effort  and  Christian  civilization.  Much  of 
the  land  he  donated  was  uncultivated  ;  but  portions  of  the 
territory  were  well  improved,  and  embraced  meadows,  fields, 
vineyards,  woods,  together  with  such  industrious  establish- 
ments as  salt  mines,  fisheries,  etc.,  and  a  population  skilled 
in  their  operation.  Many  of  these  settlers  were  Sclavonians 
who  had  embraced  Christianity  and,  from  being  tributary 
to  the  duke,  became  thenceforth  attached  to  the  monastery. 

The  instrument  of  the  donation  was  made  at  Krems- 
miinster,  in  the  presence  of  the  most  prominent  secular  and 
spiritual  dignitaries,  and  conjointly  in  the  name  of  Tassilo 
and  of  his  son  Theodo.2 

It  has  been  stated  that  several  bishops  accompanied  Charles 
in  the  first  Avar  expedition  in  791.  Among  them  was  Arno, 
bishop  of  Salzburg ;  he  was,  in  the  unsubstantiated  opinion 
of  some,  either  a  Saxon  or  an  Anglo-Saxon,  while  others 
with  a  greater  show  of  probability  believe  him  to  have  been 
a  Bavarian  ;  if  they  are  right,  the  Bavarian  Church  may 
justly  point  to  him  as  one  of  at  least  three  distinguished 
men  whose  zealous  labors  are  of  constant  mention  in  the 
annals  of  that  time  ;  they  were  the  abbot  Sturm  of  Fulda, 
archbishop  Leidrad,  or  Leidradus  of  Lyons,  and  Arno.3 

The  name  of  a  deacon  Arno  occurs  after  765  in  the  rec- 
ords of  Freising,  of  a  presbyter  Arno  after  y/6 ;  and  the 
same  name  appears  in  yjy  in  the  Kremsmiinster  instrument 

1  Hagn,   Urkundenbuch  fur  Krems-  -  Urktmdenbuch,  p.  2. 

mii7ister,   p.    I.    cf.    Miilhbacher,  /.  c.  3  Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  512,  notes  and  ref- 

no.  302  ;  Histor.  Cremifan.  MG.  SS.  erences. 
XXV.,  629. 


Chapter  VII.]  CONQUEST  OF  THE  AVARS.  211 

of  donation,  and  in  791  in  the  ratification  of  the  same  docu- 
ment ;  they  all  seem  to  designate  the  same  person.  It  is 
established  that  Arno  did  not  continuously  exercise  his  min- 
istry in  Bavaria ;  he  appears  to  have  been  engaged  in  the 
monastery  of  St.  Amand  in  the  Hennegau  about  778,  and 
upon  the  death  of  its  abbot  in  782  to  have  been  chosen 
abbot  of  that  establishment.  In  785  he  was  made  bishop 
of  Salzburg,  without  however  sundering  his  connection  with 
St.  Amand.  His  friendship  with  Alcuin  seems  to  date 
from  his  residence  at  the  monastery,  and  it  is  thought  that 
his  advancement  to  the  episcopate  was  mainly  due  to  the 
influence  of  the  same  potent  friend.  He  appears  to  have 
possessed  the  necessary  requirements  for  that  difficult  and 
important  position  to  an  eminent  degree,  and  been  as  accept- 
able to  Charles  as  to  Tassilo.  We  have  seen  that  he  was 
more  devoted  to  the  former  than  to  the  latter,  and  it  re- 
mains to  add  in  this  connection,  that  he  rose  in  favor  with 
Charles,  was  employed  by  him  on  important  public  business, 
and  through  his  influence  advanced  to  the  position  of  met- 
ropolitan of  Bavaria.  This  last  step  was  doubtless  a  politi- 
cal necessity,  and  the  most  potent  means  of  incorporating 
Bavaria  with  the  Frankish  empire.  To  Arno  also  was  com- 
mitted the  general  supervision  and  direction  of  the  work  of 
evangelizing  and  Christianizing  the  pagan  inhabitants  of 
the  vast  territory  which  the  victorious  king  acquired  to  the 
eastward  of  Bavaria. 

Arno  was  a  man  of  executive  ability  and  considerable 
tact.  His  ready  resource  appears  from  the  following  inci- 
dent :  On  his  return  from  an  important  embassy  to  Rome, 
in  798,  Arno,  after  crossing  the  river  Po,  met  a  royal  mes- 
senger, the  bearer  of  a  letter  to  him  from  Charles  instruct- 
ing him  to  proceed  in  the  capacity  of  a  missionary  to  the 
country  of  the  Southern  Sclavonians.  Instead  of  complying 
with  the  king's  request,  he  reasoned  that  duty,  and  proba- 
bly the  importance  of  the  verbal  communications  he  had  to 
present,  required  him  to  repair  to  Charles  in  person.  He 
accordingly  continued  his  journey,  conferred  with  his  royal 
master,  and  then,  without  any  record  of  his  seeming  disobe- 


212  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

dience  exposing  him  to  censure,  proceeded  to  the  Sclavonian 
territory,  engaged  in  teaching  the  people,  ordaining  priests, 
building  churches  and  consecrating  them.  On  his  return 
Arno  submitted  a  very  encouraging  report  of  his  visitation 
to  Charles,  who  approved  of  his  recommendation  designat- 
ing a  certain  Deoderich  as  bishop  for  that  important  and 
promising  field.  Arno  consecrated  him,  and  accompanied 
by  count  Gerold,  introduced  the  new  bishop  to  the  notables 
of  the  new  diocese,  which  seems  to  have  embraced  Carinthia 
together  with  the  country  north  of  the  Drave  to  its  con- 
fluence with  the  Danube.1 

1  Convers.   Bagoarior.  et  Carant.,  /.  c.  XI.,  9,  10  ;  cf.  Simson,  /.  c.  for  addi- 
tional references. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CONSPIRACIES. — QUEENS   AND   DAUGHTERS   OF   CHARLES. 

Fastrada. — "  Conspiracy  of  Thuringian  Counts  and  Nobles." — "  Conspiracy  of 
Pepin  the  Hunchback." — Peter  of  Verdun. — Death  of  Fastrada. — Liut- 
gard. — The  daughters. — Family  life. — The  Chase. — Diversions. 

Queen  Hildegard  died  April  30,  783,  about  six  months 
after  the  Saxon  campaign  which  terminated  in  the  massacre 
of  Verden.  It  is  said  that  those  cruel  eyes  which  looked 
unmoved  on  that  horror  moistened  in  sorrow  as  they  gazed 
upon  the  lifeless  remains  of  the  beautiful  queen.  Charles 
caused  her  to  be  entombed  with  regal  splendor  in  the  church 
of  St.  Arnulf  at  Metz,  and  provided  for  the  burning  of  can- 
dles on  the  anniversary  of  her  death,  and  daily  mass  for  all 
time  to  come,  for  the  salvation  of  her  soul,  from  the  revenue 
of  the  seignorial  estate  of  Cheminot  which  he  set  apart  and 
donated  to  the  said  church  for  that  exclusive  purpose ;  he 
also  commanded  the  erection  of  a  magnificent  monument 
sumptuously  ornamented  with  golden  figures,  and  bade  the 
deacon  Paulus  write  an  epitaph,  which  remains  of  record. 

Hildegard  bore  the  reputation  of  sincere  piety  and  benev- 
olence. The  monasteries  of  Reichenau  and  Kempten,  the 
church  of  St.  Denis,  the  abbey  of  St.  Martin  at  Tours,  and 
other  establishments,  were  enriched  by  her  benefactions; 
the  poor  and  the  sick  blessed  with  her  kind  ministrations. 
She  shone  as  a  wife  and  a  mother,  and  her  untimely  death 
in  the  twenty-sixth  year  of  her  life  caused  universal  sorrow. 
She  died  immediately  after  the  birth  of  a  daughter,  who  re- 
ceived her  name,  but  survived  her  only  forty  days. 

The  epitaph  of  Paulus  Diaconus  is  unique  in  its  way. 
He  extols  her  attractions  and  virtues,  lauds  her  as  the  most 
illustrious  of  her  race,  as  superior  to  the  rest  as  is  a  gem  of 


214  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

the  Indies  to  common  clay ;  he  describes  her  as  the  fairest 
of  her  sex  throughout  the  western  world,  alleging  that  the 
splendor  of  her  charms  eclipsed  the  flash  of  precious  stones, 
and  that  her  outward  beauty,  though  that  of  the  lily  and 
the  rose,  was  cast  in  the  shade  by  the  yet  greater  beauty  of 
her  heart  and  mind,  by  humility,  simplicity,  wisdom,  skill, 
cheerfulness,  and  the  rich  garniture  of  all  good  things.  But 
her  highest  meed  of  praise,  he  says,  which  included  every- 
thing beside,  was  that  so  great  a  man  as  Charles  chose  her 
his  wife.1  The  days  of  his  mourning  for  his  "  most  sweet 
consort,"  who  for  twelve  years  past  had  shared  his  throne, 
began  on  the  date  aforesaid.2 

Shortly  afterwards3  he  went  into  still  deeper  mourning, 
occasioned  by  the  death  of  his  mother,  Queen  Berthrada. 
She  died  at  Choisy  au  Bac,  where  her  remains  were  tem- 
porarily interred,  and  afterwards  by  his  command  re- 
moved with  great  pomp  to  their  final  resting-place  by 
the  side  of  her  husband,  King  Pepin,  in  the  basilica  of  St. 
Denis.4 

After  her  funeral  and  the  close  of  the  summer  campaign 
Charles  went  out  of  mourning,  and  married  Fastrada,  a 
daughter  of  Count  Radolf.  She  was  very  handsome,  and 
in  some  respects  a  remarkable  woman.     Her  very  name  in- 

1  Hie  regina  iacet  regi  praecelsa  po-  Simplicitasque  animae  interiorque 

tend  decor. 

Hildegard  Karolo  quae  bene  nup-  Tu   mitis,  sapiens,   solers,  iocunda 

ta  fuit.  fuisti, 

Quae  tantum  clarae  transcendit  stir-  Dapsilis   et   cunctis    condecorata 

pis  alumnos  bonis. 

Quantum,  quo  genita  est,  Indica  Sed  quid  plura  feram  ?  cum  non  sit 

gemma  solum.  grandior  ulla 

Huic  tarn  clara  fuit  florentis  gratia  Laus   tibi,    quam   tanto   compla- 

formae,  cuisse  viro  ! 

Qua  nee  in  occiduo  pulchrior  ulla  Epitaph. — MG.     Poet.     Lat.    aev. 

foret.  Carol.    I.,   58,   v.  3-16  ;  cf.  ibid.,  p. 

Cuius  haut  tenerum  possint  aequare  631  ;  II.,  68S. 

decorem  2  Ann.    Einh.,  Lauriss.,    al. — Bou- 

Sardonix  Pario,  lilia  mixta  rosis.  quet,  V.,  749  ;  MG.  SS.  II.,  266. 

Attamen   hanc  speciem  superabant  3  10th  or  13th  of  July. 

lumina  cordis  4  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  al.  Mett., 

S.  Amandi. — Vita  Caroli,  c.  18. 


Chapter  VIII.]  CONSPIRACIES.  21 5 

dicates  part  of  her  character  ;  it  denotes '  "  firm  counsel  ;  " 
and  the  epithet  "  firm  "  may  stand  not  only  for  decision, 
but  for  imperious  obstinacy  and  inflexible  sternness.  These 
nouns  and  adjectives  rather  understate  than  exaggerate, 
and  it  must  be  admitted,  on  the  evidence  furnished  by  con- 
temporary writers,  that  a  woman  whose  strength  of  will 
and  influence  was  able  to  mould  the  purpose  of  Charles  into 
subjection  to  her  own,  was  a  prodigy.2  Even  his  biog- 
rapher commits  himself  to  the  statement  that  certain  devia- 
tions from  "  the  usual  kindness  and  gentleness  of  his  dispo- 
sition "  were  due  to  his  "  apparent  acquiescence  "  in  her 
conduct.  She  bore  the  unenviable  reputation  of  being  cold, 
selfish,  and  cruel,  and  was  named  as  the  cause  of  two  con- 
spiracies having  for  their  object  the  assassination  of  the 
king ;  the  exact  nature  of  her  cruelty,  though  not  indicated 
in  express  terms,  may  be  divined. 

The  first  of  these  conspiracies  is  known  as  "  the  Con- 
786]  spiracy  of  Thuringian  Counts  and  Nobles."  It  was 
promoted  by  a  certain  count  Hardrad,  and  those  engaged 
in  the  plot  proposed  to  possess  themselves  of  the  person  of 
Charles  and  put  him  to  death,  or,  in  the  event  of  their 
inability  to  compass  it,  raise  the  standard  of  revolt.  It  was 
wide-spread,  and  those  implicated  in  it  were  men  of  great 
influence ;  the  ominous  secret  was  betrayed,  and  it  required 
great  tact  for  arresting  the  offenders  and  bringing  them  to 
judgment.  It  is  distinctly  asserted  that  the  conspiracy  was 
engendered  by  the  cruelty  of  Fastrada;  to  her  craft  may  be 
assigned  the  method  by  which  the  conspirators  were  reached, 
and  to  her  influence  the  punishment  which  overtook  them. 

It  seems  that  the  daughter  of  one  of  the  Thuringian  con- 
spirators was  affianced  to  an  Austrasian  noble  ;  under  Frank- 
ish  law  it  was  his  duty  to  send  her  to  her  plighted  hus- 
band, but  for  reasons  not  stated  he  refused  to  fulfil  the 
obligation ;  the  Austrasian  complained  to  the  king,  and  a 
royal  command  was  sent  to  the  Thuringian  requiring  him  to 
comply  with  the  terms  of  the  law.     Again  he  refused,  when 


1  Fastrath.  2  "  Gallias  Ccesar  subegit,  Nfcomedes  Qesarem." 


2l6  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

a  number  of  his  relatives,  as  well  as  almost  all  the  Thurin- 
gians,  took  up  his  cause  and  resisted  the  royal  authority. 
Forthwith  an  Austrasian  force  entered  Thuringia  and  laid  it 
waste.  The  conspirators  fled  and  took  sanctuary  in  the 
monastery  of  Fulda;  the  abbot,  at  their  request,  but  seem- 
ingly in  response  to  his  advice,  interceded  with  Charles  and 
obtained  certain  promises  in  virtue  of  which  the  Thuringians 
were  sent  to  Worms  and  taken  to  the  royal  presence.  A 
conversation  took  place,  in  which  the  king  asked  them  if 
it  were  true  that  they  had  plotted  together  to  resist  his 
authority  and  attempt  his  life. 

They  did  not  pretend  to  deny  the  accusation,  and  one  of 
them,  more  fearless  than  the  rest,  boldly  spoke  out,  saying  : 
"  If  my  colleagues  and  associates  had  done  as  I  desired,  you 
would  never  have  crossed  the  Rhine  alive." 

Charles  was  amazed,  but  being,  as  an  annalist  states,  "  the 
most  gentle  and  wisest  of  kings  that  ever  ruled  the  Franks, 
took  the  matter  with  great  forbearance,"  and  demonstrated 
those  amiable  qualities  in  the  following  manner :  The  men 
were  ordered  to  be  put  under  arrest ;  "  three  of  them  only 
lost  their  lives ;  they  drew  their  swords  and  resisted  arrest, 
and  after  killing  several  men,  were  cut  down,  because  they 
could  not  be  otherwise  overpowered." l  But  those  who 
yielded  were  sent,  under  military  convoy  and  accompanied 
by  royal  missi,  some  to  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome, 
others  to  sacred  localities  in  Neustria  and  Austrasia,  and 
made  to  swear  over  the  relics  that  thenceforth  they  would 
maintain  fidelity  to  the  king  and  his  sons.  This  seemed  a 
most  merciful  and,  one  might  say,  religious  mode  of  punish- 
ment ;  but  it  had  a  very  secular  and  horrible  sequel ;  some 
had  their  eyes  put  out  and  were  thrust  into  dungeons  on  the 
way  ;  others  (Einhard  says,  all)  were  taken  back  to  Worms, 
and  banished  without  mutilation,  and  still  others,  perhaps 
those  mentioned  before,  were  put  to  death,  and  yet  others 
had  their  eyes  put  out ;  one  authority,  indeed,  asserts  that 
that  punishment  was  meted  out  to  all  the  rebels,  while  those 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  20. 


Chapter  VIIL]  CONSPIRACIES.  217 

who  were  innocent — for  innocent  persons  had  also  been 
arrested — regained  their  liberty. 

All  their  possessions,  personal  and  real,  were  confiscated 
to  the  crown,  and  the  royal  pair,  after  this  effectual  and 
energetic  punishment  of  the  offenders,  left  the  city  of  Worms 
unhurt,  and,  as  one  of  the  pious  annalists  exclaims,  "  the 
best  of  the  kings,  ruling  the  Franks,  the  Lombards,  and  the 
Romans,  remained  uninjured  and  safe,  because  the  King  of 
Heaven  extended  to  him  His  peculiar  protection."1 

About  the  same  time  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  Brit- 
tany, in  the  northwestern  extremity  of  Gaul,  inhabited  by 
a  purely  Celtic  population.  The  story  ran  that  once  upon 
a  time  in  the  remote  past  a  band  of  Britons  came  across 
the  sea  and,  after  possessing  themselves  of  the  territory  of 
the  Veneti  and  Coriosolitae,  effected  a  permanent  settle- 
ment in  that  part  of  the  country.  They  were  in  turn  sub- 
dued by  the  Franks  and  made  tributary  to  them  ;  but  chaf- 
ing under  the  yoke  of  dependence,  strove  to  shake  it  off. 
The  revolt  was  not  that  of  a  privileged  class,  as  in  Thuringia, 
but  of  the  entire  population.  They  not  only  refused  to  pay 
tribute,  but  resisted  Frankish  supremacy  by  force  of  arms. 

Charles  despatched  an  army  commanded  by  Seneschal 
Audulf  to  the  seat  of  revolt.  The  Franks  had  [April,  786 
to  fight  their  way  step  by  step,  through  the  intrenchments 
and  fortifications  which  the  rebels  had  planted  between  the 
marches,  attack  and  carry  them  one  by  one.  Then  the 
leaders  of  the  revolt  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victorious 
Audulf,  who  at  the  close  of  the  campaign  in  August  could 
boast  of  having  quelled  the  revolt  and  re-established  Frank- 
ish authority. 

He  took  hostages  and  compelled  moreover  a  number  of 
Breton  chieftains,  called  in  their  own  tongue  Mactrians,  but 
Capitanci  by  the  Franks,  to  swell  his  train  on  his  return  to 
the  Rhine.  They  were  hereditary  lords,  privileged  in  their 
several  districts  to  levy  taxes,  hold  court,  and  discharge 
other  executive  functions.     He  took  them  to  Worms,  and 

1  Annal.  Nazar.   Lauriss.,  Einh.,  S.  Amandi,  a.  7S5. — Vita  Caroli,  c.  20. 


2l8  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

set  them  before  Charles  in  the  Diet  there  assembled.  They 
appear  to  have  made  their  submission  with  good  grace,  for 
they  were  permitted  to  retain  their  ancient  prerogatives 
both  in  his  reign  and  that  of  his  successors.1 

792]  A  few  years  later  occurred  the  "  Conspiracy  of  Pepin 
the  Hunchback,"  for  which  Fastrada  is  also  believed  to  be 
responsible.  Again  it  does  not  appear  what  she  did,  but 
opinion  is  general  that  her  hardness  made  life  a  burden  to 
all  persons  who  fell  under  her  influence  ;  still  it  is  only  just 
to  add  that  if  all  that  was  said  of  her  is  true,  she  played  her 
cards  uncommonly  well,  so  well  indeed  that  her  royal  spouse 
was  not  aware  of  the  extent  to  which  she  swayed  his  will. 
The  year  before  he  wrote  a  letter  informing  her  of  the 
progress  of  affairs  in  connection  with  the  great  expedition 
against  the  Avars,  in  which  he  expresses  disappointment  at 
her  failure  to  send  him  a  messenger  or  an  epistle,  and  the 
earnest  desire  for  frequent  news  as  to  the  state  of  her  health, 
and  any  other  matters  which  she  might  deem  it  her  duty  to 
communicate  ;  the  tone  is  cordial  and  the  contents  show 
that  she  had  his  confidence  and  affection.2  But  to  return 
to  the  conspiracy.  Pepin,  the  first  born  of  Charles,  the  son  of 
his  first  wife,  Himiltrud,  was  handsome  of  countenance,  but 
diminutive  in  size,  and  otherwise  deformed,  for  he  was  bur- 
dened with  a  hunchback.  By  this  time  he  must  have  been 
upwards  of  twenty,  and  probably  twenty-two  or  twenty- 
three  years  of  age.  His  step-brothers  were  considerably  his 
juniors,  and  his  position  as  the  king's  eldest  son  was  so  well 
established  and  recognized  that  his  name  stood  in  the  Litany 
in  the  following  order :  Charles  the  king,  Pepin  and  Charles 
his  sons,  Pepin,  King  of  the  Lombards,  Louis,  King  of  Aqui- 
taine,  Fastrada,  the  queen,  etc.,  etc.,3  but  in  spite  of  it  there 

*  Annal.     Einh.,     Lauriss.     major.,  3  Mabillon,   Vet.   Analect.   nov.  ed. 

Lauresh. — Vita   Caroli,   c.    10. — Sim-  p.  171,  cf.  the  Verbriiderungsbuch  von 

son,  /.  c.  I.,    526  sqq. ;  De  Courson,  St.  Peter,    Salzburg  ed.    Karajan,    p. 

Cartulaire   de  VAbbaye  de  Redon   en  7   (col.   35),  where    the   names  stand 

Bretagne,   Proleg.    cclxix.  ;    Gottinger  thus  :  Carolus  rex,  Fastrada,  Pippinus, 

G.  A.  1864,  1771  sqq.  Charlus,  Ludvih,  Pippinus. 

2  Ep.  Carol,  no.  6,  ed.  Jaffe.     See 
note  2,  page  224. 


Chapter  VIII.]  CONSPIRACIES.  219 

were  those  who  not  only  derided  his  person,  but  cast  a  slur 
on  his  birth  ;  and  if  his  deformity  was  not  the  cause  of  the 
slight  which  had  been  put  upon  him  in  the  provision  made 
for  the  three  sons  of  Hildegard,  for  Charles  also  had  received 
three  or  four  years  before  the  duchy  of  Maine,1  his  feelings 
arising  from  the  other  point  must  have  been  painful.  It 
was  moreover  his  peculiar  misfortune  of  having  three  step- 
mothers in  succession,  and  the  last  and  living  one,  although 
she  had  no  sons,  doubtless  increased  his  misery.  This 
seems  not  calumny,  for  it  is  stated  that  while  the  king  was 
passing  the  summer  months  at  Ratisbon,  a  plot  was  made 
against  him  by  Pepin,  his  eldest  son,  and  certain  Frankish 
noblemen,  who,  alleging  that  they  were  unable  to  endure 
the  cruelty  of  Queen  Fastrada  any  longer,  conspired  together 
to  take  the  king's  life.2 

It  needs  no  stretch  of  the  imagination,  therefore,  to  con- 
jecture that  the  army  of  malcontents  throughout  the  Frank- 
ish dominions  with  real  or  fancied  grievances  against  the 
king  and  the  queen,  would  naturally  turn  to  the  sorely  tried 
Pepin  and  contribute  their  share  in  keeping  alive  the  flame 
of  his  discontent ;  nor  is  it  at  all  improbable  that  the  scat- 
tered members  of  the  dethroned  royal  and  ducal  families, 
male  and  female,  sought  opportunity  of  pouring  the  story 
of  their  wrongs  into  his  willing  ears ;  in  fact  it  is  distinctly 
asserted  that  others  were  the  instigators  of  the  conspiracy.3 
The  names  of  the  conspirators  are  not  known  ;  Count 
Theudald,  who  was  implicated  in  the  plot,  cleared  himself 
of  the  charge,  and  the  ever-suspected  bishop  of  Verdun 
also  established  his  innocence  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
king  and  a  whole  church  council.4 

The  details  of  the  plot  are  said  to  have  embraced  the 
assassination  of  the  king  and  his  three  royal  sons,  and  the 
subsequent  proclamation  of  Pepin  as  king.     This  was  the 

1  Annal.  S.  Amandi,  brev.  et  brevis.  3  Vita  Hlud.  6  ;  Annal  Lauresh., 
a.  780;  Mett.   a.   790.  Theod.  Carm.      Petav.,  Enh.  Fuld. 

35,  v.  11  in  Poet.  Lat.  aevi  Carol.  I.,  *  Bohmer-Muhlbacher,  No.  327. — 
527.  Synod.  Francof.  794,  c.  9.  I.,  I.  Ges- 

2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  793.  ta  epp.  Vird.  14  MG.  SS.  IV.,  44. 


220  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

bait  which  the  conspirators  held  out  to  him  ;  "  they  seduced 
him,"  as  Einhard  puts  it,  "  with  vain  promises  of  the  royal 
authority  ;  "x  the  plot  seemed  to  one  of  the  monkish  writers 
a  repetition  of  the  crime  of  Abimelech,  the  son  of  Gideon 
by  a  concubine,  in  the  days  of  the  Judges,  who  killed  on 
one  stone  both  his  father  and  his  seventy  brothers,  and  then 
usurped  the  throne.2 

The  secret  was  well  kept.  Pepin  shammed  sickness,  and 
for  a  while  stayed  away  from  court ;  the  plot  was  fairly 
under  way  and  dangerously  near  a  successful  termination, 
when  by  the  inexplicable  carelessness  of  the  conspirators 
the  whole  of  their  impious  scheme  became  known. 

They  met  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Ratisbon  and  dis- 
cussed all  the  details  of  the  plot  in  the  hearing  of  a  cleric, 
who  from  some  cause  or  other  had  found  his  way  into  the 
church.  Perhaps  he  came  to  sleep  there ;  the  conspirators 
found  him  hiding  under  the  altar,  and,  strange  to  tell,  con- 
tented themselves  with  his  solemn  promise  on  oath  that  he 
would  not  divulge  the  ominous  secret.  But  the  oath  sat 
lightly  on  his  conscience,  and  the  moment  after  the  con- 
spirators had  left  he  ran  half-dressed  at  dead  of  night  to 
the  royal  palace  and  gave  the  alarm. 

No  one  could  stay  his  progress  on  his  way  to  the  royal 
bedchamber ;  he  passed  through  seven  doors  and  at  last 
stood  before  it,  and  so  frightened  the  ladies  in  attendance 
upon  the  queen  that  they  shut  it  in  his  face ;  they  tried  to 
stifle  their  laughter  at  his  appearance  with  their  dresses. 
But  the  king  had  heard  the  noise  and  asked  what  it  meant. 
They  said  that  a  half-clad,  scraped,  silly,  and  raving  scamp 
demanded  to  see  the  king,  and  made  an  unmannerly  noise. 
Charles  sent  for  him,  and  made  him  tell  all  he  knew.  "  Be- 
fore the  third  hour  of  the  day,"  writes  the  Monk,  "  all  the 
chief  conspirators,  not  expecting  anything  of  the  kind,  were 
either  on  the  way  to  exile  or  punishment.  The  dwarfish, 
hunchbacked  Pepin  received  a  good  beating,  was  shaved, 

1  Vita   Car.    c.    20.     See    Bohmer-         2  Ann.  Lauresh.  a.  792. — Jud.  c.  8, 
Muhlbacher,  and  Abel-Simson  for  the      9. 
authorities,  which  are  numerous. 


Chapter  VIII.]  CONSPIRACIES.  221 

and  sent  for  a  little  while  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Gall  to  do 
penance."1 

The  writer  must  be  ironical  for  the  words  in  italics  import 
incarceration  for  life. 

The  judgment,  though  summary,  was  not  quite  as  rapid 
and  informal  as  he  intimates.  Charles  immediately  con- 
vened an  Assembly  of  Franks  and  other  of  his  lieges  for 
action  in  the  matter.  The  conspirators  were  accused  and 
convicted  of  high  treason,  and  condemned  to  undergo  the 
punishment  of  death  together  with  the  loss  of  all  their 
possessions.  Such  was  the  judgment  passed  upon  the  prime 
movers  and  leaders,  but  in  the  case  of  others  it  was  more 
lenient.  Some  were  put  to  death,  but  not  all  in  the  same 
manner;  we  read  of  the  sword  and  the  gallows,  and  of  the 
commutation  of  the  capital  sentence  into  blinding,  whipping 
and  exile.  Some  appealed  successfully  to  the  judgment 
of  God,  established  their  innocence  and  recovered  their 
property.  In  the  case  of  Pepin,  the  Court  respected  the 
king's  recommendation  of  mercy,  and  commuted  the  sen- 
tence of  death  into  compulsory  orders.  He  himself  is  said 
to  have  recognized  the  kindness  of  the  direction  and  desired 
it.  The  prince  was  shaved  and  went  for  life  to  the  mon- 
astery of  Priam,2  where  he  died  twenty  years  later.3 

He  was  doubtless  a  sincere  penitent,  but  the  Monk  of  St. 
Gall's  anecdote  about  him,  which  is  as  authentic  as  many 
other  of  his  stories,  makes  him  likewise  a  wag. 

The  king,  according  to  him,  having  heard  of  others  impli- 
cated in  the  conspiracy,  sent  messengers  to  question  Pepin 
as  to  the  degree  of  their  guilt,  and  take  his  opinion  of  the 
punishment  they  ought  to  have.  They  found  him  in  the 
convent-garden  hoeing.  "  Tell  Charles,"  he  said,  "  what  you 
see  me  do  :  I  pluck  out  the  weeds  that  the  good  plants  may 
thrive."  The  Monk  then  makes  Charles  cut  off  their  heads, 
and  give  their  possessions  to  loyal  men  of  meaner  birth.4 

i  Monach.  Sangall.  1.  II.,  c.  18.  4  The  Monk's  story  recalls  Livy,  I.. 

2  In  the  diocese  of  Treves.  54,   and  that  too  is  an  adaptation  of 

3  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh..  Lauresh.,  the  reply  of  Thrasybulos  to  Periander, 
Laur.  min,   Fuld.,  Mosell.  — Vita  Ca-  in  Herodotus. 

roli,  c.  20.      Poeta  Saxo. 


222  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  conspiracy  was  doubtless  extensive  ;  the  inquisition 
searching  and  minute,  and  the  punishment  most  severe  ;  but 
the  king's  gratitude  for  his  merciful  deliverance  was  also 
very  great :  those  of  his  faithful  vassals,  bishops,  abbots, 
counts,  and  others,  who  came  out  of  the  scrutiny  with  clean 
escutcheons,  were  made  the  recipients  of  rich  gifts  in  gold, 
silver,  silk  and  the  like.  Fardulf,  the  Lombard  deacon,  who 
discovered  the  conspiracy,  was  royally  rewarded  not  only 
with  numerous  presents,  but  with  the  presentation  of  the 
rich  emoluments  of  the  abbacy  of  St.  Denis.1 

He  was  in  great  favor  with  Charles.  A  Lombard,  and  a 
devoted  partisan  of  Desiderius,  he  was  obliged  at  the  time 
of  his  fall  to  go  into  exile,  but  whether  to  St.  Denis,  as 
some  think,  we  cannot  tell.  Nor  is  it  known  what  took 
him  to  Ratisbon,  but  his  presence  in  the  church  of  St. 
Peter  at  the  time  when  the  conspirators  were  in  session 
was  doubtless  the  turning  point  in  his  life.  The  king 
honored  him  with  his  confidence  and  employed  him  on  im- 
portant public  business  ;  he  acted  as  missus,  and  went  on 
an  embassy  to  Rome.  On  the  other  hand,  Fardulf  showed 
his  gratitude  by  erecting  at  his  own  cost,  it  is  thought  close 
to  the  monastery  of  St.  Denis,  a  palace  for  the  special  de- 
lectation of  Charles  and  his  suite.  This  is  distinctly  stated 
in  the  metrical  inscription,  composed  by  himself,  still  ex- 
tant. He  also  built  a  church  dedicated  to  St.  John  Baptist, 
in  fulfilment  of  an  early  vow  made  at  the  time  he  went 
into  exile,  as  appears  from  another  poetical  inscription, 
the  product  of  his  muse. 

Fardulf  was  a  many-sided  man,  and  among  other  attri- 
butes possessed  the  gift  of  poetry;  he  was  on  intimate 
terms  with  Theodulf,  who  calls  him  his  sweet  friend.2 

One  of  the  suspected  persons,  the  bishop  Peter  of  Ver- 
794]  dun,3  figures  in  the  Council  of  Frankfort  as  promoter 

'Annal.   Einh.,  792,  Lauresh.  793,  taph  of  him  is  contained  in  Hibernici 

MG.  Poet.  Lat.  aevi  Carol.  I.,  353.  exulis  carm.  13  ;  cf.  MG.  /.  c.  633. 

2  His  poetic  remains  are  found  in  3  He  is  the  same  who  labors  under 

MG.    Poet.  Latin,    aevi  Carolini,    I.,  the  imputation  of  having  betrayed  the 

353  sq.     He  died   in   806.     An   epi-  city  of  Trevisa,  and — as  stated  by  oth- 


Chapter  VIIL]  CONSPIRACIES.  223 

of  a  spectacle  which  forcibly  illustrates  the  spirit  of  the 
age. 

In  the  absence  of  evidence  establishing  his  guilt,  he 
avouched  his  innocence,  whereupon  it  was  ordered  by  the 
king  and  the  council  that  he  should  swear  before  God  and, 
conjointly  with  two  or  three  other  bishops,  or  with  his 
metropolitan,  that  he  was  in  no  wise  concerned  in  the  said 
conspiracy,  or  had  been  disloyal  to  the  king.  Peter  could 
not  find  among  his  brethren  any  willing  to  swear  with  him. 
Nothing  daunted,  the  bishop,  of  his  own  free  will,  chose  his 
man  to  go  to  the  judgment  of  God  in  attestation  of  his 
innocence.  In  other  words,  his  man  undertook  to  fight  a 
duel  with  another,  while  the  bishop  declared  on  oath,  neither 
on  the  gospel  nor  on  the  relics,  but  before  God  only,  that, 
as  he  was  innocent,  so  God  would  establish  his  innocence, 
and  agreeably  thereto  aid  his  man  in  the  combat.  It  is  not 
said  that  he  killed  his  adversary,  but  the  fact  that  he  returned 
safe  and  sound  was  construed  as  proof  of  the  innocence  of 
Peter  ;  he  was  declared  innocent,  received  to  the  royal  favor, 
restored  to  all  the  honors  of  his  station,  and  fully  justified, 
suffered  to  depart. 

This  trial  by  combat,  which  used  to  be  common  in  cases 
of  doubt,  gradually  fell  into  disuse,  and  the  Canon  which 
officially  records  the  expurgation  and  restoration  of  Peter 
distinctly  states  that  the  ordeal  was  commanded  neither  by 
the  king  nor  the  council,  but  the  bishop's  deliberate  and 
spontaneous  act.1 

Queen  Fastrada  died  during  the  session  of  that  council. 
Shortly  before  her  decease  she  is  mentioned  as  present  at 
the  death  of  a  certain   Hostlaicus,  most  probably  by  acci- 

ers — the  city  of  Pavia  to  Charles.    The  Verdun  was  the  reward  of  his  treach- 

Gest.  epp.  Virdun.   14  MG.   SS.  IV.,  ery ,  and   misprision   of    an    attempt 

44,  say  that  he  had  been  twelve  years  on  the  life  of  his  benefactor,  the  ex- 

in  disgrace  when  the  Council  met;  if  pression    of  his   gratitude.     He   was 

this  is  correct  the  reference  may  be  to  suspected,    but   none   of    the    crimes 

something  else.     Barre,  Hist.  GenJr.  were  proven  against  him. 
d'Allem.  t.  i.,  p.  425,  is  too  rash  in  "  Synod.  Franconofurt.  794.    Labbei 

his  assertion  that  Peter  did  betray  the  Concil.  ix.  (I.,  1),  p.  103. 
city  of  Trevisa,  that  the  bishopric  of 


224  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

dent,  although  the  circumstance  is  often  adduced  in  illustra- 
tion of  her  cruelty.1 

Her  death  was  regarded  by  the  people  as  a  providential 
bereavement.  She  was  undoubtedly  the  best-hated  woman 
of  her  time,  and  apparently  beloved  only  by  Charles.2 
Some,  perhaps  not  without  cause,  see  in  her  a  convenient 
scapegoat. 

Charles  ordered  a  magnificent  funeral  in  St.  Alban's, 
Mayence.  Her  remains  were  interred  in  the  crypt  of  the 
north  aisle  in  front  of  the  altar  of  the  apostles.  A  sumptu- 
ous marble  monument  was  set  up  near  the  arch  of  the  same 
aisle  ;  a  parcel  of  land  was  given  to  St.  Alban's,  the  revenue 
to  be  applied  to  the  service  of  a  daily  mass  for  the  salvation 
of  her  soul.  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans,  the  most  gifted 
poet  of  the  age,  was  requested  to  compose  an  epitaph,  and 
wrote  one  of  only  six  lines,  of  great  elegance,  singular 
felicity,  and  surprising  tact,  considering  the  character  and 
reputation  of  the  queen.     It  ran  as  follows  : 

"  Here  lie  the  glorious  remains  of  Queen  Fastrada,  whom 
cold  death  snatched  away  in  the  bloom  of  life.  Noble 
by  birth,  she  was  united  in  marriage  to  her  mighty  husband, 
and  nobler  still,  she  is  now  united  to  the  King  of  Heaven. 
The  better  part  of  her  soul,  King  Charles  himself,  she  left 
behind,  to  whom  a  merciful  God  may  grant  long  life."  3 

The  mural  tablet  with  this  inscription  remained  in  the 
church  until  the  monastery  was  destroyed  by  fire,  when 
some  one  less  kindly  disposed  replaced  it  by  another  in 
the  cathedral,  to  which  possibly  her  remains  also  were  re- 
moved after  1553,  of  this  tenor: 

"  Fastradana  called  the  pious  consort  of  Charles,  and  by 

1  Roziere,  Formules,  I.,  64,  no.  41.      sonia.       Miracula    S.    Goar.   16  apud 

2  About  this  time,  I  mean  during  Mabillon  A.  S.  o.  s.  Ben.  ed.  Venet. 
the  last  few  years  of  her  life,  she  was      II.,  279. 

in  delicate  health  (Ep.  Car.  6,  Jaffe).  3  Theod.    Carm. — Migne,   V.,    514. 

Among  other  ailings  she  was  a  martyr  Compare  the  last  clause  of  this  epitaph 

to  toothache,   and  went  to   St.    Goar  with  that  composed  by  Paulus  Diaco- 

where  the  saint  cured  her.     In  recog-  nus  for  Hildegard,  presented  before, 

nition  of  the  deliverance   Charles  pre-  Theodulf  seems  to  echo  his  sentiment, 

sented  his  cell  with  the  Villa  of   Na-  and  was  his  peer  in  the  art  of  flattery. 


Chapter  VIII.]  QUEENS.  225 

Christ  beloved,  lies  underneath  this  marble  roof.  She  died 
in  the  year  seven  hundred  and  ninety-four,  a  number  which 
the  muse  in  vain  tries  to  adapt  to  the  metre.  O  pious 
King,  whom  the  Virgin  bore,  grant  that  here  she  may  re- 
pose, and  that  her  spirit  be  heir  of  the  fatherland,  which  re- 
fuses to  bewail  her  departure."  x 

The  words  after  the  date  have  now  been  expunged,  but 
the  remainder  may  still  be  read  in  the  cathedral. 

Everybody  seems  to  have  had  his  fling  at  the  unfortu- 
nate queen,  and  even  the  Saxon  poet  is  nastily  malicious  in 
comparing  her  influence  over  Charles  to  the  incessant  throb 
of  an  angry  carbuncle.2  She  was  the  mother  of  Theodrada 
and  Hiltrud,  with  whom  we  shall  become  better  acquainted 
in  a  subsequent  paragraph. 

Charles  was  averse  to  prolonged  widowhood,  and  soon  3  led 
to  the  altar  the  beautiful  Liutgard,  a  noble,  or  most  noble 
lady  of  Alemannian  descent.  She  must  have  been  very  fas- 
cinating and  winsome,  for  she  stole  the  hearts  of  all  who 
knew  her,  and  was  unquestionably  the  most  popular  and 
best  loved  of  the  wives  of  Charles.  If  the  contemporary 
records  uniformly  paint  Fastrada  in  colors  of  darkest  hue, 
they  as  uniformly,  and  with  singular  cordiality,  shed  the 
richest  and  most  glowing  light  on  the  picture  of  Liutgard. 
Her  radiant  presence  at  the  royal  hearth  was  only  brief,  for 
she  died  childless  and  universally  regretted,  June  4,  800, 
in  the  city  of  Tours,  blessed  with  the  ministrations  of  the 
saintly  Alcuin,  and  was  buried  in  the  venerable  sanctuary 
of  St.  Martin.* 

1  Le  Cointe,  Annal.  Eccles.  Franc,  pulchra  virago"  is  not  decisive  ;  The- 
IV.,  527.  odulf  may  have  meant   by    virago   a 

2  Poeta  Saxo.,  1.  III.  s.  a.  792.  married  woman,  and  Angilbert  about 

3  I  reject,  as  unfounded,  certainly  the  same  time  extols  her  as  pulcherri- 
as  unproven,  first  the  insinuation  that  ma  conjux.  Einhard,  Vita  Caroli.  c. 
she  had  for  years  before  her  marriage  18,  says  :  Defuncta  Fastrada,  Liut- 
stood  in  near  relations  to  the  king  ;  gardam  Alemannam  duxit ;  this  I  take 
secondly,  that  the  marriage  did  not  to  signify  that  soon  after  the  death  of 
take  place  until  between  796  and  799.  F.  the  king  married  Liutgard.  But  see 
The  second  point  is  clearly  the  con-  the  controversy  sketched  in  Abel-Sim- 
sequence  of  the  first.  The  solitary  son,  /.  c,  II.,  p.  214  sq. 
expression,  in  a  poem  :   "  Leutgardis  4  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  al. 

15 


226  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

What  she  was,  in  appearance,  character,  and  conversation, 
is  fully  disclosed  in  the  notices  here  presented  ;  the  first  was 
written  by  the  bishop  of  Orleans  during  her  life.  "  The 
beautiful  lady  Leutgarda  displays  the  riches  of  her  piety  in 
the  shining  frame  of  a  cultured  mind.  The  nobility  and 
the  people  everywhere,  confess  that  the  brilliant  beauty  of 
her  accomplishments  is  eclipsed  by  the  more  dazzling  beauty 
of  her  virtues.  Prodigal  in  her  charities,  benignant  in  dis- 
position, and  most  sweet  of  speech,  her  life  is  a  blessing  to 
all,  an  injury  to  none.1  An  ardent  and  successful  student 
she  stores  in  a  retentive  memory  the  harvest  of  her  toil."  2 

Thus  he  wrote  of  her ;  the  lines  which  follow  he  wrote 
to  her  : 

"  O  potent  queen,  the  glory  of  the  great  king  and  of  the 
people,  the  light  and  blooming  ornament  of  the  Church. 
May  the  Father,  throned  on  high,  grant  long  life  to  you, 
and  thus  bless  the  people,  and  the  Church  of  God.  You  are 
the  light  and  splendor,  the  dazzling  ornament  of  all  the 
realm,  gracing  your  beauty  with  the  riches  of  a  godly  life. 
Companion  of  the  pious  king,  you  are  his  well-merited  re- 
ward, a  precious  help-mate  causing  his  name  to  be  lauded 
to  the  sky.  Your  outward  beauty  yields  the  palm  to  that 
within,  but  I  do  not  venture  to  say  which  is  first.  For 
beautiful  is  the  burden  of  your  speech  ;  more  beautiful  your 
acts,  but  you  yourself  are  conqueror  of  both.  May  God,  who 
gave  you  the  will  to  do  so  much  good,  grant  you  power  to 
bring  it  to  good  effect,  and  bless  you  world  without  end."  3 

Similar  is  the  testimony  of  Alcuin.  Writing  of  her  to 
others  he  calls  her  "  his  daughter,  religious,  and  devoted  to 
God  ;  "  "  having  an  earnest  desire  to  benefit  the  servants 
of  God  and  the  Church  ;  "  and  addressing  her,  exclaims  : 
"  Verily,  most  noble  lady,  you  ever  set  the  example  of  pure 
morality  to  the  people,  and  of  most  holy  conversation  be- 
fore God,  causing  the  tongue  of  all  to  rehearse  your  praise, 
and  their  hearts  turn  to  you  in  love."4 

1  This  seems  to  reflect  on  her  pre-  3  Idem,  ed.  Durcmler,  XXXI.,  522 
decessor.                                                           4  Ale.  Epp.  53,  131,  89  (Jaffe). 

2  Theod.  Carm.  III.,  1,  ed.  Sismond. 


Chapter  VIII.]  QUEENS.  227 

One  of  the  epistles  of  Alcuin  is  believed  to  be  a  letter 
of  condolence  to  Charles  on  the  death  of  this  queen.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  Alcuin  was  at  Tours  at  the 
time  of  its  occurrence,  and  we  may  regard  the  document 
either  as  a  letter  of  condolence,  or  a  funeral  address,  possi- 
bly adapted  to  the  occasion.     He  says  : 

"  I  cannot  lament  the  felicity  of  one  who  has  finished 
the  thorny  path  of  earth  and  winged  her  way  to  Him  who 
made  her.  For  agreeably  to  the  appointment  of  our  first 
condemnation  this  is  the  condition  of  our  frailty :  we  are 
born  to  die,  and  we  die  to  live.  Is  it  not  better  to  enter 
upon  life  than  upon  death  ? 

"  It  is  said  that  one  whom  others  sought  to  comfort  con- 
cerning the  death  of  his  son,  replied,  '  I  knew  that  I  was 
born  mortal.' *  Why  should  we  bewail  that  which  we  can- 
not avoid  ?  Time  often  soothes  our  sorrow  better  than 
reason. 

"  Let  the  gifts  of  our  love  follow  our  loved  ones.  Let 
us  offer  the  gift  of  our  salvation  for  them.  Let  us  be  mer- 
ciful that  we  may  obtain  mercy.  Whatever  we  do  in  faith 
for  them,  will  profit  ourselves. 

"  O  Lord  God  Jesus,  gentle  and  merciful,  have  mercy 
upon  her  whom  thou  hast  taken  away  from  us.  Hear  us 
through  the  Medicine  for  our  wounds  [Jesus  Christ],  who 
hung  upon  the  Cross,  and  sitting  at  thy  right  hand,  now  in- 
tercedes for  us.  For  I  know  thy  mercy,  who  desirest  that 
all  men  should  be  saved.  Remit  unto  her  such  sins  as  she 
may  have  contracted  after  the  water  of  salvation  [t.  e.,  after 
baptism].  Remit  them,  O  Lord,  we  pray,  remit  them. 
Enter  not  into  judgment  with  her.  Let  mercy  exalt  itself 
above  judgment.  For  all  thy  words  are  true,  even  the  mercy 
thou  didst  promise  unto  the  merciful  ;  that  such  as  they 
were,  so  wilt  thou  give  unto  them.  Thou  who  art  merciful 
unto  the  merciful,  O  Lord,  have  mercy  upon  thy  creature  ; 
that  thy  creature  may  laud  and  evermore  extol  thy  mercy ; 
and  the  soul  that  triumphs  eternally,  will  say  world  with- 

1  Allusion  to  the  saying  of  the  philosopher  Anaxagoras  on  the  death  of  his 
son. 


228  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

out  end  ;  '  In  my  life  I  will  praise  the  Lord  ;  I  will  sing  to 
my  God  as  long  as  I  shall  be.' " 

"  Oh,  may  for  evermore  in  happiness  abide  this  daughter 
mine  so  dear,  I  earnestly  desire,  and  unto  God  be  dear,  I 
pray." 2 

She  was  the  last  of  the  legitimate  queens  of  Charles  ;  the 
other  ladies,  her  successors,  were  united  to  him  by  morgan- 
atic ties.3 

Charles  had  four  sisters,4  but  only  one  of  them,  Gisla,  is 
mentioned  in  history.  She  was  a  most  estimable  lady, 
greatly  beloved  by  him  and  his  children  ;  on  terms  of  friend- 
ship with  Alcuin,  and  often  exchanged  the  retirement  of 
her  convent  at  Chelles  for  the  amenities  of  the  social  circle 
at  court,  especially  in  the  early  days  of  the  Palace  School, 
in  which  she  bore  the  pseudonym  of  Lucia. 

796-799]  About  this  time  Charles  had  six  daughters 
living,  the  children  of  three  mothers.  Rothaid  was  the 
daughter  of  Himiltrud  ;  Rotrud,  Bertha,  and  Gisla  were 
children  of  Hildegard  ;  and  lastly,  Theodrada  and  Hiltrud, 
the  daughters  of  Fastrada.  The  eldest  was  about  thirty, 
but  the  youngest  were  mere  children.  All  were  singularly 
favored,  and  famed  for  their  beauty. 

The  bishop  of  Orleans  has  drawn  a  fascinating  picture  of 
the  royal  family  on  the  occasion  of  a  birthday,  or  other 
festal  gathering.  He  represents  the  affectionate  father  in 
the  midst  of  his  olive  branches,  each  the  bearer  of  some 
token  of  love.  Omitting  the  description  of  the  sons,  we 
catch  a  glimpse  of  the  royal  maidens  presenting  their  sweet 
offerings.  Bertha  brought  roses,  Rotrud  violets,  and  Gisla 
lilies.     Rothaid  carried  the  treasures  of  Pomona,  Hiltrud 

1  The  citations  are  from  the  Vulgate,  comfortable  regions,  was  not  only 
Haydock's  version,  1848.  commended  by  a  bishop  as  good  read- 

2  Alcuin.  epist.  138  (Jaffe).  ing,  but  believed  by  him  to  be  true. 

3  See  Genealogical  Table. — The  He  also  thought  that  the  punishment 
uxoriousness  of  Charles  occasioned  was  well  deserved.  Walafrid  made  a 
injurious  comment.  His  reputation  metrical  version  of  the  Vision. — See, 
was  bad,  so  bad  that  the  "Vision  of  Hincmar.  Op.  II.,  808. 

Wetin "  representing   him   as  endur-         4  See  Genealogical  Table, 
ing  singular  punishment  in  most  un- 


'Chapter  VIII.]  DAUGHTERS.  229 

those  of  Ceres,  while  Theodrada  bore  the  produce  of  Bacchus. 
Their  beauty  was  enhanced  by  the  richness  of  their  toilet, 
precious  ornaments,  and  the  variety  of  their  graces,  in  which 
the  charms  of  voice  and  bearing  vied  with  the  fascination  of 
their  mirth  and  wit.1 

The  bishop's  description,  though  interesting  and  instruc- 
tive, is  inferior  to  that  of  Angilbert,  whose  long  experience 
at  court,  evident  familiarity  with  all  the  mysterious  intri- 
cacies of  feminine  toilet,  and  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
ladies,  adds  not  a  little  to  the  vivacity  of  his  account.  He 
sketches  them  as  they  rode  up  to  the  gathering  on  the  occa- 
sion of  a  royal  hunt.  Rotrud  came  first ;  she  was  a  pro- 
nounced blonde,  and  wore  a  purple  fillet  resplendent  with 
the  glitter  of  many  gems  in  her  wealth  of  light  yellow  hair, 
which  from  under  a  jewelled  crown  of  shining  gold  fell  upon 
a  splendid  robe  held  together  with  clasps. 

Bertha,  he  says,  shines  amid  a  choir  of  maidens  and  a 
throng  of  attendant  ladies.  "  The  tones  of  her  voice,  her 
virile  mind,  the  splendor  of  her  countenance  and  carriage, 
the  flash  of  her  eyes,  the  shape  of  her  mouth,  and  her  man- 
ner image  forth  her  royal  sire."  She  also  wears  a  golden 
diadem,  and  golden  filaments  sparkle  in  her  shining  hair; 
her  snow-white  shoulders  nestle  in  a  cape  of  ermine  ;  pearls 
and  gems  adorn  her  robe ;  the  light  of  many  colors  flashes 
from  her  belt,  and  the  fiery  chrysolite  from  the  emerald 
glory  of  every  part  of  her  attire. 

The  similar  description  of  the  toilet  of  the  other  royal 
maidens  we  omit,  but  the  poet  tells  us  that  the  voice,  the 
face,  and  the  hair  of  Gisla  coruscate  in  radiant  light.2  This 
seems  unintelligible,  unless  the  "  voice  "  import  the  rows  of 
pearly  teeth,  which  might  exceed  the  undefined  limits  of 
poetic  license  in  ordinary  writers,  but  hardly  in  Angilbert, 
who  dwells  upon  the  "  silver  hands  "  and  the  "  golden  fore- 
head "  of  the  young  lady,  the  light  of  whose  eyes  dims  the 
splendor  of  the  sun.  Rothaid,  the  beautiful  maid  of  more 
than  thirty  summers,  is  praised  for  the  metallic  and  jewelled 

1  Theodulf,  Carmina.  ed.  Dlimmler,  2  "  Vox,  facies,  crines  radianti  luce 

/.  c.  I.,  2,  p.  485  sq.     Anno  796.  coruscant." 


230  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

splendor  of  her  attire,  and  of  the  more  juvenile  daughters 
of  Fastrada,  we  learn  that  Theodrada,  hardly  less  splendid 
and  coruscating  than  Gisla,  rode  forth  to  the  hunt  in 
"  Sophoclean  buskins  ;  "  *  probably  all  the  ladies  wore  such 
buskins,  but  they  were  not  visible  as  in  the  case  of  so  young 
a  lady  ;  her  still  more  youthful  sister  came  last,  but  no  par- 
ticulars are  given  beyond  the  effulgence  which  singled  her 
out  in  the  throng  of  her  companions.2 

The  sons  of  Charles  also  are  introduced  in  these  and  other 
poetical  contributions,  but  as  they  are  already  slightly 
known  to  the  reader,  it  is  unnecessary  to  cite  the  lines. 
Charles,  the  eldest,  was  the  constant  companion  of  his 
father,  and,  it  is  thought,  his  favorite,  whom  he  meant  to  be 
his  immediate  successor  in  the  throne  ;  Carloman,  his  second 
son,  the  same  who  in  baptism  was  christened  "  Pepin,"  was 
cultured  and  skilled  in  arms.  Louis  also  was  a  young  man 
of  great  promise.  As  a  boy  the  administrators  of  his  king- 
dom arrayed  him  in  Aquitanian  costume,  and  sent  him, 
with  a  number  of  his  companions  similarly  attired,  to 
Paderborn,  where  their  gay  uniform  and  martial  bearing 
captivated  the  king  and  the  Franks  generally. 

We  shall  soon  meet  with  the  royal  sons  in  other  con- 
nections, but  as  history  but  rarely  takes  note  of  the  royal 
daughters,  present  what  is  known  of  them  at  once. 

"  The  plan  [Charles]  adopted  for  his  children's  education 
was,  first  of  all,  to  have  both  his  sons  and  daughters  in- 
structed in  the  liberal  arts,  to  which  he  also  turned  his  own 
attention. 

"  As  soon  as  their  years  admitted,  in  accordance  with  the 
custom  of  the  Franks,  his  sons  had  to  learn  horsemanship, 
and  practise  war  and  the  chase  ;  while  his  daughters  were 
taught  cloth-making  as  well  as  the  use  of  the  distaff  and 
spindle,  that  they  might  not  grow  indolent  through  idle- 
ness. 

"  He  fostered  in  them  every  virtuous  sentiment "... 
and  was  so  careful  of  the  training  of  his  children,  "  that  he 

1  "  Sophocleoque    .    .   coturno."        2  Angilbert,  Carmen,  Dummler,  /.  c.  I.,  p. 

371  sq. — Illustrative  Extracts,  Appendix  I. 


Chapter  VIII.]  DAUGHTERS.  23 1 

never  took  his  meals  without  them  when  he  was  at  home, 
and  never  made  a  journey  without  [some  of]  them  ;  his 
sons  would  ride  at  his  side,  and  his  daughters  follow  him, 
while  a  number  of  his  body-guard,  detailed  for  their  protec- 
tion, brought  up  the  rear. 

"  Strange  to  say,  though  they  were  very  handsome,  and 
he  greatly  loved  them,  he  was  never  willing  to  marry  any  of 
them  to  a  man  of  their  own  nation  or  to  a  foreigner,  but 
kept  them  all  at  home  until  his  death,  saying  that  he  could 
not  dispense  with  their  society. 

"  Hence,  though  otherwise  happy,  he  experienced  the 
malignity  of  fortune  as  far  as  they  were  concerned  ;  yet  he 
concealed  his  knowledge  of  the  rumors  current  in  regard  to 
them,  and  of  the  suspicions  entertained  of  their  honor."  ' 

These  statements  of  the  biographer  of  Charles  require 
correction  and  comment  in  sundry  particulars.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  the  princess  Rotrud  was  affianced  in  child- 
hood to  the  emperor  Constantine.  For  reasons  not  known 
Charles  cancelled  the  engagement.2  His  court  was  certainly 
licentious,  and  unfortunately  his  beautiful  daughters  were 
most  indiscreet.  Count  Roriko  of  Maine  had  a  liaison  with 
the  princess  Rotrud,  and  their  son  Louis  became  subse- 
quently abbot  of  St.  Denis  and  other  monasteries  as  well 
as  prothonotary  to  Charles  the  Bald.3  In  view  of  this  un- 
doubted fact,  it  is  surprising  that  contemporary  writers  not 
only  extol  her  beauty  and  intellectuality,  but  her  virtue.4 
She  took  much  interest  in  poetry  and  theology,  and  Alcuin, 
at  any  rate,  must  have  had  a  lofty  conception  of  her  purity, 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  19.  authorities   represent  Irene  as  taking 

2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  78s.  The  official  the  initiative.  Theophanes,  /.  c.  p. 
betrothal   of    Rotrud   to    Constantine      463  sq. 

VI.  was  solemnly  enacted  on  the  occa-  3  Hincmar,  Rem.  Ann.,  867.  Mabil- 

sion  of  the  king's  presence  at  Rome  Ion,  Ann.  Bened.   II.,  634,  648,  650, 

in  781.     Annal.  Mosell. ;  Vita  Caroli,  667.     Lup.  ep.  25,  Migne  v.  CXIX., 

c.  19  ;  Theophanes,  ed.    de  Boor,  I.,  475. 

455.       The   engagement  was    broken  4  Rotthrud    carmen    amat,     mentis 

off  in  787,  according  to  Annal.  Einh.,  clarissima  virgo,  virgo  decora  satis  et 

and  other  Frankish  authorities  at  the  moribus  inclita  virgo. — Angilb.  Carm. 

instance  of  Charles,  but  the  Byzantine  2,  43  sq. 


232  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

for  he  bestowed  upon  her  the  endearing  nickname  of  Co- 
liukba  (dove)  and  dedicated  to  her,  in  conjunction  with  her 
aunt  Gisla,  the  commentary  on  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,' 
which  he  wrote  at  their  request.2  She  died  in  810,  and  all 
the  world  knew  that  Charles  shed  many  tears  for  her,  and 
that  his  forgiveness  sweetened  her  death. 

The  princess  Bertha  also  had  a  peculiar  history.  It  is  of 
record  that  her  brother  Charles  was  suitor  for  the  hand  of 
the  daughter  of  Offa,  King  of  Mercia,  and  that  that  monarch 
refused  his  consent  unless  the  King  of  the  Franks  agreed  to 
sanction  the  marriage  of  a  Mercian  prince  and  the  Frankish 
princess  Bertha.  Charles  indignantly  rejected  the  proposal, 
and  broke  off  all  intercourse  with  Mercia.3  The  royal 
maiden,  though  denied  to  a  royal  suitor,  might  favor  the 
attentions  of  the  poetic  Angilbert,  her  senior  in  years,  an 
abbot,  and  honored  with  the  special  confidence  of  her  sire. 
The  auriculus  of  Charles  won  her  heart  and  they  were  mar- 
ried in  private.  It  was  a  dreadful  mesalliance  and  the  dis- 
covery a  great  shock  to  all  concerned.  Nevertheless  it  is 
believed  that  the  king  recognized  and  legitimated  the 
union,  and  certain,  that  Hartnidus,  and  Nithardus,  the  his- 
torian, were  its  offspring.  Nithardus  himself  narrates  the 
fact,  and  the  poetic  husband  of  Bertha  in  one  of  his  produc- 
tions, written  in  a  foreign  land,  adverts  with  tender  feeling 
to  the  royal  palace,  and  to  his  own  house  near  by,  where 
his  sons  play  in  the  garden.  How  he  spoke  of  Bertha  is 
evident  from  the  passage  already  presented,4  but  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  reconcile  the  dates  and  the  tradition  of  an  alleged 
dissolution  of  their  marriage  by  mutual  consent.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly false  that  Bertha  took  the  veil  in  790,  for  in  799 
she  is  foremost  in  the  gayeties  of  court-life  ;  she  is  at  court 
in  814  at  the  time  of  her  father's  death,  and  appeared  as 
late  as  826  at  the  court  of  Louis  in  Soissons.5      Of  Angil- 

1  Ale.  Epp.  136,  137,  158,  159,  ed.  4  See  p.  229. 

Jaffe.  5  Hariulf,  Chron.  Centul.  in  Ache'ry, 

2  Vita  Alch.  ibid.  p.  28.  Spicileg.  ed.   2,  II.,  291.     Angilberti 

3  Gest.   abb.   Fontan.   MG.  SS.  II.,      Vita  apud  Mabill.  I.,  10S  sqq. 
291. 


Chapter  VIII.]  DAUGHTERS.  233 

bert  more  remains  to  be  said,  and  we  pass  on  to  what  is 
known  of  the  other  sisters. 

The  princess  Gisla  was  by  common  consent  the  noblest 
and  most  virtuous  of  the  daughters  of  Hildegard.  Not  a 
whisper  is  heard  to  dim  her  fair  fame  for  goodness,  piety, 
and  the  loftiest  accomplishments  of  her  age. 

A  similar  encomium  is  due  to  the  princess  Theodrada, 
the  eldest  daughter  of  Fastrada,  who,  though  abbess  of 
Argenteuil,  lived  at  court  and  seems  to  have  escaped  the 
taint  of  its  atmosphere. 

Her  sister,  princess  Hiltrud,  was  less  fortunate.  She  also 
was  a  titular  abbess,  but  had  a  love-affair  with  count  Odilo. 

Princess  Rothild,  the  daughter  of  Maltegard,  likewise 
abbess  of  Faremoutier,  is  also  entitled  to  the  benefit  of 
the  doubt,  for  the  annals  maintain  an  almost  absolute  silence 
concerning  her. 

The  same  applies  to  Adaltrud,  the  daughter  of  Gersuinda. 

It  would  be  wrong  to  stain  these  pages  with  the  record 
of  dark  and  unsubstantiated  rumors,  but  that  of  the  inci- 
dent immediately  after  the  death  of  Charles  cannot  be 
withheld. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Louis,  preceding  his  arrival  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  was  the  appointment  of  four  commissioners 
charged,  among  other  things,  with  the  duty  of  setting  in 
order  the  imperial  establishment,  and  stopping  the  scandal 
connected  with  the  conduct  of  the  princesses  of  the  blood 
royal. 

Some  of  the  courtiers  implicated  in  it  appeared  before 
the  commissioners  as  suppliants  for  mercy  and  obtained  for- 
giveness ;  but  a  certain  Hodoinus  adopted  the  attitude  of 
a  rebel,  and  when  two  of  the  commissioners,  Warnarius  and 
his  nephew  Lantbertus,  attempted  his  arrest,  he  drew  his 
sword  and  killed  Warnarius.  Lantbertus  slew  the  murderer 
on  the  spot,  but  was  severely  wounded  in  the  encounter. 

Louis  was  exasperated  and  visited  his  indignation  on 
Tullius,  another  lover ;  he  spared  his  life,  but  had  his  eyes 
put  out. 

This  was  followed  by  more  radical  measures.    He  applied 


234  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

himself  to  the  conscientious  execution  of  his  father's  will, 
and  then  commanded  all  females,  who  on  various  pretences 
had  taken  up  their  abode  in  the  palace,  to  leave  it  forth- 
with ;  only  very  few  were  permitted  to  remain  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  court. 

As  for  his  sisters,  he  required  them  to  withdraw  to  the 
places  which  Charles  had  assigned  to  them,  and  made  pro- 
vision for  those  who  had  not  been  thus  remembered.  But 
all  went  to  where  they  were  bidden.  The  language  of  the 
biographer  of  Louis  is  most  sweeping,  for  he  excludes  not 
one  of  the  sisters.1 

Such  being  the  family  of  Charles,  a  few  facts  of  its  daily 
life  and  habits  may  not  be  out  of  place. 

Charles  disliked  extravagance  and  ostentation. 

His  meals  were  simple,  for  "  he  was  temperate  in  eating, 
and  especially  in  drinking,  since  he  abominated  drunken- 
ness in  anybody,  much  more  in  himself,  and  those  of  his 
household  ;  but  he  could  not  easily  abstain  from  food,  and 
often  complained  that  fasts  injured  his  health."  2 

His  large  frame,  robust  health,  and  plentiful  exercise  in- 
duced a  state  of  chronic  appetite,  which  abhorred  fasting. 
An  excellent  churchman,  he  held  that  the  Lenten  fast  was 
indispensable  to  the  salvation  of  others,  and  we  have  seen 
that  the  poor  Saxons,  who  dared  to  break  it  in  the  matter 
of  meat,  lost  their  heads.  He  doubtless  disgusted  the  army 
with  General  Orders  promulgated  upon  the  occasion  of  the 
Frankish  victory  over  the  Avars,  enjoining  a  three  days'  ab- 
stinence from  meat  and  wine,  although  we  learn  that  pro- 
vision was  made  for  those  who,  like  himself,  could  not 
abstain,  in  the  purchase  of  the  necessary  dispensation.3 

In  his  own  case  he  was  wont  during  Lent  after  Mass  and 
Vespers  had  been  said  to  dine  at  the  eighth  hour  of  the 
day,  because,  according  to  the  Monk,  he  did  not  in  doing 
so  break  the  Rule,  for  he  took  nothing  from  that  hour  until 
the  same  hour  on  the  following  day,  "  according  to  the  pre- 
cept of  the  Lord." 

1   Vita    Hlud.   Pii,    apud    Bouquet,  2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  24. 

VI.,  97.  3  Epist.  adFastr.,  Bouquet,  V.,  623. 


Chapter  VIII.]  HABITS.  235 

A  certain  bishop,  more  severe  than  wise,  undertaking  to 
censure  the  royal  practice,  overshot  the  mark.  The  king 
humbly  received  the  correction,  and  suppressing  his  indig- 
nation said  to  the  ecclesiastic :  "  You  have  well  spoken,  sir 
bishop,  but  I  now  desire  you  to  take  your  dinner  after  the 
servants  of  the  court  have  had  theirs." 

The  ninth  hour,  that  is  3  P.M.,  it  is  proper  to  add,  was 
the  hour  of  the  day  when  dinner  might  be  taken,  and  that 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  the  canonical  hour  for  Vespers  was 
4  P.M.,  or  later.  The  apparent  contradiction  that  Charles, 
according  to  the  Monk,  dined  after  Vespers,  may  be  ex- 
plained on  the  supposition  that  in  order  to  satisfy  his  con- 
science, he  caused  Vespers  to  be  said  for  himself  before 
2  P.M.  A  French  writer  calls  the  arrangement,  if  it  took 
place,  une  tricherie,  and  seems  to  hit  the  nail  on  the  head. 

But  to  continue  the  story.  Charles  sat  down  to  his  meal, 
and  was  waited  upon  by  kings  (?),  princes,  dukes,  and  such 
exalted  personages  ;  at  the  close  of  his  dinner  the  said  kings, 
princes,  and  dukes  had  theirs,  and  were  served  by  counts 
and  prefects ;  then  the  counts  and  prefects  dined,  and  were 
followed  in  succession  by  those  next  in  rank,  the  military 
and  palace  functionaries,  the  guards,  and  lastly  by  the  ser- 
vants, whose  turn  came  not  until  the  middle  of  the  night. 
After  them  the  critical  bishop  was  served. 

When  Lent  was  nearly  over,  and  the  aforesaid  bishop 
was  still  smarting  under  the  imperial  castigation,  Charles 
said  to  him,  not  without  a  spice  of  humorous  malice, 
"  Look  here,  sir  bishop,  I  think  you  have  found  out  that  if 
in  Lent  I  dine  before  Vespers,  I  do  so  on  prudential  grounds 
rather  than  because  I  cannot  abstain."  ' 

The  Monk's  anecdote  depicts  the  palace  usage  as  to  the 
order  in  which  those  connected  with  the  establishment  sat 
down  to  their  meals. 

The  daily  dinner  served  to  the  king  consisted  of  only  four 
courses  besides  the  roast,  mostly  of  game,  which  the  hunters 
brought  in  on  the  spit  ;  this  was  the  king's  favorite  dish. 

1  Monach.  Sangall. — Bouquet,  V.,  in. 


236  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [BOOK  II. 

Charles  shared  the  table  with  his  family;  a  chaplain  said 
grace ;  conversation  was  carried  on  in  a  low  voice,  for  pro- 
vision was  made  for  recitations  or  readings,  which  were 
never  omitted.1  The  reader  mostly  gave  select  passages 
from  the  writings  of  St.  Augustin,  the  king's  favorite  author, 
and  especially  from  the  "  City  of  God,"  which  he  preferred 
to  all  the  rest. 

Charles  rarely  drank  more  than  thrice  of  wine  or  any  other 
beverage.  In  summer  he  was  wont  to  take  a  light  dessert 
of  fruit  after  the  midday  meal,  with  one  cup  ;  then  he  un- 
dressed and  slept  two  or  three  hours.2 

This  habit  explains  another  to  which  it  gave  rise,  that  of 
rising  four  or  five  times  during  the  night,  for  he  suffered 
from  sleeplessness. 

Whilst  dressing  he  allowed  his  friends  to  bear  him  com- 
pany, and  if  the  Count  Palatine  then  notified  him  of  some 
cause  which  could  not  be  settled  without  his  decision,  he 
ordered  the  parties  to  be  introduced,  took  cognizance  of  the 
points  at  issue,  and  gave  sentence  as  readily  as  if  he  were 
sitting  on  the  bench.  In  addition  to  such  judicial  decisions, 
he  mapped  out  the  work  of  the  day,  and  gave  necessary 
orders  to  his  ministers.3 

State  dinners  were  of  rare  occurrence,  but  he  was  wont  to 
mark  the  principal  feasts  of  the  year  by  royal  banquets  to 
which  numerous  guests  were  invited. 

He  loved  to  display  in  his  ordinary  dress  the  same  sim- 
plicity which  reigned  at  his  table. 

"  He  wore  the  national,  that  is,  the  Frankish  dress, — next 
to  his  skin  a  linen  shirt,  and  linen  breeches,  and  above  these 
a  tunic  fringed  with  silk  ;  while  hose  fastened  by  bands 
covered  his  lower  limbs,  and  shoes  his  feet ;  he  protected 
his  shoulders  and  chest  in  winter  by  a  close-fitting  coat  of 

1  Poeta  Saxo.  ciples   some   one  brought  in  a  blind 

2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  24.  Long  before  man,  called  Bernlef,  who  was  much 
the  time  of  Charles  it  was  customary  beloved  throughout  the  neighborhood, 
to  sing  vulgares  cantilena,  gentilitia  because  of  his  amiability,  and  skilful 
carmina  during  meals.  Alfridus  says  singing  of  the  exploits  and  wars  of  the 
in    Vita   Liudgeri,  1.    II.,   c.  I.,  that  ancient  kings." 

"  while  he  was  at  table  with  his  dis-  3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  24. 


Chapter  VIII. ]  HABITS.  237 

otter  or  marten  skins.  Over  all  he  flung  a  blue  cloak,  and 
always  had  a  sword  girt  about  him,  usually  one  with  a  gold 
or  silver  hilt  and  belt ;  he  sometimes  carried  a  jewelled  sword, 
but  only  on  great  feast  days,  or  at  the  reception  of  ambas- 
sadors from  foreign  nations.  .  .  .  On  great  feast  days 
he  made  use  of  embroidered  clothes,  and  shoes  bedecked 
with  precious  stones ;  his  cloak  was  fastened  by  a  golden 
buckle,  and  he  wore  a  golden  diadem  set  with  gems ;  on 
other  days  his  dress  varied  little  from  the  common  dress  of 
the  people."  *  The  ordinary  and  inevitable  cloak  ox  pallium 
was  double,  either  white  or  sapphire-colored  ;  the  shape  was 
four-square  and  it  fell  from  the  shoulders  so  as  to  touch  the 
feet  behind  and  before,  but  left  the  sides  from  the  knees 
downward  entirely  free ;  the  hose  were  really  leggings,  and 
the  linen  of  that  peculiarly  glossy  kind,  still  manufactured 
in  Germany,  and  known  as  Glanz- Leinwand? 

Equestrian  exercise,  the  hunt,  and  the  bath  were  his 
favorite  pastimes.  The  first  two  were  peculiar  to  his  family 
and  nation,  for  the  Franks  were  famed  for  their  horseman- 
ship and  love  of  the  chase. 

A  large  piece  of  forest,  enclosed  throughout  with  walls, 
and  near  the  palace  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  was  reserved  as  a 
park  for  game.  Woodland,  glade,  and  meadow,  enlivened 
by  the  little  stream  of  the  Worm,  made  it  a  splendid  pre- 
serve, in  which  game  of  every  kind,  especially  deer,  stags, 
and  wild  boar,  were  kept.  It  was  the  chosen  scene  of  the 
royal  hunt,  of  which  a  frequent  participant  and  spectator 
has  left  a  spirited  description.     He  says : 

"  A  vast  concourse  of  huntsmen  and  ladies  including  the 
princesses  royal,  indeed  the  whole  court,  await  the  signal  for 
the  start.  Trained  dogs  and  hounds  are  let  loose ;  their 
yelping,  howling,  and  barking  fills  the  air;  eager  for  the 
blood  of  their  victims  they  tear  through  the  thick  under- 
brush and  follow  the  scent.  An  animal  is  brought  to  cover, 
and  the  huntsmen  surround  the  copse  in  which  it  has  sought 
shelter.     A  wild  boar  bounds  through  the  valley,  pursued 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  23.  2  Monach.    Sangall.    I.,    36.     MG. 

SS.  II.,  747- 


238  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

by  the  hounds ;  the  sound  of  the  dogs  directs  the  hunters 
through  the  depth  of  the  forest.  One  of  the  hounds  flies 
with  unerring  instinct  over  the  wild  boar's  track,  without 
uttering  a  sound  ;  others,  athirst  for  blood,  yell  aloud,  but 
misled  by  the  scent,  renew  the  pursuit ;  other  canine  eyes 
have  sighted  the  beast  and  madly  follow  its  course. 

"  The  chase  grows  exciting  ;  the  forest  rings  with  the  loud 
echoes  of  the  wild  din  ;  the  notes  of  the  horn  rouse  and 
quicken  the  most  savage  instincts  of  the  savage  brutes  and 
conduct  them  to  where  the  infuriated  boar  shows  its  terri- 
ble tusks. 

"  The  rustling  leaves  drop  from  the  shaken  boughs  ;  the 
boar  escapes,  bounds  away  from  its  pursuers  up  the  steepest 
places,  and  terribly  grunting,  climbs  the  most  inaccessible 
points  of  the  rocky  crest  ;  at  last,  utterly  exhausted  with 
the  effort,  and  unable  to  use  its  feet,  sits  panting  on  its 
haunches.  The  dogs  have  tasted  its  blood  and  felt  its  tusks  ; 
some  are  driven  back ;  others,  fiercer  than  the  rest,  are 
tossed  bleeding  into  the  air. 

"  At  that  supreme  moment  the  king  arrives  on  the  scene ; 
fleeter  than  bird  in  its  flight,  he  tears  through  the  crowd, 
strikes  the  breast  of  the  beast  with  his  sword,  and  drives  the 
cold  blade  home  to  the  hilt.  The  wild  boar  falls  and,  the 
blood  streaming  forth  from  the  fatal  wound,  expires,  and  its 
body  rolls  in  the  yellow  sand. 

"  The  royal  family,  maidens  and  all,  have  witnessed  the 
feat  from  a  commanding  point." * 

On  another  occasion  Charles  treated  the  Persian  2  ambas- 
sadors to  an  auerochs  (i.  e.,  a  buffalo)  hunt ;  they  were  not 
very  plucky,  for  the  sight  of  the  game  was  enough  for  them, 
and  they  incontinently  left  the  park.  Not  so  Charles,  who 
knew  not  what  fear  was.  Vaulting  into  the  saddle,  and 
urging  his  fleet  charger,  he  bore  down  upon  one  of  the  fierce 
animals,  drew  his  sword  ;  but  in  the  attempt  of  cutting  off  its 

1  Carmen,  etc.,  apud.  Bouquet,  V.,  and    other    contemporary   authorities 
390. — Appendix,  I.  figures  as   "Aaron.  King  of   the   Per- 

2  That  is,  the  ambassadors  of   Ha-  sians."     Annal.    Einh  ,    a.    801,   802, 
run   al  Raschid,  who   in    the  Annals  807  ;  Monach.  Sangall.  II.,  8,  al. 


Chapter  VIII.]  HABITS.  239 

head,  missed  the  mark.  The  infuriated  beast  turned  to  the 
assault  and  with  its  horns  tore  the  king's  shoes,  slightly 
grazed  his  legs,  and  then  rushed  into  the  thicket.  The 
cavaliers  surrounded  him  and  would  fain  have  torn  off  his 
shoes  and  dressed  his  wounds,  but  he  forbade  them. 

It  so  happened  that  count  Isambart,  against  whom  Irmin- 
gard,  the  queen  of  Louis  of  Aquitaine,  for  some  cause 
unknown,  had  a  grudge,  pursued  the  auerochs,  and  hurling 
his  javelin  at  it,  sent  the  weapon  between  the  throat  and 
the  shoulder.  It  pierced  the  heart,  and  the  count  took  it 
still  palpitating  to  the  king.  Charles,  apparently  ignoring 
the  feat,  bade  the  courtiers  divide  the  body,  rode  home, 
and,  sending  for  Irmingard,  said  to  her:  "What  does  the 
man  deserve  who  saved  me  from  the  enemy  that  gave  me 
this  wound?"  "Any  and  every  kind  of  reward,"  replied 
the  queen.  Then  Charles  told  her  all,  sent  for  the  horns  of 
the  animal,  and  pledged  the  queen  to  intercede  with  her 
husband  for  his  deliverer.  Thus  the  lucky  Isambart  was 
restored  to  favor  and  amply  rewarded.1 

Besides  the  chase,  bathing  was  an  exercise  in  which 
Charles  took  great  delight.  In  summer  he  loved  to  swim  in 
the  Rhine,  or  wherever  he  might  be.  He  was  an  excellent 
swimmer ;  aptitude  and  practice  had  made  him  so  perfect 
that  none  could  surpass  him  in  the  art.  He  was  also  very 
fond  of  the  hot  water  springs  at  Aix,  and  for  that  rea- 
son, it  is  said,  built  there  the  most  famous  of  his  palaces. 
He  was  wont  to  bathe  not  only  with  his  sons  but  his  nobles 
and  friends,  and  occasionally  invited  the  troop  of  his  body- 
guard and  satellites,  so  that  sometimes  as  many  as  a  hun- 
dred persons  or  more  were  his  companions  in  the  bath.2 

Such  modern  pastimes  as  the  theatre  and  the  concert, 
perhaps  also  the  opera,  were  not  unknown  at  the  court  of 
Charles.  Traces  of  spectacular  displays  are  not  wanting. 
Angilbert  was  passionately  fond  of  them,  and  Alcuin  de- 
nounced them  as  sinful  ;3  a  capitulum  forbidding  actors,  on 

1  Monach.  Sangall.,  II.  II.,   15  ;    Angilbert,    Carm.    6,    106- 

2  Einh.    Vita   Caroli,   c.   22;    Poeta      III. 

Saxo.,  V,,  321  sqq  ;  Monach.  Sangall.  3  Ale.  epp.  116,  177  ed.  Jaffe. 


240  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

pain  of  corporal  punishment  and  banishment,  to  appear  on 
the  stage  in  the  costume  of  clerics,  monks,  or  nuns,  not  only 
demonstrates  the  existence  of  theatrical  performances,  but 
shows  the  estimate  in  which  players  were  held,  the  extent 
to  which  clerical  influence  shaped  public  sentiment,  and  that 
the  exhibitions  were  not  miracle  plays.1 

Musical  diversion  and  exercise  and  buffoonery  may  lurk 
in  the  acroama  or  dinner  accompaniment,  for  the  term  des- 
ignates anything  heard  with  pleasure,  such  as  jocose  recita- 
tions of  punsters  or  court  wits,  festal  or  ludicrous  composi- 
tions, musical  and  even  mimic  exhibitions.2 

The  regular  institution  of  religious  readings  may  have 
been  relished  by  the  clerics  present,  but  it  stands  to  reason 
that  the  literary  productions  or  conceits  of  members  of  the 
Palace  School,  although  writ  in  Latin,  commanded  better 
attention  by  the  general  company,  while  the  recitation  of 
old  heroic  and  national  songs,  in  use  among  the  several 
nationalities  merged  in  the  Frankish  empire,  and  especially 
in  vogue  with  the  soldiers  as  march-songs,  was  probably  the 
most  popular  of  such  prandial  accompaniments. 

It  is  known  that  Charles  was  much  interested  in  their 
collection,  and  their  reduction  to  writing  was  probably  the 
beginning  of  the  heroic  and  romance  literature  of  a  later 
age. 

1  "  Si  quis  ex  scenicis  vestem  sacer-  poense   subsistat,  et   exilio  tradatur." 

dotalem  aut  monasticam,  vel  mulieris  Capitul.  1.  V.  c.  2,  apud  Heineccius. 
religiosoe  vel  qualicunque  ecclesiastico  2  Ducange,  s.  v.  acroama  sq. 

statu  similem  indutus  fuerit,  corporali 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE   PALACE   SCHOOL. — CHARLES   AND   ALCUIN. 

Alcuin. — The  Palace  School. — Pseudonyms. — Colloquies  between  Alcuin  and 
Pepin,  and  Alcuin  and  Charles. — Culture  of  Charles. 

PERHAPS  the  least  roundabout  way  of  solving  the  ques- 
tion of  the  intellectual  ability  and  culture  of  Charles  is  to 
dive  into  medias  res  and  catch  him,  as  it  were,  in  the  Palace 
School,  which  in  the  early  years  of  his  reign  was  peripatetic, 
that  is,  it  went  with  him  wherever  he  went. 

Its  head,  its  life  and  soul,  was  Alcuin,  doubtless  the 
ablest  and  best  informed  man  of  his  age,  and  next  to  Charles 
the  most  remarkable. 

His  history,  for  the  purpose  in  hand,  may  be  told  in  a 
few  paragraphs.  He  was  born  at  York  in  735,  the  year  in 
which  the  venerable  Bede  died,  of  noble  parentage,  and  at 
an  early  age  entered  the  monastery  school  conducted  by 
archbishop  Egbert,  and  Aelbert.  The  former  taught  him 
the  theology  of  the  New  Testament,  the  latter  science  and 
General  Literature. 

The  secular  course  comprised  Grammar,  Rhetoric,  Juris- 
prudence, Poetry,  Astronomy,  Physics,  and  the  Explanation 
of  the  Old  Testament.1 

At  the  age  of  about  twenty  he  accompanied  his  master  to 
France  and  Italy,  and  upon  his  elevation  to  the  episcopate, 
succeeded  him  in  the  school  at  York. 

The  archbishop  died  in  780,  and  Eanbald,  his  successor, 
sent  Alcuin  to  Rome  to  obtain  his  pallium.  On  that  journey 
he  was  presented  to  Charles  at  Parma  (in  781),  and  invited 
by  him  to  settle  in  his  dominions  for  the  purpose  of  organ- 
izing the  schools  of  his  empire.     This  led  to  his  removal  to 

1  Alcuin,  Poema  de  Pontif.  et  Sanct.  Eccl.  Ebor.  v.  1431  sqq. 
16 


242  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

the  Frankish  court,  and  a  residence  of  eight  years.  Into 
that  period,  say  from  782-790,1  falls  the  establishment  of 
the  Palace  School,  and  other  scholastic  institutions.  This 
appointment  was  not  permanent,  and  the  necessities  of  the 
Church  in  his  own  country  induced  his  return. 

The  turbulent  condition  of  England,  however,  made  him 
long  for  the  more  genial  atmosphere  of  Francia,  and  enter- 
tain the  brilliant  offers  of  Charles,  who,  in  due  course,  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  rich  enjoyment  of  the  abbeys  of  Fer- 
rieres,  St.  Loup,  St.  Josse-sur-Mer,  and  St.  Martin  at  Tours. 

The  last  of  these  he  chose  as  his  permanent  home,  and 
established  there  the  model  school  of  all  conventual  institu- 
tions. There  he  lived  and  taught,  there  he  wrote,  dreamed, 
and  revised  the  Scriptures  ;  there  he  died  in  804,  and  was 
buried  by  the  side  of  St.  Martin.2 

His  relations  to  Charles  were  intimate,  cordial,  and  confi- 
dential. One  can  hardly  err  in  ascribing  to  him  almost  all 
the  theological  documents  and  writings  interblended  with 
the  political  growth  and  development  of  the  Frankish 
empire  in  that  reign  ;  the  theology  of  Charles  ;  the  theology, 
and  probably  much  of  the  jurisprudence  of  the  Capitularies  ; 
to  his  influence  must  be  traced  some  of  the  enlightened 
views  of  Charles ;  the  mercy,  the  lofty  aims,  and  the  ethical 
apothegms,  so  remarkable  in  the  life  and  speech  of  that 
remarkable  monarch. 

Of  the  works  of  Alcuin  extant  we  refer  to  his  epistles,  so 
often  mentioned  and  cited  in  different  portions  of  this  vol- 
ume ;  his  theological  treatises  on  exegetical  and  dogmatical 
topics  ;  his  liturgical,  hagiographic,  and  ethical  essays ;  a 
volume  of  poems,  and  a  compend  on  education  touching 
grammar,  orthography,  dialectics,  and  astronomy.  Of  these 
he  is  known  to  be  the  author,  but  there  are  a  number  of 
others  besides  which  are  ascribed  to  him. 

He  influenced  his  age,  by  his  writings,  his  teaching,  and 

1  His  pupils  Wizo  (Candidus),  Fri-  2  Vita  Alcuini  auct.  anonymo,  pre- 

dugisus      {Nathanael),      and     Sigulf  fixed    to    his    works ;     and    Lorenz, 

( Vetulus),   all   men  of  parts,  accom-  Alcuin. 
panied  him. 


Chap.  IX.]     PALACE  SCHOOL.— CHARLES  AND  ALCUIN.  243 

the  force  of  his  virtuous  example,  and  conferred  a  lasting 
benefit  on  mankind  at  a  time  when  darkness  covered  the 
mind  of  the  world  and  thick  darkness  the  liberal  arts. 

He  even  subjected  the  corrupt  text  of  the  Latin  Script- 
ures to  a  remarkable  recension,  and  taking  all  in  all,  the 
world  has  reason  to  thank  God  for  sending  Alcuin  to 
Charles.  In  many  respects  he  was  his  good  angel ;  proba- 
bly the  purest,  doubtless  the  most  able,  affectionate,  and 
thoughtful  of  his  advisers. 

A  synopsis  of  his  letters  to  the  king,  presented  elsewhere, 
sheds  light  on  their  intellectual  and  personal  intercourse.1 

A  glance  at  the  famous  Palace  School  is  now  in  order. 
Such  a  school  had  always — from  time  immemorial — formed 
part  of  the  Frankish  Court,2  but  Charles  infused  new  spirit 
and  life  into  it. 

His  own  children  and  those  of  the  court  population,  as 
well  as  himself,  older  members  of  his  family,  and  the  court- 
iers generally  are  named  among  the  pupils.  The  children, 
of  course,  received  ordinary  and  extraordinary  instruction  ; 
the  older  pupils,  however,  appear  to  have  pursued  less  for- 
mal and  more  discursive  studies.  Among  the  former  we 
can  mention  by  name  the  royal  children,  and  among  the 
latter  Charles,  Gisla  the  abbess  of  Chelles,  the  abbot  Adal- 
hard  and  his  sister  Gundrada ;  the  famous  Angilbert,  the 
queen  Liutgard,  the  archbishops  of  Mayence  and  Salzburg, 
the  bishop  of  Orleans,  Einhard,  and  others.  These  illustri- 
ous personages,  presumably  under  the  predominating  in- 
fluence of  Alcuin,  agreed  to  form  an  academy  or  literary 
club  which  met  at  stated  times  for  literary,  scientific,  and 
social  intercourse.  They  interchanged  poetic  epistles,  dis- 
cussed literary  and  scientific  topics,  and  even  brought  in 
conundrums  and  puzzles.3  The  members  of  the  coterie 
dropped  their  true  names,  and  assumed  pseudonyms  of 
pagan,  profane,  and  sacred  origin.    Charles  figures  as  David, 

1  See  Appendix,  D.  Frankische     Reichs-und    Gerichtsver- 

2  See  Leon  Maitre,  Les  £coles  pis-     fassting,  p.  342. 

copales,    p.    34   sqq  ;    cf.    Sohm,    Die         3  Wattenbach,  1.  c,  p.  147;  Oebeke, 

De  Accidentia  Caroli  Magni. 


244  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

his  sister  Gisla,  as  Lucia,  and  his  daughter,  her  namesake,  as 
Delia;  Rotrud  was  called  Columba,  the  queen  Liutgardy^^^, 
and  the  aforesaid  Gundrada  Eulalia ;  Alcuin  bore  the  name 
of  Flaccus,  Angilbert  that  of  Homer,  and  Theodulf  of  Orleans 
that  of  Pindar  ;  the  archbishop  of  Mayence  answered  to  the 
call  of  Damcstas,  and  the  bishop  of  Sens  to  that  of  Samuel ; 
while  Audulf  the  seneschal,  and  Magenfrid  the  chamberlain, 
bore  the  idyllic  nicknames  of  Menalcas  and  Thyrsis. 

These  curious  pseudonyms  appear  to  have  been  chosen, 
at  least  in  some  instances,  from  a  supposed  resemblance  on 
the  part  of  the  several  members  of  the  association  to  famous 
personages  in  antiquity,  real  or  fictitious.  Thus  Einhard, 
who  held  the  post  of  superintendent  of  public  works,  was 
dubbed  Beseleel,  after  the  skilful  architect  of  the  Tabernacle; 
but  sometimes  the  meaning  of  a  common  name  suggested 
a  more  poetic  form,  as  in  the  case  of  Witto,  or  Wizo,  signify- 
ing white,  who  became  known  as  Candidus,  and  in  that  of 
Arno,  signifying  eagle,  who  received  the  name  of  Aquila. 
The  whole  nomenclature  was  perhaps  originally  only  a 
pleasantry  of  Alcuin's,  who  gravely  justified  the  change  of 
name  on  evangelical  authority ;  the  practice  was  kept  up 
for  many  years,  and  as  late  as  836  the  abbot  Wala  of  Cor- 
bie appears  in  the  guise  of  Ar senilis  and  Jeremiah,  and  in 
837,  Amalarius,  the  priest-headmaster  of  the  Palace  School, 
in  that  of  Symphosius. 

An  entertaining  specimen  of  catechetical  instruction 
drawn  up  by  Alcuin  for  Pepin,  and,  presumably,  other  of 
his  more  youthful  hearers,  is  here  presented.  It  is  taken 
from  The  Disputation  of  Pepin,  the  most  noble  and  royal 
youth,  with  Albinus  [another  nickname  for  Alcuin]  the 
pedagogue,  and  we  add,  that  Pepin  was  then  about  sixteen 
years  old. 

P.  What  is  writing?  A.  The  custodian  of  history. 

P.  What  is  speech?  A.  The  interpreter  of  the  soul. 

P.  What  produces  speech  ?     A.  The  tongue. 
P.  What  is  the  tongue?  A.  The  whip  of  the  air. 

P.  What  is  air?  A.  The  guardian  of  life. 

P.  What  is  life?  A.  The  joy  of  the  good,  the  sor- 


Chap.  IX.]     PALACE  SCHOOL.— CHARLES  AND  ALCUIN. 


245 


P.  What  is  death  ? 


P.  What  is  man  ? 


P.  What  is  man  like  ? 
P.  How  is  man  placed  ? 

P.  Where  is  he  placed  ? 
P.  Which  are  they? 

P.  To  how  many  changes  is 

he  liable  ? 

P.  Which  are  they? 

P.  What  is  sleep  ? 

P.  What  is    the  liberty  of 

man? 

P.  What  is  the  head  ? 

P.  What  is  the  body? 


row  of  the  evil,  the  expecta- 
tion of  death. 

A.  An  inevitable  event,  an  un- 
certain journey,  a  subject  of 
weeping  to  the  living,  the  ful- 
filment of  wills,  the  thief  of 
men. 

A.  The  slave  of  death,  a  tran- 
sient traveller,  a  host  in  his 
dwelling. 

A.  Like  a  fruit-tree. 
A.  Like  a  lantern  exposed  to 
the  wind. 

A.  Between  six  walls. 
A.  Above,   below ;  before,  be- 
hind ;  right,  left.     .     .     . 
A.  To  six. 

A.  Hunger   and    satiety;    rest 
and  work ;  waking  and  sleeping. 
A.  The  image  of  death. 
A.  Innocence. 

A.  The  top  of  the  body. 
A.  The  domicile  of  the  soul. 


Then  follow  twenty-six  questions  on  the  different  parts 
of  the  body,  of  which  a  few  may  suffice. 


P.  What  is  the  beard  ? 

P.  What  is  the  mouth? 

P.  What  is  the  stomach? 

P.  What  are  the  feet  ? 


A.  The  distinction  of  sex,  the 

honor  of  age. 

A.  The  nourisher  of  the  body. 

A.  The  cook  of  food. 

A.  A  movable  foundation. 


From  a  number  of  questions  on  natural  science,  we  select 
these : 

A.  The  torch  of  all  things. 


P.  What  is  light  ? 
P.  What  is  day  ? 


A.  An  incitement  to  work. 


246 


CHARLES   THE   GREAT. 


[Book  II. 


P.  What  is  the  sun  ? 

P.  What  is  the  moon  ? 

P.  What  are  the  stars  ? 

P.  What  is  rain  ? 
P.  What  is  fog? 
P.  What  is  wind  ? 

P.  What  is  the  earth  ? 
P.  What  is  the  sea  ? 


P.  What  is  frost  ? 


P.  What  is  snow? 

P.  What  is  winter? 

P.  What  is  spring  ? 

P.  What  is  summer? 

P.  What  is  autumn? 


A.  The  splendor  of  the  uni- 
verse, the  beauty  of  the  sky, 
the  glory  of  day,  the  distribu- 
tor of  the  hours. 
A.  The  eye  of  night,  the  dis- 
penser of  dew,  the  prophet  of 
storms. 

A.  The  pictures  of  the  roof 
of  the  heavens,  the  guides  of 
sailors,  the  ornament  of  night. 
A.  The  reservoir  of  the  earth, 
the  mother  of  the  fruits. 
A.  Night  in  day,  a  labor  of 
the  eyes. 

A.  The  disturbance  of  the  air, 
the  commotion  of  the  waters, 
the  dryness  of  the  earth. 
A.  The  mother  of  all  that 
grows,  the  nourisher  of  all  that 
lives,  the  barn  of  life,  an  om- 
nivorous gulf. 

A.  The  path  of  the  daring,  the 
frontier    of    land,    the    divider 
of  continents,  the  hostelry  of 
rivers,  the  fountain  of  rain,  a  re- 
fuge in  peril,  a  treat  in  pleasure. 
A.  A  persecutor  of   plants,   a 
destroyer  of  leaves,  a  fetter  of 
the  earth,  a  fountain  of  water. 
A.  Dry  water. 
A.  The  exile  of  summer. 
A.  The  painter  of  the  earth. 
A.  The  reclothingof  the  earth, 
the  maturer  of  the  fruits. 
A.  The  barn  of  the  year. 


Omitting  the  rest  of  this  class  of  questions,  a  few  of  a 
miscellaneous  character  are  now  in  place. 


Chap.  IX.]     PALACE  SCHOOL.— CHARLES  AND  ALCUIN,  247 


P.  What       makes      bitter 

sweet  ? 

P.  What    is    it   that    men 

never  tire  of? 

P.  What   is   the  dream  of 

the  waking? 

P.  What  is  hope  ? 

P.  What  is  friendship  ? 
P.  What  is  faith? 

P.  What  is  wonderful  ? 


P.  How  can  this  be  ? 
Please  explain. 
P.  Why  did  I  not  under- 
stand this  by  myself,  con- 
sidering that  I  have  often 
seen  such  a  man  ? 


P.  I  will  try,  but  if  I  fail, 
please  correct  me. 


P.  You   dreamt,  master,  I 
think  ;  did  you  ? 


P.  By  the  friction  of  boughs 
fire  is  produced,  which  de- 
vours them. 


A.  Hunger. 

A.  Gain. 

A.  Hope. 

A.  The    refreshment  of   labor 
(a  doubtful  event). 
A.  Similarity  of  mind. 
A.  The  certainty  of  things  un- 
known and  wonderful. 
A.  I    lately  saw  a  man  stand 
and  a  dead  man  walk  who  never 
existed. 

A.  It   was    an    image    in   the 
water. 

A.  Because  you  are  a  good 
young  man,  and  quick  of  per- 
ception, I  shall  speak  to  you 
of  other  wonderful  things. 
Try,  if  you  can,  to  find  them 
out  by  yourself. 
A.  Rest  assured  that  I  will  do 
as  you  desire.  A  person  un- 
known to  me  has  spoken  to  me 
without  tongue  or  voice ;  he 
never  existed  before,  does  not 
exist  now,  and  never  will  exist 
hereafter;  I  never  heard  nor 
saw  him. 

A.  Right,  my  son.  Now  hear 
another.  I  saw  the  dead 
bring  forth  the  living,  and  the 
breath  of  the  living  devour 
the  dead. 
A.  That  is  true.    .    .    . 


248  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

After  a  number  of  similar  puzzles  the  colloquy  terminates 
as  follows  : 

A.  Do  you  know  what  is,     P.  Nothing. 

and  is  not,  at  the  same  time  ? 

A.  How  can  a  thing  be  and     P.  It  exists  only  in  name,  not 

not  be  ?  in  reality. 

A.  What  is  a  silent  messen-     P.  I  hold  one  in  my  hand. 

ger? 

A.  What  do  you    hold    in     P.  My  \al.  thy]  letter. 

your  hand? 

A.  Go,  and  be  happy  in  the 

reading.1 

This  catechetical  exercise  illustrates  the  method  of  Alcuin's 
instruction  of  the  young,  while  the  conceits  and  pleasantries 
introduced  doubtless  shed  light  on  the  eminently  social 
character  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Palace  School.  They 
prove  among  other  things  that  eleven  centuries  ago  there 
was  as  much  humor  and  poor  punning  in  vogue  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  as  in  miscellaneous  gatherings  of  modern  times. 
They  entered  into  the  literary  recreations  of  the  Court,  and 
it  is  pleasant  to  think  of  David,  Homer,  Flaccus,  Nathanael, 
Lucia,  Columba,  and  Ava,  cracking  jokes,  and  beguiling  the 
tedious  hours  with  such  harmless  and  entertaining  pursuits. 
Their  perusal  can  hardly  fail  to  raise  a  smile,  but  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  in  those  days  there  was  hardly  any 
literature,  and  even  the  light  literature  of  the  age  was  drawn 
from  occult  sources,  and  familiar  to  only  a  few. 

It  is  probable  that  Dialogue  was  the  distinctive  feature 
of  Alcuin's  oral  teaching ;  at  any  rate  it  characterized  his 
instruction  of  the  king,  as  appears  from  the  subjoined  ex- 
ample, in  which  Charles  is  introduced  as  pupil  and  Alcuin 
as  his  teacher. 

Charles.     Proceed  now  with  your  philosophic  definitions  of 
the  virtues,  and  first  of  all  define  virtue. 

1  Alcuini  Opera,  Migne,  CI.,  975  sqq. 


Chap.  IX.]     PALACE   SCHOOL.— CHARLES  AND  ALCUIN.        249 


Alcuin. 

Charles. 
Alcuin. 

Charles. 
Alcuin. 
Charles. 
Alcuin. 

Charles. 
Alcuin. 


Charles. 
Alcuin. 


Charles. 
Alcuin. 

Charles. 
Alcuin. 


Charles. 
Alcuin. 


Virtue  is  a  habit  of  the  mind,  an  ornament  of 
nature,  a  rule  of  life,  and  an  ennobler  of  manners. 
How  many  parts  does  it  contain  ? 
Four :  prudence  (wisdom),  justice,  fortitude,  tem- 
perance. 

What  is  prudence? 
The  knowledge  of  things  and  nature. 
How  many  parts  does  it  contain  ? 
Three:  memory,  intelligence,  and  foresight  {pro- 
vident id). 

Tell  me  their  definitions  also. 
Memory  is  the  power  of  the  mind  which  recalls 
the  past ;  intelligence  is  the  power  by  which  it  per- 
ceives the  present ;  foresight  is  the  power  by  which 
it  foresees  something  future  before  it  comes  to  pass. 
Explain  the  nature  of  justice. 

Justice  is  the  habit  of  the  mind  which  gives  to 
everything  the  merit  it  deserves  ;  it  preserves  the 
worship  of  God,  the  laws  of  man,  and  the  equities 
of  life. 

Unfold  also  the  parts  of  justice. 
They  spring  from  the  law  of  nature,  and  the  uses 
of  custom. 

How  from  the  law  of  nature  ? 
Because  it  comprises   certain  powers  of   nature, 
such  as  religion,  piety,  gratitude  {gratia),  vindica- 
tion, observance,  and  truth. 
Explain  this  more  clearly,  and  one  by  one. 
Religion  is  the  careful  pondering  of  things  per- 
taining to  God,  together  with  the  ceremonial  due  to 
him.     Piety  is  the  loving  discharge  of  what  is  due 
to  kin,  and  to  one's  native  land  [i.  e.,  in  modern 
phrase,  patriotism].     Gratitude  is  the  recollection 
of  another's  acts  of  friendship  and  kindness,  and 
the  disposition  to  reward  them.     Vindication  is 
the   effectual   defence  of  what  is  right,  and  the 
effectual   punishment    or    avengement    of   injury 
and   wrong.     Observance   is    the    respectful   and 


250 


CHARLES   THE   GREAT. 


[Book  II. 


honorable  recognition  of  the  dignity  of  superiors. 
Truth  is  the  power  whereby  things  present,  past 
and  future  are  declared. 

Charles.     How  is  justice  subserved  by  the  use  of  custom  ? 

Alcuin.  By  pact  or  agreement ;  by  parity,  i.  e.,  equity  ;  by 
judgment  ;   and  by  law. 

Charles.     I  ask  also  for  more  information  on  these  points. 

Alcuin.  A  pact  is  an  agreement  reached  by  mutual  con- 
sent. Parity  is  observing  equity  or  impartiality 
to  all  men.  Judgment  is  a  decision  rendered  by 
some  great  man,  or  established  by  the  sentence  of 
a  plurality.  Law  is  right  set  forth  for  the  whole 
people,  which  all  are  bound  to  guard  and  ob- 
serve. 

The  remainder  is  omitted  to  make  room  for  the  conclud- 
ing part  of  the  dialogue. 

Charles.  .  .  .  Master,  you  predict  some  great  and  truly 
blessed  man. 

Alcuin.  May  God  make  you  great,  O  lord  my  king,  and 
truly  blessed  ;  may  He  grant  that  in  the  four- 
span  chariot  of  the  virtues,  of  which  we  have  con- 
versed, you  may,  unhurt  by  this  wicked  world, 
wing  your  way  to  the  citadel  of  heaven. 

Charles.     God  grant  that  your  prediction  may  come  to  pass. 

Alcuin.  I  trust  that  this  discussion,  which  began  in  the 
ever-changing  whirl  of  ordinary  conversation,  may 
have  such  a  blessed  consummation  of  everlasting 
stability,  that  no  man  may  charge  us  with  having 
only  indulged  in  useless  disputings  by  the  way. 

Charles.  Could  any  one  really  interested  in  the  pursuit  and 
investigation  of  matters  so  important  to  society 
at  large,  and  truly  desirous  of  practicing  such  ex- 
cellent virtues,  have  it  in  his  heart  to  hazard  the 
daring  assertion  that  our  discussion  has  been  in 
vain  ?  For  myself  I  frankly  confess  that  love  of 
knowledge  only  has  prompted  my  questions  ;  and 
I  thank  you  for  your  kindness  in  answering  them. 


Chap.  IX.]     PAIACE   SCHOOL.— CHARLES  AND   ALCUIN.        25 1 

I  highly  value  the  affectionate  candor  of  your 
replies,  and  feel  convinced  that  they  will  be  most 
profitable  to  all  who  without  prejudice  or  the 
blot  of  envy  may  sit  down  and  read  them.1 

Thus  Charles  spoke  and  thought ;  and  this  brief  dialogue 
both  marks  the  man  in  at  least  one  grand  and  unusual  ele- 
ment of  his  greatness,  and  to  some  extent  sheds  light  on  at 
least  one  prolific  source  of  his  power. 

He  was  ever  learning,  and  fond  of  learning ;  no  subject 
came  amiss  to  him  ;  everything  from  the  most  commonplace 
every-day  occurrence  to  the  profoundest  philosophical  and 
theological  inquiries  interested  him. 

The  price  of  commodities ;  the  stocking  and  planting  of 
farms ;  the  building  of  houses,  churches,  palaces,  bridges, 
fortresses,  ships,  and  canals ;  the  course  of  the  stars  ;  the 
text  of  the  Scriptures  ;  the  appointment  of  schools ;  the 
sallies  of  wit ;  the  hair-splitting  subtleties  of  metaphysics ; 
the  unknown  depths  of  theology ;  the  origins  of  law ;  the 
reason  of  usage  in  the  manner  and  life  of  the  nations ;  their 
traditions  in  poetry,  legend,  and  song;  the  mysterious 
framework  of  liturgical  forms  ;  musical  notation  ;  the  Gre- 
gorian chant ;  the  etymology  of  words ;  the  study  of  lan- 
guages ;  the  flexion  of  verbs,  and  many  more  topics. 

He  was  the  most  many-sided  man  intellectually  in  all 
Europe,  and  with  all  his  marvellous  powers,  there  lay  in 
his  relations  to  Alcuin  the  irresistible  charm  of  unaffected 
docility,  sincere  attachment,  reverential  regard,  and  true 
modesty. 

He  spoke  Latin  as  fluently  as  German,  and  had  a  fair 
knowledge  of  Greek.  Einhard  says  that  "  he  spent  much 
time  and  labor  with  Alcuin  in  the  study  of  rhetoric,  dialectics, 
and  astronomy,  learned  arithmetic,  and  with  eager  curiosity 
and  intelligent  scrutiny  applied  himself  to  the  investigation 

1  Alcuini  Dial,  de  Rhetor,  et  Virtut.  linger,  The  Schools  of  Charges  the  Great 

Migne,     CI.,     944     sqq.— Literature  and  the  Restoration  of  Education  in  the 

on  the  Palace  School.— Wattenbach,  Ninth  Century,  London,  1S77  ;  Thery, 

Dcutschlands      Geschichtsquellen     im  L'£cole  et  VAcaddmie  Palatines.     Al- 

Mittelalter,  5  ed.,  I.,   142  sqq.;  Mul-  cuin.     Amiens,  1878. 


252  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

of  the  motions  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  He  also  tried  to 
write,  and  used  to  keep  tablets  and  blanks  in  bed  under 
his  pillow,  that  at  leisure  hours  he  might  accustom  his  hand 
to  form  letters  ;  however,  as  he  did  not  begin  his  efforts  in 
due  season,  but  late  in  life,  they  met  with  ill-success.1 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  24. 


CHAPTER   X. 

FAMOUS     MEN.  —  LITERATURE.  —  LIBRARIES.  —  ARCHITEC- 
TURE.— PUBLIC   WORKS. 

Adalhard.  —  Angilbert.  — Einhard. — Theodulf. — Clement. — Peter  of  Pisa. — 
Paulus  Diaconus. — Homiliarium. — Other  distinguished  men. — Schools. 
— Books. — Libraries. — Astronomy. — Grammar. — Names  of  the  winds  and 
the  months. — Medical  men. — Architecture. — Basilica  and  Palace  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle. — Rhine-bridge  at  Mayence. — Canal-building. 

BESIDES  Alcuin  other  men  of  note,  already  mentioned  by 
name,  stood  in  near  personal  relations  to  Charles. 

Perhaps  the  oldest  and  most  intimate  of  his  friends  was 
Adalhard,  a  son  of  count  Bernhard,  a  grandson  of  Charles 
Martel,  and  cousin-german  of  Charles.  Early  in  life  he 
chose  the  monastic  calling,  and  was  abbot  of  Corbie,  and 
founder  of  the  abbey  of  Corvey  in  the  Saxon  country,  where 
he  died  in  826.  He  wrote  several  works,  but  the  most 
celebrated  of  them,  his  "  Treatise  of  the  Order  and  State 
of  the  Palace  throughout  the  Frankish  Realm,"  exists  only 
in  the  reproduction  of  Hincmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims. 
Charles  consulted  him  on  important  matters  and  employed 
him  in  positions  of  the  highest  trust,  such  as  imperial 
missus,  administrator  and  baiulusoi  Bernhard,  King  of  Italy, 
etc.  He  was  a  man  of  singular  purity  and  strength,  and  one 
of  the  brightest  ornaments  of  this  reign. 

Angilbert  had  been  brought  up  with  Charles  and  was 
essentially  a  man  of  the  Court.  His  taste  and  habits  were 
scholarly  ;  much  reading  and  culture,  the  gift  of  poetry, 
quick  observation,  and  conversational  power,  made  him  a 
delightful  companion.  The  king  made  him  his  auriculus,  or 
privy  councillor,  and  often  singled  him  out  as  his  represen- 
tative on  occasions  requiring  tact,  good  judgment,  and 
statesmanship.     The  story  of  his  love  affair  with  the  prin- 


254  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

cess  Bertha  has  been  told.  His  cordial  relations  to  Charles 
remained  undisturbed  to  the  last,  and,  by  a  singular  coinci- 
dence, the  abbot  of  St.  Riquier  died  in  his  monastery  about 
the  time  when  Charles  breathed  his  last  at  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Next  to  Alcuin,  Einhard  is  believed,  by  some,  to  have 
been  the  most  learned,  and  a  very  influential  man  at  Court. 
A  native  of  the  Maingau,  he  was  sent  to  school  at  Fulda  ; 
his  bright  ability  attracted  attention  and  led  to  his  intro- 
duction, by  the  abbot,  to  Charles.  He  took  an  interest  in 
him  and  placed  him,  as  the  companion  of  his  own  children, 
in  the  Palace  School. 

He  rose  rapidly,  and  successively  filled  the  positions  of 
superintendent  of  public  works,  councillor,  and  notary,  or 
private  secretary  to  Charles.  He  enjoyed  to  a  remarkable 
degree  the  confidence  of  his  sovereign,  and  to  his  influence 
is  ascribed  the  designation  of  Louis,  King  of  Aquitaine,  as 
the  associate  of  Charles  in  the  imperial  throne. 

His  biography  is  a  masterpiece,  constructed  upon  the 
model  of  the  Life  of  Augustus  by  Suetonius.  His  por- 
traiture is  valuable  both  for  what  it  states  and  suppresses ; 
it  was  written  in  the  next  reign,  and  the  fact  that  Louis  was 
even  more  bountiful  to  him  than  his  father,  appears  to  be 
the  true  explanation  of  his  vexatious  silence  and  occasional 
perversions. 

He  is  generally  credited  with  the  authorship  of  the 
Annals,  which  are  among  the  most  valuable  authorities  for 
this  portion  of  history  and  generally  cited  by  his  name ;  but 
a  collection  of  "Epistles"  as  well  as  the  "  History  of  the 
Translation  of  the  Relics  of  St.  Marcellinus  and  St.  Peter 
Martyr"  are  unquestionably  products  of  his  pen.1 

He  was  abnormally  small  in  stature,  and  all  th  ,- contem- 
porary writers  at  the  Court  allude  to  him,  but  in  a  pleasant 
spirit,  as  a  "  manikin."  Theodulf,  Alcuin,  and  Walafrid 
Strabo  jest  about  it,  rehearse  his  praise,  and  express  sur- 
prise that  so  much  power,  wisdom,  and  excellence  should 
be  housed  in  so  very  small  a  dwelling. 

1  Wattenbach,  /.  c  I.,  i86sqq. 


Chapter  X.]  FAMOUS   MEN.  255 

He  was  married  to  a  certain  Emma,  or  Imma,  who  is  de- 
scribed in  one  of  several  worthless  epitaphs  at  Seligenstadt, 
as  the  legitimate  daughter  of  the  great  emperor  Charles.1 

The  well-known  legend  of  Einhard  and  Imma  rests  upon 
the  unsupported  authority  of  the  chronicle  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Lauresheim,  an  establishment  endowed  by  Einhard. 
Had  the  writer  been  a  contemporary,  or  possessed  accurate 
information,  his  statements  might  be  entitled  to  respect. 
But  he  wrote  more  than  three  centuries  after  the  death  of 
Einhard,  introduced  the  name  of  Imma  as  that  daughter  of 
Charles  who  at  one  time  was  affianced  to  the  emperor 
Constantine,  and  applied  to  her  the  part  performed  by  the 
sister  of  Emperor  Henry  III.,  as  told  by  William  of  Malmes- 
bury  in  the  Chronicle  written  about  forty  years  before  his 
own.  This  stamps  the  legend  as  purely  fictitious ;  its 
mythical  character  is  further  apparent  from  the  language 
in  which  Einhard  refers  to  the  daughters  of  Charles,  which 
he  would  hardly  have  used  if  one  of  their  number  had  been 
his  wife,2  and  from  the  total  silence  of  the  lists  as  to  the 
existence  of  a  royal  daughter  who  bore  the  name  of  Imma.3 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  if  Imma  was  related  to 
Charles  or  how,  but  there  is  no  uncertainty  whatsoever  as 
to  the  affection  in  which  the  king  held  Einhard,  or  the 
intimacy  of  their  relations. 

This  is  stated  best  in  his  own  words. 

"  To  these  reasons,"  he  writes  in  the  Prologue  to  his  Life 
of  Charles,  "  comes  yet  another,  which  in  my  opinion  out- 
weighs the  rest,  and  of  itself  not  only  justifies,  but  neces- 
sarily compels  me  to  write.  I  mean,  the  tender  care  be- 
stowed upon  me  since  my  childhood,  as  well  as  the  constant 
friendship  with  which  both  King  Charles  and  his  sons  have 
favored  me  ever  since  I  began  to  live  at  the  Court. 

"  I  feel  bound  to  him  by  so  many  tokens  of  kindness,  that 
I  must  needs  cherish  for  him,  now  that  he  is  dead,  the  same 

1  They  are   published  in   Weinken,  legend  in  Bouquet,  V.,  383.     It  is  re- 

Eginhartus  Illustratus,  pp.  16,  21.  jected   by   Bouquet,    Guizot,    Teulet, 

*  Vita  Caroli,  c.  19.  and  the  best  writers  generally. 
3  See   the   passage   relating   to   the 


256  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

gratitude  which  I  bore  to  him  when  he  was  alive.  Indeed 
I  should  be  an  ingrate  if,  forgetful  of  the  benefits  he  ever 
lavished  upon  me,  I  could  suffer  his  memory  to  pass  away 
without  narrating  the  most  glorious  and  illustrious  achieve- 
ments of  the  man  to  whom  I  owe  everything,  and  suffer  his 
life  to  remain  as  if  he  had  never  lived,  without  the  memorial 
and  tribute  of  praise  to  which  his  shining  merit  entitles 
him." ' 

Einhard  and  Imma  had  an  only  son,  called  Vussinus, 
who  seems  to  have  chosen  the  monastic  profession,  and 
after  a  preliminary  education  at  Seligenstadt,  was  sent  to 
the  great  monastery  at  Fulda  and  placed  under  the  cele- 
brated Rhabanus  Maurus,  its  abbot  from  822  to  847. 

A  letter  of  Einhard  addressed  to  that  son  at  the  time  of 
his  departure  for  Fulda,  opens  an  insight  into  his  heart,  and 
proclaims  the  man.  No  true  parent  will  read  it  without 
profit  or  emotion. 

"  To  my  most  dearly  beloved  son  Vussinus,  greeting  in 
the  Lord. 

"  I  greatly  fear  that,  when  you  have  left  the  sheep-fold 
[his  home  at  Seligenstadt],  you  may  be  alike  forgetful  of 
yourself  and  me,  for  inexperienced  youth,  unless  held  in  by 
the  bridle  of  discipline,  is  apt  to  forsake  the  ways  of  right- 
eousness. 

"  Strive,  therefore,  dear  child,  to  follow  good  example, 
and  in  no  way  give  umbrage  to  the  excellent  man  whom  I 
have  set  before  you  as  your  model ;  as  much  as  you  are 
able,  and  your  master  may  direct,  remember  your  calling, 
and  apply  yourself  to  study. 

"  If  you  follow  in  practice  his  instructions,  you  will  not 
fall  short  in  vital  knowledge.  As  I  have  advised  you  by 
word  of  mouth,  so  I  now  urge  you  to  persevere  in  study 
that  you  become  skilled  in  all  the  sciences  which  the 
brilliant  genius  of  the  eminent  orator,  your  master,  may 
unfold  to  you. 

"  But,   above  all  things,   endeavor   to    imitate  his  great 

1  Vita,  Prologus. 


Chapter  X.]  FAMOUS   MEN.  257 

virtues,  for  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  the  rest  of  the  liberal 
arts,  are  vain  things  and  hurtful  to  the  servants  of  God, 
unless  grace  divine  convince  us  to  subordinate  them  to 
good  morals,  for  '  knowledge  puffeth  up,  but  love  edifieth.' 

"  I  would  rather  know  that  you  were  dead,  than  that  you 
are  stained  with  vice  and  pride,  for  the  Saviour  enjoins  us 
to  learn  and  copy  His  gentleness  and  humanity,  but  He 
nowhere  bids  us  imitate  His  miracles. 

"What  more  shall  I  say?  These  and  similar  counsels 
you  have  often  heard  from  my  lips.  God  grant  that  by  His 
grace  you  may  sincerely  love  whatever  promotes  purity  in 
heart,  and  purity  in  body.     .     .     ."  * 

Among  the  personal  friends  of  Charles  and  the  royal 
family,  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans,  held  a  distinguished, 
honored,  and  prominent  position.  He  was  the  recognized 
poet  of  the  Court,  and  in  the  Palace  School  bore  the  pseu- 
donym of  Pindar.  His  merits  were  considerable,  and  quite 
a  number  of  his  poems  have  been  preserved.  Some  of  his 
graphic  descriptions  are  already  familiar  to  the  reader,  as 
lively  delineations  of  persons  and  incidents.  This  makes 
them  peculiarly  interesting  and  instructive.  His  percep- 
tions were  accurate,  his  vocabulary  large,  his  culture  con- 
siderable, his  expression  fluent  and  telling. 

One  of  his  poems  describes  a  royal  dinner,  and  the  epis- 
copal bard  narrates  a  curious  episode  or  incident  when,  after 
the  courses  of  eatables  had  been  despatched,  he  rose  for  the 
purpose  of  reading  one  of  his  compositions.  They  might 
be  pleasant  enough  to  the  king,  the  royal  family  and  mem- 
bers of  the  Palace  School,  but  not  over  interesting  to  the 
bibulous  sons  of  Mars  present,  one  of  whom,  sarcastically 
introduced  as  "  Wibodus  the  hero,"  appears  to  have  been 
an  absent-minded  hearer ;  he  struck  his  thick  head  three 
or  four  times,  and  fiercely  glared  at  the  poet.  The  king 
watched  him  closely  and  either  frowned  or  expressed  his 
disapprobation.  The  broad-shouldered  and  huge-limbed 
warrior  thereupon  set  in  motion  the  vast  machinery  of  his 

1  "Ad  Vussinum  filium  suum,"  in  Einh.  Epist.  ed.  Teulet,  II.,  45  sq. 
17 


258  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

frame,  whose  middle  portion  by  reason  of  its  hilly  character 
was  ever  in  the  van,  and  with  shaking  knees  pursued  an 
oblique  line  of  retreat,  to  the  intense  mirth  of  the  spec- 
tators, who  needs  thought  of  Vulcan  when  they  beheld  his 
feet,  and  of  the  thunders  of  Jove  when  they  heard  his  voice.1 

In  spite  of  his  high  culture  and  sacred  vocation,  he  occa- 
sionally dipped  his  pen  in  vitriol,  and  threw  off  unepiscopal 
adjectives  and  epithets  in  great  profusion.  Thus  he  lashed 
most  unmercifully,  in  a  carmen  addressed  to  Angilbert  (who 
by  the  bye  was  also  a  graceful  poet  and  would  relish  the 
thrust),  an  unfortunate  Irish  schoolmaster,  who  somehow 
had  disobliged  him  and  obtained  his  reward  ;  he  calls  him 
Scottus,  sottus,  cottus,  dubs  him  "  a  thing,"  dire,  atrocious, 
savage,  vile,  infamous,  pestiferous,  and  worse.  His  crime 
seems  to  have  been  the  unpardonable  one  of  contradicting 
the  bishop  in  argument,  and,  the  savage  assault  implies  as 
much,  worse  than  all,  defeating  him.2  Some  think  that  the 
castigation  was  intended  for  the  Irish  Clement,  of  whom 
the  ever-communicative  monk  of  St.  Gall  draws,  however,  a 
very  different  picture. 

"  It  so  happened,"  he  says,  "  that  one  day  there  arrived  in 

1  Theod.  Carm.  Ad  Carohim  Regent. 

2  Idem,  Ad  Angilbert. — Migne,  cv.,  322. 

"  Haec  ita  dum  fiunt,  dum  carmina  nostra  leguntur 

Stet  Scotellus  ibi,  res  sine  lege  furens, 
Res  dira,  hostis  atrox,  hebeo  horror,  pestis  acerba, 

Litigiosa  lues,  res  fera,  grande  nefas. 
Res  fera,  res  turpis,  res  segnis,  resque  nefanda, 

Res  infesta  piis,  res  inimica  bonis. 
Et  manibus  curvis,  paulum  cervice  reflexa, 

Non  recta  ad  stolidum  brachia  pectus  eant. 
Anceps,  attonitus,  tremulus,  furibundus,  anhelus, 

Stet  levis  aure,  manu,  lumine,  mente,  pede, 
Et  celeri  motu  nunc  hos  nunc  comprimat  illos, 

Nunc  gemitus  tantum,  nunc  fera  verba  sonet. 


Plurima  qui  didicit,  nil  fixum,  nil  quoque  certum, 
Quae  tamen  ignorat,  omnia  nosce  putat. 

Non  ideo  didicit,  sapiens  ut  possit  haberi, 
Sed  contendendi  ut  promptus  ad  arma  foret." 


Chapter  X.]  FAMOUS    MEN. 


259 


Gaul  two  Scotchmen  from  Ireland,1  fine  scholars,  well  versed 
in  letters  sacred  and  profane.  They  had  no  merchandise  to 
sell,  but  day  after  day  cried  in  the  market-place  :  <  Whoso 
desireth  knowledge  may  have  it  of  us,  for  we  sell  it.'  This 
was  only  a  figurative  way  of  theirs,  for  they  perceived  that 
even  then  people  were  wont  to  value  what  they  received,  not 
according  to  its  intrinsic  worth,  but  according  to  what  they 
paid  for  it. 

"  The  matter  being  reported  to  Charles,  he  sent  for  the 
merchants  of  knowledge,  and  asked  them  if  it  was  true  that 
they  carried  knowledge  about  with  them,  as  he  had  been  told. 

"  '  Yes,'  said  the  men,  'we  have  it  and  are  willing  to  part 
with  it  to  such  as  sincerely  seek  it,  for  the  glory  of  God.' 

"  Their  answer  pleased  the  king,  and  he  committed  to  the 
care  of  one  of  them  a  number  of  children,  belonging  to  the 
nobility,  the  middle  and  the  lower  classes,  to  teach  them. 
This  was  Clement. 

"  After  a  long  absence  the  most  victorious  Charles  re- 
turned into  Gaul,  and  caused  the  children,  whom  he  had 
left  with  Clement  as  his  pupils,  to  be  brought  before  him. 
He  required  them  to  be  examined,  and  was  amazed  at  the 
commendable  progress  of  the  poorer  class  of  children,  whose 
written  productions  were  most  creditable  to  them.  On  the 
other  hand,  those  of  illustrious  parentage  showed  very  poor 
specimens  of  their  skill. 

"  He  then  set  the  good  scholars  on  his  right,  and  the 
poor  on  his  left,  saying:  '  I  praise  you  much,  dear  children, 
for  your  excellent  efforts,  and  desire  you  to  continue  so  that 
you  may  attain  unto  perfection  ;  then  I  intend  to  give  you 
rich  bishoprics,  or  splendid  abbeys,  and  shall  ever  regard 
you  as  persons  of  merit.' 

1  Dungal,  mentioned  in  a  later  para-  Carmina   Medii  Aevi,    p.    116,    sqq. ; 

graph,  Clement,  a  certain  Joseph  (on  Poet.  Latin,  aevi  Carolin.,  I.,  149  sqq. 
terms  of  friendship  with  Alcuin  and  Dicuil   wrote  a  work,  De  mensura 

Liudger),  and   perhaps    Dicuil,   were  orbis  terrae ;  verses  on  grammar,  and 

Scotchmen  from  Ireland.  a   metrical   manual   of   astronomy   in 

Joseph  versified  and  addressed  sev-  four  books,  remaining  in  manuscript. 

eral  metrical  pieces,  remarkable  for  ar-  — Diimmler,  N.A.,  IV.,  256,  and  Poet. 

tificial  acrostics,  to  Charles. — Hagen,  Latin,  aevi  Carolin.,  L,  666. 


26o  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

"  Then  he  turned  in  anger  to  those  on  his  left,  who 
trembled  at  his  frowns  and  the  sound  of  his  voice,  which 
resembled  the  roll  of  thunder,  as  he  cried  out  to  them  : 
'  Look  here,  ye  scions  of  our  best  nobility,  ye  pampered 
ones  who,  trusting  to  your  birth  or  fortune,  have  disobeyed 
me,  and  instead  of  studying,  as  you  were  bound,  and  I 
expected  you  to  do,  have  wasted  your  time  in  idleness,  on 
play,  luxury,  or  unprofitable  occupation.' 

"  He  then  took  his  accustomed  oath,  and  with  uplifted 
head  and  arm,  said  in  a  voice  of  thunder :  '  By  the  king  of 
heaven,  let  others  admire  you  as  much  as  they  please  ;  as 
for  me,  I  set  little  store  by  your  birth  or  beauty  ;  under- 
stand ye  and  remember  it  well,  that  unless  you  give  heed 
speedily  to  amend  your  past  negligence  by  diligent  study, 
you  will  never  obtain  anything  from  Charles."  * 

Peter  of  Pisa,  a  fine  grammarian,  taught  grammar  at  the 
Court.  Charles  found  him  at  Pavia,  and  claimed  him  as 
part  of  the  spoil  when  he  took  that  city.  He  was  much 
beloved  by  Charles,  Alcuin,  and  Angilbert.  Alcuin  heard 
him  in  his  youthful  days  in  a  public  disputation  with  Lullus, 
at  Pavia,  and  sundry  tributes  to  his  memory  have  been 
preserved.  He  was  advanced  in  years  and  died  before  799 ; 
a  grammar  of  his  is  still  extant.2 

Speaking  of  grammar,  the  name  of  Smaragdus,  who  taught 
it  with  great  success  at  St.  Mihiel  on  the  Meuse,  occurs,  of 
whom  it  is  known  that  he  wrote  a  commentary  on  Donatus 
in  which  he  selected  his  examples,  not  from  the  classics, 
but  from  the  Bible  and  the  Fathers.  This  he  did  in  order 
to  silence  the  objections  of  ultra-orthodox  Christians  and 
lazy  scribes,  who  were  wont  to  denounce  grammar  as  a 
heathenish  study.3 

Among  the  men  of  note  whom  Charles  drew  to  his  court, 
Paulus    Diaconus,   the   son    of  Warnefrid,   deserves    to    be 

1  Monach.  Sangall.  L,  3,  Bouquet,  42  sqq.,  Angilb.  Carm.    II.,  19  sqq. 

V.,  107.     On    Clement,    see    Simson,  al.  in  Poet  Latin.  Carolin,  I. 
Jahrb.  Ludw.  d.   Frommen,   II.,  256  3  Mabillon,  Vet.   Analect.  nov.  ed. 

sqq.  p.  358  ;  Wattenbach,  Schriftwt'sen  im 

-  Alcuini    ep.     112    (Jaffe) ;    Einh.  Mittelalter,  2  ed.  p.  37. 
Vita  Caroli,   c.   25  ;  Ale.    Carm.  IV., 


Chapter  X.]  FAMOUS  MEN.  26 1 

specially  mentioned.  He  was  a  native  of  Friuli,  born  about 
720-725,  of  noble  parentage,  and  received  his  education  at 
the  court  of  Rachis  in  Pavia ;  he  was  also  warmly  attached 
to  Desiderius,  and  much  beloved  by  him.  His  daughter 
Adelperga,  the  wife  of  Arigiso,  duke  of  Benevento,  was  his 
pupil,  and  at  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the  Lombards  he  found 
an  asylum  at  the  Beneventan  Court. 

Arigiso  was  a  man  of  intellectual  tastes,  and  his  Lombard 
wife  fully  sympathized  with  him.  She  was  highly  edu- 
cated and  an  enthusiastic  student.  Her  tenacious  memory 
stood  her  in  good  stead,  and  she  was  wont  to  grace  her 
conversation  with  apt  citations  from  the  classical  poets  and 
the  ancient  philosophers.  Paulus  Diaconus  placed  in  her 
hands  the  historical  compend  of  Eutropius,  but  his  gifted 
and  diligent  pupil  deemed  it  unsatisfactory  both  on  account 
of  its  great  brevity  and  total  silence  concerning  sacred 
history. 

She  induced  him  to  enlarge  the  history  and  supplement 
the  necessary  references  to  sacred  subjects.  Paulus  per- 
formed the  work  but  not  independently,  for  his  additions 
are  taken  mostly  from  Orosius,  Jerome,  Jordanis,  and  others, 
and  not  very  skilfully  welded  together.  He  extended  the 
narrative  of  Eutropius  from  the  reign  of  Valens  to  Justinian, 
but  never  carried  out  a  projected  continuation  to  his  own 
time.1  It  so  happened  that  his  brother  Arigiso,  or  Arichis, 
who  was  implicated  in  the  Friulian  revolt,  had  been  taken 
prisoner  and  carried  into  Francia.  Six  years  after  that 
event,  Paul,  convinced  of  the  clemency  of  Charles,  ad- 
dressed, and  presented  in  person,  an  elegy  to  him,  in  which 
he  made  intercession  for  that  brother. 

Charles  accorded  to  him  a  friendly  reception,  and  in- 
duced him  to  spend  several  years  in  Germany.  Paulus  bore 
the  reputation  of  being  a  very  learned  man,  and  men  fabled 
of  his  proficiency  in  Greek  and  Hebrew.  It  was  reported 
that  he  taught  Greek  to  the  Metz  clergy,  and  Peter  of  Pisa, 

1  MG.  Auct.  antiquiss.  II.,  4  sq.;  the  court  of  Arigiso  a  number  of 
Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  365.  years,  probably  until   781,  when    cir- 

Paulus  seems  to  have  continued  at      cumstances  introduced  a  change. 


262  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

on  the  strength  of  that  report  which  had  reached  the  king's 
ears,  by  his  command  and  in  his  name,  indited  a  poetic 
epistle  to  Paulus,  desiring  him  to  instruct  the  companions 
of  Princess  Rothrud,  then  still  affianced  to  the  Emperor 
Constantine,  in  Greek.  The  deacon  declined  the  offer,  and 
his  reply  shows  that  his  own  estimate  of  himself  was  much 
more  modest,  for  he  wrote  that  if  the  Metz  clergy  spoke 
only  the  Greek  they  had  learned  of  him,  they  would,  like 
dumb  statues,  be  the  laughing  stock  of  all  who  heard  them.1 

During  his  stay  in  Germany,  Paul,  who  was  a  fair  his- 
torian, and  wrote  poetry,  composed  a  history  of  the  bishops 
of  Metz,  and  took  pains,  it  is  thought,  to  dwell  at  great 
length  on  the  family  and  ancestry  of  Charles,  with  the  evident 
design  of  representing  the  Carlovingian  usurpation  as  justifia- 
ble, and  the  whole  race  entitled  to  the  throne  by  virtue  of 
its  saints.2  But  this  is  hardly  a  fair  statement  of  the  case, 
and  a  gratuitous  reflection  on  his  character  as  a  historian.3 

While  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  his  ultimate  loyalty 
and  sincere  attachment  to  Charles,  it  is  nevertheless  certain 
that  both  were  less  profound  than  his  strong  feelings  for 
the  Lombard  family.  It  is  said  that  he  never  would  suffer 
a  word  injurious  to  the  memory  and  character  of  his  former 
master,  the  King  of  the  Lombards.  The  Franks  reported 
the  matter  to  Charles,  and  in  the  excess  of  their  loyalty 
recommended  the  savage  remedy  of  cutting  off  his  hands, 
and  putting  out  his  eyes. 

But  Charles  would  have  none  of  their  counsel,  and  stop- 

1  Bouquet,  V.,  849  ;  Poet.  Lat.  L,  48  (Dummler).  Some  think  that  the  lines 
of  Peter,  written  as  stated,  in  the  name  of  Charles,  establish  the  fact  that  he 
did  instruct  the  Frankish  ecclesiastics  designated  to  accompany  the  princess 
to  Constantinople.     They  read  as  follows  : 

Haud  te  latet,  quod  iubente  Christo  nostro  filia, 

Michaele  comitante,  sollers  maris  spatia 

ad  tenenda  sceptra  regni  transitura  properat. 

Hac  pro  causa  Graecam  doces  Clericos  grammaticam 

nostros,  ut  in  eius  pergant  manentes  obsequio 

et  Graiorum  videantur  eruditi  regulis. 

'  Bethmann,  in  Archiv.,  X.,  303.  3  Bonnell,  Anfange,  p.  45. 


Chapter  X.]  PAULUS  DIACONUS.  263 

ped  the  matter  saying  :  "  God  forbid  that  I  should  thus 
treat  so  excellent  a  poet  and  a  historian."  Whatever  may 
be  the  worth  of  the  anecdote,  it  certainly  is  alike  creditable 
to  the  king  and  the  deacon. 

Paulus  was  not  a  first-class  historian.  His  best  work,  the 
History  of  the  Lombards,  unfortunately  closes  with  the  death 
of  Liutprand  (744)  ;  had  he  lived  to  continue  it  through 
his  own  time,  his  excellent  information  and  unquestioned 
veracity  would  have  made  it  a  most  valuable  contribution 
to  the  history  of  that  important  and  interesting  period.1 

At  any  rate  he  returned  to  Italy,  and  we  know  that  he 
composed  epitaphs  for  Queen  Hildegard  and  other  members 
of  the  Frankish  family,  as  well  as  for  Arigiso,  duke  of  Bene- 
vento. 

A  list  of  his  works  is  given  below.2  One  of  them,  more 
especially  connected  with  the  history  of  Charles,  is  the  col- 
lection of  homilies  which  he  prepared  at  the  king's  express 
request. 

As  his  father,  King  Pepin,  had  directed  his  efforts  towards 
the  introduction  of  the  Gregorian  chant  into  the  churches 
of  Francia,  so  it  was  his  desire  to  supply  the  want  of  a  good 
collection  of  homilies.  Those  in  use  were  utterly  inadequate, 
and  Charles  denounced  their  intolerable  and  offensive  sole- 
cisms. He  accordingly  requested  Paulus  to  supply  the 
deficiency.  Paulus,  who  was  then  at  Monte  Casino,  asso- 
ciating with  himself  his  monastic  father  and  friend,  the 
abbot  Benedict,  selected  the  best  homilies  he  could  find 
among  the  tracts  and  sermons  of  the  Fathers,  in  sufficient 
number  to  cover  the  entire  circle  of  the  church  year,  edited 
them  in  two  volumes,  and  presented  them  to  Charles.    The 

1  For  an  estimate  of  Paulus  as  a  his-  sex.";  3.  "  Gesta  episcoporum  Met- 
torian,  see  Wattenbach,  /.  c.  I.,  160  tensium."  ;  4.  "  Homiliarium."  Of 
sqq.  his  poetry,  besides  the  verses  printed 

2  The  works  of  Paulus  Diaconus,  by  Waitz  in  Monum.  Germ.  Hist, 
now  extant,  embrace  the  following:  Langob.  Saec.  VI. -IX.,  p.  I2sq.,the 
1.  "  Eutropius  historiographus,  et  post  hymn  for  the  feast  of  St.  John,  "  Ut 
eum  Paulus  Diaconus  de  historiis  queant  laxis,"  etc.,  is  of  special  inter- 
Italicae  provinc.  ac  Romanor. "  ;  2.  est  in  the  history  of  music  ;  see  "  Gui- 
"  De     gestis     Langobardorum     libri  do  d'Arezzo  "  in  the  cyclopedias. 


264  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

king  having  read  and  approved  them,  set  them  forth,  ac- 
companied by  a  remarkable  circular  letter  in  which  he  com- 
mended them  to  the  "  readers."  This  Book  of  Homilies, 
known  as  the  Homiliarium,  has  often  been  printed  between 
1482  and  1569,  and  translated  into  German  and  Spanish.1 

Among  those,  who,  like  Einhard,  were  indebted  to  Charles 
and  the  Palace  School  for  their  education,  may  be  named 
Angilbert ;  Adalhard  and  Wala,  the  king's  cousins  ;  Tatto, 
afterwards  master  of  the  monastery  school  at  Reichenau  ; 
Walafrid  Strabo,  his  pupil ;  Grimald,2  subsequently  abbot 
of  St.  Gall ;  Bernald,  a  Saxon,  who  became  bishop  of  Stras- 
burg,  and  others.3 

Other  schools  in  different  parts  of  his  empire  enjoyed 
the  munificent  patronage  of  Charles.     The  school  at  Tours, 

1  Caroli  epistola  generalis,  786-800  ?  apud  Boretius,  Capitul.  p.  80.  Com- 
pare the  Dedication  of  Paulus  in  "  Poet.  Lat.  aev.  Carol."  I.,  68,  No.  34.  An 
entry  in  Bernold.  Chron.  781.  apud  MG.  SS.  V.,  418,  states  that  the  two  vol- 
umes were  completed  in  A.D.  808. 

The  Dedication  referred  to  runs  thus  : 

En  iutus  patris  Benedicti  mira  patrantis 
Auxilio  meritisque  piis  vestrique  fidelis 
Abbatis  dominique  mei,  etsi  iussa  nequivi 
Explere  ut  dignum  est,  tamen,  o  pietatis  amator, 
Excipe  gratanter,  decus  et  mirabile  mundi, 
Qualemcumque  tui  famuli,  rex  magne,  laborem  ; 
Quodque  sacro  nuper  mandasti  famine  condi,  etc. 

For  notice  of  a  collection  of  homilies  in  two  volumes  by  Alcuin  see  V.  alch.  12 
(Jaffe  VI);  Pertz,  Archiv.  IX.,  469;  Werner,  Alcuin,  p.  38. 

2  Ne  vero  oblivisci  vel  neglegere  videar  de  Albino,  hoc  vere  de  industria  vel 
meritis  eius  agnovi,  quod  de  discipulis  eius  nullus  remansit,  qui  non  abba  sanc- 
tissimus  vel  antistes  extiterit  clarissimus.  Apud  quern  et  domnus  meus  Gri- 
maldus  primo  in  Gallia,  post  vero  in  Italia  liberalibus  est  disciplinis  imbutus. 
— Monach.  Sangall.  I.,  9  (Jaffe). 

3 Concerning  Bernald,  Ermoldus  Nigellus  (Eleg.  I.,  147  sqq.   MG.  SS.  II., 

519)  writes : 

Quern  Carolus,  sapiens  quondam  regnator  in  orbe, 

Doctrine  studiis  imbuit  atque  fide, 
Saxona  hie  equidem  veniens  de  gente  sagaci. 

Sensu  atque  ingenio  nunc  bene  doctus  homo,  etc. 

Simson  /.  c.  II.,  572  n.  5  adds  the  following  references  :  Mommsen's  Frag- 
ment of  his  epitaph  (Rheitu  Museum  fiir  Philologie  N.  F.,  IX.,  1854,  p.  309) ; 
Erchenbald,  Vers,  de  episc.  Argentin.  Boehmer  Fontt.,  III.,  2. 


Chapter  X.]  SCHOLARS.  265 

under  the  direction  of  Alcuin,  was  one  of  the  most  cele- 
brated ;  it  sent  forth  a  large  number  of  distinguished  men,  and 
almost  every  man  of  parts  of  the  next  age  was  a  pupil  of  Al- 
cuin ;  Wizo,  Fridugisus,  Adalbert,  Rhabanus  Maurus,  Hatto, 
Haimonus,  and  many  more  are  said  to  have  been  his  disciples. 

The  Missionary  School  of  Utrecht,  which  flourished  in 
the  time  of  Gregory,  bore  an  enviable  reputation,  and  was 
much  frequented. 

The  celebrated  Rhabanus  (Hrabanus)  *  Maurus  taught  at 
Fulda ;  Smaragdus  at  St.  Mihiel  on  the  Meuse  ;  the  schools 
at  Wiirzburg,  Reichenau,2  Hirschau,  St.  Aniane    in   Aqui- 

1  The  successors  of  Sturmi  as  abbots  of  Fulda  were :  Baugulf  (780-S03)  ; 
Ratgar  (803-817);  Eigil  (817-822);  Rhabanus  (822-842).  Of  these  Rhaba- 
nus is  the  most  celebrated.  He  was  a  pupil  of  Alcuin,  who  called  him  Mau- 
rus after  the  favorite  pupil  of  St.  Benedict.  About  804,  the  year  of  Alcuin's 
death,  Rhabanus  presided  already  over  the  school  at  Fulda,  which  enjoyed  the 
patronage  of  the  best  society  throughout  the  Frankish  Empire.  The  students 
at  Fulda  might  according  to  their  intended  vocation  pursue  an  ecclesiastical  or 
a  secular  course  of  studies.  Many  of  course  entered  the  Church,  but  quite  a 
number  followed  the  secular  discipline.  Rhabanus  was  an  advanced  thinker, 
and  held  that  the  study  of  the  Classics  was  indispensable  to  the  right  under- 
standing of  the  Scriptures. — Schneider,  Fulda,  p.  4  sqq.;  Wattenbach,  /.  c.  I., 
221  ;  Kunstman,  Hrabanus  Magnentius  Maurus,  Mainz,  1841. 

2  Heito,  afterwards  bishop  of  Basel,  was  at  the  head  of  the  monastery  school 
of  Reichenau.  Among  his  pupils  was  a  noble  youth,  called  Erlebald,  who 
ultimately  became  his  successor.  Heito,  it  seems,  only  taught  him  the  Scrip- 
tures, and  he  acquired  the  seven  liberal  arts  under  the  direction  of  a  learned 
Scot,  not  improbably  Clement. 

See  a  collection  of  references  in  Simson,  Jahrb.  Ludwigs  des  Frommen,  II., 
256  sqq.  (concerning  Clement)  and  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.  II,,  575  (concerning 
Erlebald).     The  following  passage  is  interesting  : 

Post  septem  denosque  petit  venerabilis  annos 
Insulanense  solum  :  sociatu  fratribus  illis 
Atque  magisterio  Hettonis  contraditur  almi. 
Quo  monstrante,  sacris  non  parva  ex  parte  libelli9 
Imbuitur,  variaeque  vetant  ne  traderet  artes 
Septenas  curae,  antiqui  quas  auribus  indunt 
Nobilium  ;  namque  ilia  refert  scriptura  Joannis 
Ante  retroque  animalia  sancta  oculata  fuisse. 
Sensus  adest :  sic  doctus  homo  ex  ratione  biformi 
Ante  superna  videt,  retro  terrena  cavetque 
Hac  ex  parte  foret  ne  clauso  lumine  caecus. 
— Visio  Wetini  metr.  3.  Mabillon  A.  S.  o.  s.  Ben.  IV.,  1,  p.  260. 


266  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

taine,1  St.  Wandrille,  St.  Germain  d'Auxerre  did  noble  work. 
Laidradus,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  had  excellent  "singing 
schools,"  and  "  reading  schools  ;  "  of  the  former  he  wrote  to 
the  emperor,  that  such  was  the  proficiency  of  the  pupils  that 
they  had  not  only  mastered  the  art  of  chanting  the  service, 
and  conducted  it  after  the  pattern  of  the  imperial  chapel 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  but  instructed  others;  concerning  the 
"  reading  schools  "  he  reported  that  the  pupils  not  only  read 
well,  and  gave  evidence  of  their  understanding  what  they 
read,  but  studied  the  Scriptures  and  were  competent  to 
explain  the  spiritual  sense  of  the  New  Testament.  This 
was  truly  remarkable. 

The  impetus  to  education,  moreover,  was  general  through- 
out the  Frankish  empire.  In  the  diocese  of  Orleans,  Theo- 
dulf  charged  the  parochial  clergy  to  found  village  schools, 
and  provide  for  the  gratuitous  instruction  of  youth,  remind- 
ing them  that  "  teachers  should  shine  as  the  brightness  of 
the  firmament,  and  they  that  turn  many  to  righteousness  as 
the  stars  forever  and  ever."2 

In  a  cell  or  hermitage  near  St.  Wandrille  sat  the  pres- 
byter Harduin,  and  taught  a  large  number  of  pupils  the  arts 
of  writing  and  arithmetic.  He  bore  a  good  reputation  for 
morals  and  learning,  and  allied  to  the  contemplative  habits 
of  the  hermit  the  more  practical  avocations  of  a  teacher. 
The  history  of  the  cell,  consecrated  to  a  famous  martyr, 
and  built  by  the  illustrious  founder  of  the  neighboring 
monastery,  might  stimulate  profitable  meditation,  for  St. 
Vandrille  or  Wandregesilus,  was  a  remarkable  man  in  his 
day  and  generation  ;  he  was  a  near  relative  of  Pepin  of 
Landen,  and  consequently  connected  with  the  ancestry  of 
Charles  ;  an  energetic  and  zealous  worker,  who  in  spite  of 
his  austerities  attained  the  rare  old  age  of  ninety-six.  Har- 
duin not  only  mused  upon  the  virtues  of  the  martyr  and 
the  saint,  but  spent  much  of  his  time  in  useful  employment, 
and  like  St.  Vandrille  reached  an  exceptionally  old  age ;  he 
died,  811,  in  the  abbacy  of  Trasarus.3 

i  On   St.   Aniane,  and  its  founder,  2  Dan.  XII.,  3. 

see  Chapter  IX.,  and  Index.  3  See  note  2,  page  267. 


Chapter  X.]  SCHOLARS.  267 

At  St.  Denis,  and  later  at  Pavia,  Dungal,  the  Scot,  taught 
astronomy  and  other  branches;  in  fine,  every  monastery  and 
cathedral  became  a  centre  of  intellectual  activity,  and  the 
enlightened  views  of  Charles  are  abundantly  set  forth  in 
circular  letters  and  capitularies  still  extant.1 

Without  going  into  greater  detail  it  may  suffice  to  say 
that  the  intellectual  life  of  the  Frankish  empire,  its  culture 
and  influence  for  ages  to  come,  are  due  to  the  intelligence, 
liberality,  patronage,  zeal,  and  enthusiasm  of  Charles.  It  is 
impossible  to  resist  this  conclusion,  attested  by  Alcuin, 
Einhard,  Angilbert,  Theodulf,  Rhabanus  Maurus,  Hinc- 
mar,  Nithard,  Otfried,  and  many  other  illustrious  men. 

Indeed  we  ought  to  say  more  on  this  head,  at  least,  in 
one  or  two  additional  observations.  As  every  school,  and 
every  church,  stood  in  need  of  books,  their  supply  gave  an 
impetus  to  the  art  of  writing  and  the  production  of  libraries. 

Thus  the  aged  Harduin  not  only  taught  youth  the  art  of 
writing  in  the  cell  of  St.  Saturnine,  but  copied  quite  a  num- 
ber of  books,  among  them  a  book  of  the  Gospels  in  uncial 
letters,  which  he  bequeathed  to  the  abbey  of  St.  Wandrille.2 
Willehad,  afterwards  bishop  of  Bremen,  engaged  in  the  same 
occupation  during  his  residence  at  Echternach  ;  Laidradus, 
archbishop  of  Lyons,  caused  many  volumes  to  be  copied 
by  monks  and  others ;  Angilbert  collected  at  St.  Riquier  a 
library  of  two  hundred  volumes  ;  Benedict  of  Aniane  dis- 
played a  similar  activity  in  the  collection  of  books  ;  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that  Charles  himself  formed  a  most  valua- 
ble library,  some  speak  of  several  libraries,  at  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle.  It  would  lead  too  far  to  mention  by  name  the  mag- 
nificent specimens  of  the  calligraphy  of  the  Caroline  age 
extant,  but  they  are  a  feast  to  the  eyes  of  all  lovers  of  the 
beautiful,  and  standing  monuments  to  the  intelligence  of 
Charles.3 


1  Epistola  generalis,  780-800  ;"  De  et  Charlemagne,  p.  79;    Werner,  Al- 

litteris   colendis,"  Capp.  reg.  Franc.  cuin.  p.  37. 

L,  I,  p.   79;  see  also  Boretius,  /.  c.  2  Gesta  abb.  Fontanell.,  c.  16,    MG. 

p.  78. — See   on  the    most    important  SS.,  II.,  202. 

schools  of  the  period,  Monnier,  Alcuin  3  See  on  this  subject :    Wattenbach, 


268  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Before  passing  on  to  other  topics,  the  interest  he  took 
in  astronomical  subjects  may  detain  us  a  little  longer.  He 
spent  much  time  in  the  study,  and  corresponded  on  it  with 
Alcuin  ;*  he  acquired  the  art  of  the  computation  of  Easter,2 
and  there  is  evidence  that  astronomy  was  much  cultivated 
at  the  Court. 

Two  solar  eclipses,  one  on  the  5th  of  July,  and  the  other 
on  November  30th,  810,  occasioned  direct  inquiries  made  of 
Dungal,  then  at  St.  Denis.3  The  nature  of  the  observa- 
tions, and  the  manner  of  their  record,  indicating  the  state 
of  astronomical  science,  will  appear  from  the  following 
notice  for  one  year  beginning  September  1st,  806: 

"  On  the  4th  nones  of  September  occurred  an  eclipse  of 
the  moon  ;  the  sun  stood  in  the  sixteenth  degree  of  the  sign 
of  Virgo,  the  moon  in  the  sixteenth  degree  of  Pisces. 

"  This  year  on  the  day  before  the  kalends  of  February, 
the  moon  being  seventeen  days  old,  the  planet  Jupiter 
seemed  to  make  the  transit  of  the  moon. 

"  On  the  3d  ides  of  February,  about  noon,  an  eclipse  of 
the  sun  took  place ;  the  two  stars  stood  in  the  twenty-fifth 
degree  of  Aquarius. 

"  Again,  on  the  4th  kalends  of  March  there  was  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  that  same  night  many  meteors  of 
astounding  magnitude  were  seen  ;  the  sun  standing  at  the 
time  in  the  eleventh  degree  of  Pisces,  the  moon  in  the 
eleventh  degree  of  Virgo. 

"  On  the  16th  kalends  of  April,  the  planet  Mercury  ap- 
peared on  the  sun  like  a  small  black  spot,  and  it  was  ob- 
served for  the  space  of  eight  days  slightly  above  the  centre 
of  that  star ;  but  clouds  prevented  our  noting  the  exact 
time  both  of  its  entrance  of  the  sun's  disc  and  of  its  exit. 

"In  the  month  of  August  also,  on  the  nth  kalends  of 
September,  occurred  an  eclipse  of  the   moon   in  the  third 

Das  Schriftwesen  im  Mittelalter,  2  ed. ,  J  See  Appendix  D. 

p.  in  ;  and  Mabillon,  A.  S.,  s.  B.  ed.  2  Vita  Alch.,  6,  Jaffe,  VI..  17. 

Ven.  IV.,  I,   p.   no,  on  the  Evange-  3  Epist.  Carol.,  30,  Jaffe,  IV.,  396 

liarium  with  letters  of  gold,  illumina-  sqq. 

tions  in  silver,  and  precious  stones. 


Chapter  X.]  ASTRONOMY.  269 

hour  of  the  night,  the  sun  standing  in  the  fifth  degree  of 
Virgo,  the  moon  in  the  fifth  degree  of  Pisces. 

"  Thus  from  the  month  of  September  of  the  last  year  to 
the  month  of  September  of  the  present  year,  the  moon  was 
obscured  three  times,  and  the  sun  once."  * 

In  a  former  paragraph  the  breadth,  and  vast  range  of  the 
king's  interest  in  every  conceivable  variety  of  subjects  were 
mentioned ;  in  this  we  may  furnish  some  illustrations. 

He  noticed  the  inconvenience  arising  from  the  deficient 
method  then  in  vogue  of  designating  the  quarters  of  the 
heavens  by  the  four  cardinal  points  only,  and  forthwith 
applied  himself  to  the  device  of  a  scheme  for  defining  the 
regions  with  greater  accuracy,  and  upon  its  completion, 
gave  the  names  and  the  bearings  he  had  gained  to  the 
winds.2 

His  partiality  for  German,  his  mother-tongue,  was  re- 
markable; it  grieved  him  to  think  that  the  vast  capabili- 
ties of  that  noble  language  should  lie  fallow  or  droop  into 
decay.  With  that  feeling,  Charles  encouraged  its  study,  rec- 
ommended its  use  in  preaching  and  reading,  in  the  collec- 
tion of  songs,  poems,  and  laws,  and  with  a  view  to  freeing 
it  from  foreign  and  barbarous  admixtures,  and  elevating  it 
to  the  rank  of  the  dead  languages,  especially  Latin,  began 
to  compose  a  German  grammar.  For  throughout  his  reign 
Latin  reigned  supreme  in  the  realm  of  letters ;  everything 
was  written  in  Latin  :  the  Scriptures,  laws,  epistles,  poems* 
and  even  history  ;  for  instance,  all  the  authorities  of  con- 
temporary origin  pertaining  to  his  reign  are  written  in 
Latin,  although  Latin  had  long  ceased  to  be  spoken. 

He  also  invented  a  set  of  German  names  of  the  months 
instead  of  the  Latin  and  barbarous  designations  in  use. 

The  Latin  names,  however,  could  not  be  displaced,  and 

his  list,  though  ingenious,  and  in  some  of  the  names  poetical, 

was  never  adopted.    It  possesses,  nevertheless,  a  philological 

interest  as  showing  what  passed  for  good  German  in  his  day.3 

The  medical  profession  also  was  represented  at  the  court 

1  Annal.  Einh  ,  a.  807.  3  See  Appendix,  F. 

2  See  Appendix,  E. 


270  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

of  Charles,  but  its  representatives  appear  to  have  been 
sadly  deficient  in  knowledge.  As  a  class  they  were  known 
as  the  "  Sect  of  Hippocrates,"  and  even  the  inventive  genius 
of  Alcuin  could  say  nothing  better  of  them  than  that  they 
bled  their  patients,  compounded  mixtures  of  herbs,  and 
boiled  poultices. 

It  seems  that  they  practised  medicine  in  connection  with 
other  avocations ;  perhaps  they  were  monks  or  clerics  other- 
wise provided  for  in  the  matter  of  support,  or  he  would 
not  have  recommended  the  gratuitous  dispensation  of  their 
art  in  order  that  the  blessing  of  Christ  might  rest  upon  the 
labor  of  their  hands.1 

One  of  these  physicians,  the  king's  physician  in  ordinary, 
was  a  friend  of  Alcuin's ;  his  name  was  Winthari.  The 
aged  and  infirm  Sturmi,  abbot  of  Fulda,  being  about  to  travel 
from  the  Eresburg  to  his  monastery,  was  placed  by  royal 
command  in  charge  of  the  said  Winthari,  in  the  expectation 
that  the  arrangement  would  minister  to  his  comfort  and 
possibly  lead  to  his  recovery.  The  nature  of  .his  ailing  is 
not  known,  but  Eigil,  the  biographer  of  Sturmi,  narrates  as 
follows :  "  On  a  certain  day  the  doctor  made  him  take  I 
know  not  what  potion  of  his  art,  thinking  it  would  lessen 
the  pain,  and  improve  the  condition  of  the  patient.  But 
it  had  the  opposite  effect ;  he  grew  worse  and  worse,  and 
the  most  alarming  symptoms  of  the  disease  appeared  in  the 
most  aggravated  form.  The  poor  abbot  said  full  of  anxiety, 
that  the  physician,  who  ought  to  have  lessened  the  malady, 
had  inflicted  a  worse  evil."2  Sturmi  protested,  but  in  vain, 
his  case  was  beyond  the  skill  of  the  royal  physician  in 
ordinary,  for  he  soon  died. 

1  Accurrunt  medici  mox,  Hippocratica  secta  : 
Hie  venas  fundit,  herbas  hie  miscet  in  olla, 
Ille  coquit  pultes,  alter  sed  pocula  praefert. 
Et  tamen,  o  medici,  cunctis  impendite  gratis, 
Ut  manibus  vestris  adsit  benedictio  Christi. 
Ale.  Carm.  26.  vv.  12-16. 

2  Vita  Sturmii,  MG.  SS  II.,  377.  Alcuin  called  him  simply  "Winter" 
(Uinter) ;  he  mentions  his  name  in  connection  with  a  promised  present  of 
choice  wine. — Ale.  ep.  16  (Jaffe,  VI.,  171). 


Chapter  X.]  ARCHITECTURE.  27 1 

Charles  had  a  very  indifferent  opinion  of  the  medical  pro- 
fession and  made  light  of  their  advice.  Being  generally 
in  robust  health  himself,  and  watching  their  experience  in 
the  case  of  others,  he  conceived  the  notion  that  he  could 
prescribe  for  himself  far  better  than  they  were  able.  He 
was  in  the  habit  of  confiding  in  the  healing  power  of  nature, 
and  considered  plentiful  physical  exercise,  together  with 
temperance  and  an  occasional  fast,  the  medicine  best  suited 
to  his  constitution.  Sometimes  he  consulted  the  medical 
poem  of  Serenus  Sammonicus  and  followed  his  advice.1 

But  as  a  rule  he  preferred  his  own  inclinations  to  medical 
directions,  and  in  the  last  years  of  his  life,  almost  hated 
physicians,  "  because  they  wanted  him  to  give  up  roasts, 
to  which  he  was  accustomed,  and  eat  boiled  meat  instead."2 

The  king  encouraged  to  an  uncommon  degree  the  intro- 
duction and  development  of  art,  especially  in  connection 
with  architecture.  Palaces  on  a  grand  and  imperial  scale 
rose  at  Nimeguen,3  Ingelheim,  and  Aix-la-Chapelle,  but  the 
grandest  of  his  architectural  undertakings  were  churches, 
not  palaces. 

The  most  beautiful  of  these  was  the  basilica  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  erected  in  honor  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  built  through- 
out in  the  most  massive  style,  of  cut  stone  and  exquisite 
symmetry,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  competent  critics  equal,  if 
not  superior,  to  the  best  and  most  ancient  specimens  then 
extant. 

He  summoned  the  most  skilful  workmen  from  every  part 

1  Teuffel,  Gesck.  der  rotnischen  Literatur,  ed.  4,  p.  877  sqq.  Compare  on 
the  medical  profession  in  the  next  reign,  Simson,  Jahrb.  unter  Ltidw.  d.  From- 
men,  II.,  255,  No.  4. 

2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  22. 

3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  17  :  Erm.  Nigell.  Ill  ,  583  sqq.  ;  IV.,  179  sqq.  ;  Poeta 
Saxo,  V.,  429  sq.     The  last  named  author  says  of  Ingelheim  : 

Ingylemhem  dictus  locus  est,  ubi  condidit  aulam, 

Aetas  cui  vidit  nostra  parem  minime. 
Quorum  multiplicem  si  quis  describere  laudem 

Curabit,  longum  texet  opus  nimium. 

The  best  and  fullest  description  of  this  palace,  and  the  church  at  Ingelheim, 
is  that  of  Ermold.  Nigell.  /.  c. 


272  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

of  Europe,  and  imported  the  choicest  columns,  marbles,  and 
mosaics  from  Rome  and  Ravenna.1  The  mosaics  were  used 
in  the  ornamentation  of  the  walls  and  pavements.  This 
splendid  cathedral,  adorned  with  gold  and  silver,  superb 
candelabra,  railings  and  doors  of  solid  brass,  and  admired  as 
a  masterpiece  of  the  age,  is  said,  but  on  doubtful  authority, 
to  have  been  consecrated  by  Leo  III. 

Master  Odo  of  Metz  was  the  architect  of  this  celebrated 
cathedral ;  the  roof  was  covered  with  tiles  of  lead,  and 
ornamented  with  a  golden  apple  on  the  dome. 

Two  entertaining,  but  unsubstantiated,  anecdotes  relate 
to  this  period.  Charles,  says  the  Monk  of  St.  Gall,  set  the 
most  skilful  of  all  his  architects  over  the  workmen  employed 
in  the  building  of  the  cathedral.  He  was  an  abbot,  but  that 
did  not  prevent  his  being  a  sharper.  "  The  moment  the 
emperor  left  home,  the  overseer  undertook  upon  his  own 
authority  to  discharge  a  number  of  the  mechanics  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  extorting  from  them  bribes  for  their  reap- 
pointment. As  for  those  who  were  unable  to  pay  the  bribe, 
or  for  whom  their  masters  refused  to  pay,  they  were  in  sore 
plight,  for  the  abbot,  after  the  example  of  the  Egyptian 
overseers,  laid  grievous  burdens  upon  them,  and  never  gave 
them  a  moment's  rest. 

"  By  such  nefarious  means  he  accumulated  a  large  fortune 
in  silver  and  gold,  and  silk  garments.  He  showed  only  the 
least  valuable  of  his  treasures  openly  in  his  room,  but  care- 
fully concealed  the  most  precious  of  them  in  chests  and 
closets.     One  day  he  heard  that  his  house  was  on  fire  ;  he 

1  The  use,  for  the  purpose  named,  mus.     Nos   quippe   libenti   animo   et 

of  those  at  Ravenna,  was  granted   by  puro  corde   cum    nimio    amore  vestre 

Hadrian,  as  appears  from  his   epistle  excellentiae  tribuimus  eftectum  et  tarn 

to  Charles  :  marmores  quamque  mosivo  ceterisque 

Praefulgidos  atque  nec'.areos    rega-  exemplis  de  eodem  palatio  vobis  con- 

lis  potentiae  vestrae  per  Aruinum  du-  cedimus   abstollendum. — Cod.    Carol 

cem   suscepimus   apices.      In    quibus  89  (Jaffe,  IV.,  268).     The  alleged  use 

referebatur,    quod    palatii    Ravennate  of  marbles  and  mosaics  from  Treves 

civitatis  mosivo  atque  marmores  cete-  (Gesta   Trever.   25,    MG.    SS.  VIII, 

risque  exemplis  tarn  in  strato   quam-  163)    and    Verdun    (MG.    SS.    VIII., 

que  in  parietibus  sitis  vobis   tribuisse-  352)  is  legendary. 


Chapter  X.]  ANECDOTES.  273 

ran  home  and  rushing  through  the  flames  made  his  way  to 
the  room  in  which  his  gold  lay  secreted  ;  eager  to  save  as 
much  as  possible,  he  was  not  content  with  removing  one 
chest  at  a  time,  but  placed  several  boxes  on  his  shoulders, 
and  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  the  burning  chamber,  when 
suddenly  a  huge  beam,  undermined  by  the  flames,  gave 
way,  and  falling  on  him,  delivered  his  body  to  the  tongue 
of  terrestrial  fire,  but  his  soul  to  the  unquenchable  flames 
of  hell.  Thus  did  divine  justice  protect  the  cause  and 
interest  of  Charles,  when  by  reason  of  other  and  more 
important  matters  of  his  empire,  he  could  not  be  present  in 
person." 

Such  is  the  pious  reflection  of  the  chatty  monk,  who 
continues  that  "  on  these  selfsame  works  was  employed  a 
singularly  expert  artificer  in  metal  and  glass.  Tanchon,  a 
monk  of  St.  Gall,  having  cast  a  very  fine  bell  of  sweet  tone, 
which  greatly  delighted  the  emperor's  ear,  the  aforesaid 
skilful  artificer  said  to  him  :  '  May  it  please  Your  Majesty 
to  command  copper  in  large  quantities  to  be  delivered  to 
me,  and  in  order  to  make  it  absolutely  pure  in  the  casting, 
to  direct  that  in  place  of  tin,  as  is  usual,  the  necessary 
weight  of  silver  be  placed  at  my  disposal,  not  less  than  a 
hundred  weight ;  let  this  be  done,  and  I  will  make  you  a 
bell  within  the  hearing  whereof  that  of  Tanchon  shall  seem 
dumb ! '  " 

The  speech  pleased  the  emperor,  who,  "  though  immensely 
rich,"  did  not  set  his  heart  on  his  riches,  and  commanded 
that  the  man  should  have  all  the  precious  metal  and  the 
copper  he  had  asked  for.  The  wretch,  however,  immedi- 
ately after  receiving  it,  went  his  way  rejoicing,  and  purified 
the  copper  as  well  as  he  knew  how  to  do  it,  not  with  silver 
but  with  tin  thoroughly  refined  ;  nevertheless  even  of  this 
debased  metal  he  contrived  to  produce  a  bell  which  was  in 
all  respects  superior  to  the  first ;  it  was  tested,  and  in  due 
course  presented  to  the  emperor.  He  much  admired  the 
elegance  of  its  shape,  ordered  the  clapper  to  be  attached, 
and  the  bell  to  be  raised  to  the  belfry. 

"  And  so  it  was  done  forthwith,  even  as  he  commanded." 
18 


274  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  bell,  it  seems,  though  hoisted  to  its  proper  place,  and 
made  fast  by  proper  rule,  was  unmanageable.  The  guardian 
of  the  church,  the  chaplains  of  the  imperial  establishment, 
the  most  able  and  skilful  mechanics,  in  turn  tried  to  ring 
the  bell,  but  tried  in  vain.  "  At  last,  the  maker,  even  the 
same  who  had  cast  it,  and  been  guilty  of  such  unparalleled 
knavery,  grasped  the  rope,  and  pulled  the  bell ;  suddenly  the 
iron  cross-piece  to  which  it  was  fastened  gave  way  and  fell 
upon  his  head  already  weighted  with  so  much  iniquity  ;  it 
went  clean  through  his  body  and  killed  him  outright.  It  was 
an  appalling  spectacle;"  it  was  the  judgment  of  heaven; 
"  all  the  silver  was  found,  which  the  most  just  Charles  dis- 
tributed among  the  poorest  of  the  palace  servants."1 

Of  the  alleged  prodigies  connected  with  this  church  we 
shall  speak  on  a  subsequent  page,  but  note  here  the  partial 
denudation  of  the  roof  in  an  earthquake  which  shook  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  in  the  year  829. 

A  portion  of  it  remaining  in  the  present  cathedral  is  im- 
properly called  "  the  nave."  It  is  an  "  octagon  in  the  style 
of  S.  Vitale  at  Ravenna,  fifty  feet  in  diameter,  surrounded 
by  a  sixteen-sided  gallery,  and  terminates  in  a  cupola  [which 
in  the  words  of  the  Saxon  poet  '  climbs  to  the  stars  '].  It 
is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  monuments  of  early  Christian 
architecture,  but  unfortunately  marred  by  modern  disfigure- 
ments." The  marble  and  granite  columns,  and  the  gates  of 
the  archways  of  the  upper  gallery  date  from  the  time  of 
Charles. 

"  As  long  as  his  health  allowed  he  was  a  daily  worshipper 
at  this  church,  going  morning  and  evening,  even  after  night- 
fall, besides  attending  mass  ;  and  he  took  care  that  all  the 
services  there  conducted  should  be  administered  with  the 
utmost  propriety,  very  often  warning  the  sextons  not  to  let 
any  improper  or  unclean  thing  be  brought  into  the  building, 
or  remain  in  it.  He  provided  it  with  numerous  sacred  ves- 
sels of  gold  and  silver,  and  ecclesiastical  vestments  in  great 
abundance,  so  that  not  even  the  door-keepers,  who  fill  the 

1  Monach.  Sangall.  I.,  30,  31  ;  Bouquet,  V.,  11S  sq. 


Chapter  X.]  RHINE-BRIDGE.  275 

humblest  office  in  the  church,  were  obliged  to  wear  their  ordi- 
nary clothes  when  in  the  exercise  of  their  duties.  He  was  at 
great  pains  to  improve  the  church  reading  and  psalmody,  for 
he  was  well  skilled  in  both,  although  he  neither  read  in 
public  nor  sang,  except  in  a  low  voice,  and  with  others." ' 

The  basilica  was  connected  by  a  porticus  with  the  royal 
palace,  which  among  other  peculiarities  riveted  attention 
by  a  bronze  eagle  with  outspread  wings  which  crowned  the 
pinnacle,  and  the  magnificent  equestrian  statue  of  Theoderic, 
which  also  came  from  Ravenna.  It  impressed  Charles 
more  than  any  other  similar  work  of  art  he  had  ever  seen. 
It  was  of  colossal  dimensions,  and  represented  a  snorting 
charger,  the  nostrils  distended,  and  the  opened  mouth 
showing  a  terrible  set  of  teeth.  The  spirited  figure  of  the 
rider  displayed  a  shield  protecting  the  left  shoulder,  and 
holding  a  lance  in  the  act  of  hurling  in  the  uplifted  right 
hand.  The  birds  of  the  air  chose  the  body  of  the  horse  for 
their  nests,  and  flew  in  and  out  by  the  nostrils  and  the 
mouth. 

The  statue,  it  is  said,  was  in  the  first  instance  set  up  in 
honor  of  the  Emperor  Zeno,  and  Theoderic  only  placed  his 
name  on  it.2 

The  Rhine-bridge  at  Mayence  was  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable public  works  erected  by  Charles.  Though  only 
a  wooden  structure,  it  was  of  prodigious  strength  through- 
out its  entire  length  of  five  hundred  paces,  and  seemed  as  if 
it  must  last  forever.  This  fine  bridge,  which  associated  his 
name  with  Caesar's,  had  been  ten  years  building,  and  con- 
structed with  admirable  skill,  was  so  completely  destroyed 
by  fire  in  the  space  of  three  hours  that  not  a  splinter  of  it 
was  left  except  what  was  under  water.3  It  must  have  been 
a  marvel  for  strength ;  the  Saxon  poet  states  at  the  close 
of  the  ninth  century  that  the  piers  of  stone  and   earth  re- 

1  Vita   Caroli,   cc.   26,   27;    Franc.  2  Agnelli,  Lib.pontif.  Raven. ,c.  94  ; 

Petrarcha,  I.,  ep.   3  ;  Petrus  a  Beek,  cf.     Vita    Caroli,    c.    26  ;    and   Cod. 

Aquisgrano,   c.  IV.,  Cod.   Carol,  ep.  Carolin.,  89  (Jaffe). 

77    (Jaffe)  ;  Badeker,    Northern    Ger-  3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  32. 
many,  p.  5. — Also,  Vita  Caroli.,  c.  32  ; 
Annal.  Einh.,  a.  829. — Vita  Hlud.  43. 


276  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

mained  visible  as  monumental  ruins  of  its  former  splendor  ; 
nine  hundred  years  later  the  submerged  portions  of  the 
wooden  buttresses  had  not  yet  disappeared  (in  1881);  but 
stranger  still,  this  is  contradicted,  the  intimation  being,  that 
the  ancient  oaken  buttresses  are  not  remnants  of  the  bridge 
of  Charles  which  was  burned  in  8 13,  but  of  the  Roman  bridge 
built  probably  before  the  Christian  era ! x 

The  accidental  character  of  the  fire,  however,  has  been 
disputed  ;  but  the  explanations  offered  instead  are  far  from 
convincing.  One  says,  that  it  was  either  the  work  of  robbers 
who  came  at  night  in  quest  of  discharged  merchandise  lying 
on  the  bridge,  or  of  incendiaries  desirous  of  building  up  a 
profitable  ferry  business.  Others  pretend  that  Richulf,  arch- 
bishop of  Mayence,  ordered  the  bridge  to  be  set  on  fire  as  the 
best  method  of  stopping  the  highway  robberies  enacted  on 
the  bridge,  and  often  attended  by  the  murder  of  luckless  pas- 
sengers and  their  disappearance  in  the  river.  This  is  incred- 
ible, for  such  an  act  on  the  part  of  the  archbishop  would 
necessarily  imply  the  express  approbation  of  his  imperial 
master ;  the  loss  of  the  bridge,  moreover,  was  regarded  as  a 
national  disaster  of  ominous  significance,  and  it  is  known 
that  Charles  entertained  the  idea  of  replacing  it  by  one  in 
stone.2 

His  death  prevented  the  execution  of  his  purpose,  and 
the  Saxon  poet  describing  the  ruins,  about  the  close  of  the 
century,  breaks  forth  in  lamentation,  and  predicts  with 
gloomy  forebodings  that  the  work  would  never  be  per- 
formed.3 

This  prophecy  proved  true  for  nearly  a  millennium,  for 
the  first  stone  bridge  over  the  Rhine  at  Mayence  was  not 
erected  until  1862. 

In  the  same  connection  deserves  to  be  mentioned  the 
grandiose  scheme  of  a  system  of  canalization  designed  pri- 
marily to  establish  a  water-way  from  the  Rhine  to  the 
Danube,  and  ultimately,  from  the  North  Sea  to  the  Euxine. 

1  Diimmler,  Allg.  D  Biogr.,  XV.,  Scot.  Chron.  a.  S35  ;  Annal.  Wirz., 
147;  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  512.  a.  813  ;  Disibodenberg,  a.  813. 

2  Monach.  Sangall. ,  I.,  30,  Marian.  3  Poeta  Saxo,  V.,  601  sq. 


Chapter  X.]  CANAL.  277 

It  came  up  during  the  war  with  the  Avars,  as  a  feasible 
plan  for  the  transportation  of  armies  by  water  from  and  to 
the  seat  of  war.  The  military  advisers  of  Charles  repre- 
sented that  troops,  material  of  war,  and  especially  pontoon- 
bridges,  which  until  then  had  to  be  carried  in  sections 
overland,  might,  by  means  of  a  short  canal  connecting  two 
given  points,  be  conveyed  from  the  heart  of  Francia,  and  at 
a  vast  saving  in  time  and  expenditure,  to  any  locality  in  the 
enemy's  country  suitable  for  military  operations.1 

The  projected  canal  contemplated  the  connection  of  the 
Altmuhl  and  the  Rednitz,  or  more  accurately,  of  the  Sua- 
bian  Rezat,  a  tributary  of  the  latter.  The  scheme  pleased 
Charles,  and  he  commanded  the  work  to  be  undertaken  at 
once.  A  large  force  of  men  was  detailed  for  its  execution, 
and  such  was  his  interest  that  he  proceeded  in  person, 
accompanied  by  the  entire  court,  to  the  designated  spot. 
The  royal  party  sailed  up  the  Danube  and  the  Altmuhl  and 
disembarked  at  Sualafeld,2  one  of  the  termini.  There  was 
no  lack  of  energy  in  the  prosecution  of  the  work,  and  the 
personal  presence  of  Charles  animated  and  encouraged  all 
engaged  in  it.  It  was  vigorously  pushed  forward  through- 
out the  autumn,  and  the  workmen  began  to  make  the  neces- 
sary excavations  for  the  distance  of  two  thousand  steps  at 
the  width  of  three  hundred  feet ;  the  data  of  the  depth  are 
not  known. 

But  in  spite  of  the  most  unremitting  zeal  and  perse- 
verance, the  enterprise  made  no  headway,  and  the  bright 
prophecy  of  its  easy  and  speedy  accomplishment  was  falsi- 
fied by  the  event.     It  was  a  grand  and  total  failure. 

Canal-building  was  one  of  the  things  which  neither  Charles 
nor  his  engineers  understood.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  survey 
rested  on  accurate  data  touching  the  water-level  of  the 
respective  rivers,  and  if  the  objective  points  were  practica- 
ble ;  at  any  rate  the  skill  of  the  engineers  was  not  equal  to 
the  local  difficulties  of  the  line  they  selected.     It  ran  through 

1  Annal.  Lauresh.,  Guelf.,  Einh.  al.      not  agree   with  the  names    given   by 

2  Annal.  Guelf.     The  locality  does       later  writers. 


278  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

a  low  and  swampy  region,  and  the  naturally  soft  character 
of  the  soil  was  aggravated  by  continuous  rain. 

The  greatest  obstacle  they  encountered  was  found  in  a 
section  called  the  "  Ried,"  J  where  a  quicksand  baffled  their 
efforts.  The  shifting  and  slippery  nature  of  the  spot  for- 
bade all  progress  ;  the  superstitious  workmen  said  that  the 
devil  was  in  it ;  that  the  place  was  bewitched  and  under  the 
spell  of  fiends  more  potent  than  the  labor  of  thousands  of 
Christian  hands  ;  it  had  an  invisible,  unfathomable,  omnivo- 
rous maw  which  devoured  during  the  night  the  multitudi- 
nous loads  of  mud  which  the  workmen  dug  out  during  the 
day.2 

It  was  an  unholy  and  evil  enterprise,  thought  or  muttered 
the  monks ;  nor  stopped  at  the  thought  and  the  speech,  but 
set  it  down  in  writing,  for  we  read  in  the  Annals,  drawn  up 
in  the  neighboring  archiepiscopal  establishment  at  Salzburg, 
that  "  it  was  an  idle  work.  But  prudence  and  counsel  can- 
not prevail  against  the  Lord."  This  was  evident  by  the 
result,  for  "  afterwards  might  be  heard  every  night  the  hurly- 
burly  din  of  hideous  noises,  roaring  defiance,  and  exulting 
in  the  laughter  of  derision."  3 

The  record  does  not  say  if  the  nocturnal  din  and  the 
ominous  voices  troubled  Charles ;  but  he  ordered  the  work 
to  be  stopped. 

Archaeologists  indicate  Bubenheim  on  the  Altmiihl  as  the 
initial  point  of  the  "  ditch,"  a  place  called  "  Graben  "  (i.  e., 
ditch),  as  a  station,  and  "  Weissenburg  "  on  the  Rezat,  as  its 
extreme  terminus.  Traces  of  the  "  Karlsgraben  "  (t.  e.,  the 
ditch  of  Charles)  remain  there  to  this  day.4 

By  a  strange  coincidence  this  undertaking,  like  that  of  the 
permanent  bridge  at  Mayence,  remained  unexecuted  until 
the  present  century.  The  scheme,  which  so  greatly  inter- 
ested Charles,  was  taken  up  more  than  a  thousand  years 
later  by  Louis  L,  King  of  Bavaria,  and  pushed  to  a  successful 

1  Eckhart,  Franc.  Orient.,  II.,  750  ;  3  Annal.  Salisb.,  MG.  SS.  XIII.,  23. 
he  gives  a  diagram.  *  Auctarium    Ekkehardi  Altahense, 

2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  793  ;  Mosell.  792  ;  792,  MG.  SS.  XVII.,  362.  Riezler,  /. 
Lauresh.  c.  I.,  1S1,  no.  I. 


Chapter  X.]  CANAL.  279 

termination.  The  canal,  called  after  him  the  "  Konig 
Ludwig  Kanal,"  connects  the  river  systems  of  the  Danube 
and  the  Rhine  by  a  different  and  much  longer  line.  Its 
length  of  twenty-three  German  miles,  however,  bears  no 
proportion  to  its  width  and  depth,  which  are  unfortunately 
inadequate  to  the  requirements  of  a  remunerative  naviga- 
tion,' and  a  successful  competition  with  the  railroads. 
In  these  respects  it  is  an  absolute  failure.1 

1  Daniels,  /.  c.  I.,  233  ;   Heigel,  Ludwig  I.,  Kbnig  von  Bayern,  p.  170  sq. — 
Riezler,  /.  c.  I.,  181. 


CHAPTER   XL 

BOHEMIAN    WAR. — THE    ROYAL    SONS    AND      THEIR     KING- 
DOMS.— EXTRANEA. 

Conquest  of  Bohemia. — Affairs  of  Aquitaine  and  Spain. — Adalric. — Saracen 
invasion. — Incident  of  Datus. — Poverty  of  Louis. — Domanial  lands  and 
villas. — Diplomatic  intercourse  with  the  Saracens. — Mission  of  Theodulf 
and  Laidradus. — Theodulf  on  bribery. — Louis  meets  his  father  at  Tours. — 
Alleged  prediction  of  his  succession  in  the  imperial  throne. — Affairs  in 
Pepin's  kingdom. — The  Beneventans. — Defeat  of  the  Byzantines. — Death 
of  Adelchis. — Revolt  of  the  Bretons. — Piracies. — Anecdote. 

805]  THE  cause  of  the  Bohemian  war  is  obscure.  It 
occurs  in  point  of  time  as  a  sequel  to  the  subjugation  of  the 
Avars.  The  Bohemians  were  bellicose,  irritated  the  Franks, 
and  roused  the  martial  ire  of  Charles  ; *  they  took  advantage 
of  the  misfortunes  of  their  neighbors,  the  Avars,  and  so 
vexed  them  with  perpetual  inroads  of  their  territory,  that 
they  had  to  leave  it  and  seek  a  new  home  in  a  more  remote 
region.  But  as  the  Avars  were  now  the  friends,  allies,  and 
subjects  of  the  emperor,  and  their  former  territory  had 
become  his  by  the  right  of  conquest,  its  wanton  invasion 
by  the  Bohemians  was  construed  as  a  casus  belli,  and  an 
insult  that  could  not  remain  unpunished. 

This  explanation  is  offered  at  its  worth  ;  it  is  only  a  con- 
jecture proceeding  on  the  hypothesis  that  the  Sclavonians 
of  Bohemia,  and  the  Southern  Sclavonians  were  equally 
inimical  to  the  Franks,  and  naturally  opposed  to  their 
policy  of  conquest. 

But  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  war  was  unprovoked 
and  purely  aggressive. 

Accordingly  the  heerbann  was  called   out,  and   a  large 

1  Poeta  Saxo,  1.  v.,  164  sqq. 


Chapter  XL]  BOHEMIAN   WAR.  28 1 

army  ordered  to  invade  and  conquer  Bohemia.  The  Frank- 
ish  hosts  moved  in  three  columns,  while  a  fourth  sailed  up 
the  Elbe  to  Magdeburg  and  devastated  the  region  of  Gene- 
wana.1  The  first  of  the  three  columns,  commanded  by  the 
young  "  king  "  Charles,  advanced  through  Franconia  and  the 
Bohemian  Forest  ;  the  second,  composed  of  Alemannian, 
Suabian,  and  Bavarian  troops,  and  commanded  by  the  gen- 
erals Audulf  and  Werinarius,  approached  the  hostile  coun- 
try from  Bavaria;  the  third,  commanders  unknown,  moved 
through  Saxony,  and  after  collecting  the  Saxon  and  Wen- 
dish  contingents,  proceeded  to  Werinofelde  beyond  the 
Saale,  entered  the  country  of  the  Demelcians  with  the  ulti- 
mate destination  of  reaching  Bohemia  through  the  passes 
of  the  Ore  Mountains.  In  other  words,  the  plan  provided 
for  the  simultaneous  invasion  of  Bohemia  by  the  only  three 
practical  routes  from  the  north,  the  south  and  west. 

The  third  column  met  and  defeated  Semela,  prince  of  the 
Demelcians,  took  his  two  sons  as  hostages,  pushed  through 
the  Ore  Mountains  to  the  champaign  country  on  the  Eger, 
and  at  that  point  effected  a  junction  with  the  two  other  col- 
umns. There  the  young  king  held  a  muster  of  the  entire 
host,  and  received  the  homage  of  the  Sclavonian  vassals  of 
the  Frankish  crown.  The  three  divisions  went  into  camp, 
and  from  that  base  overran  the  whole  country.  The  Bohe- 
mians avoided  an  engagement,  and  retreating  before  the 
overwhelming  number  of  the  Franks,  withdrew  to  the  depth 
of  inaccessible  and  pathless  forests. 

Beyond  the  meagre  notice  that  the  invading  army  laid 
siege  to  Canburg,  an  unidentified  fortress,2  the  annals,  with- 
out exception,  record  not  a  single  warlike  achievement ; 
even  the  result  of  the  siege  is  unknown.  They  state,  how- 
ever, that  for  the  space  of  forty  days  the  immense  army, 
under  the  lead  of  Charles  and  his  generals,  engaged  in  the 
work  of  savage  and  relentless  devastation.  The  whole 
country  was  "  depopulated,"  and  so  universal  was  the  indis- 

1  Chron.  Moiss.  while  Palacky  and  others  name  Kaden 

2  Eckhart  suggests  Camburg  on  the      on  the  Eger. 
Saale,  Pertz  conjectures  Kammerburg, 


282  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

criminate  destruction  of  whatever  could  be  set  on  fire,  that 
the  entire  region  was  "  reduced  to  nothing."  One  of  the 
Czech  lechos,  or  princes,  also  was  put  to  death. 

Having  converted  Bohemia  into  a  wilderness,  so  that 
neither  man  nor  beast  could  find  food,  the  king  ordered  the 
home  march.  The  columns  retraced  their  steps  to  the 
"  marches,"  and  dispersed  to  their  homes  ;  their  royal  leader 
returned  "  victoriously,  prosperously,  and  with  great  joy " 
to  his  father  in  Francia  ;  and  thus  was  conducted,  and  thus 
gloriously  ended,  the  first  Bohemian  campaign.1 

806]  The  annihilation  of  the  Bohemians,  however,  was 
only  a  figure  of  speech,  for  the  younger  Charles  left  plenty 
of  work  to  be  performed  by  a  new  army  of  Bavarians,  Ale- 
mannians,  and  Burgundians  in  a  second  campaign,  which 
again  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  unhappy  country 
already  "  reduced  to  nothing."  Beyond  this  the  operations 
of  the  army  appear  to  have  been  rather  passive  than  active, 
for  the  ominous  sentence  in  the  official  annals  that  the  host 
"  returned  without  serious  calamity,"  seems  to  justify  the 
inference  of  a  Bohemian  historian  that  the  natives  showed 
sufficient  vitality  for  inflicting  some  loss,  and  compelling 
the  invaders  to  beat  an  inglorious  retreat.2 

"  King  "  Charles,  at  the  same  time,  scored  a  great  vic- 
tory over  the  Sorabians,  who  occupied  the  country  between 
the  Saale  and  the  Elbe,  and  bordered  upon  the  Czechs, 
Eastphalians,  and  Thuringians.  After  mustering  the  troops 
at  Waladala  in  Thuringia,3  and  detailing  a  number  of  scarae 
for  service  beyond  the  Elbe,  he  crossed  the  Saale.  The 
scarae  ravaged  the  entire  district  with  fire  and  sword,  and 
the  king  seems  to  have  encountered  the  enemy  at  Werino- 
felde,  and  slain  in  battle  Milito,  a  proud  Sorabian  prince. 
His  death  decided  the  fate  of  the  country.  Charles  retraced 
his  steps  to  the  Elbe,  and  marked  his  progress  with  the  cus- 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  cf.  Guelf.,  S.  Aman-  2  Annal.  Einh.,  Max  ;  Palacky,  /.  c, 

di  ;   Chron.    Moiss. ;    Vita  Caroli,    c.  I.,  102;  No.  59. 

14;  Poeta    Saxo,    IV.,    164;  Brandl,  3  The  situation  of  Waladala  is  un- 

Glossarium,  121  ;   Palacky,  Gcschichte  certain,  but  it  lay  west  of  the  Elbe  and 

von  Bohmen,  I.,  101  ;  No.  55.  the  Saale.     Simson,  I.e.  II.,  356,  n.  I. 


Chapter  XI.]  AQUITAINE.  283 

tomary  devastation  of  the  open  country,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  cities.  The  terror  of  his  warfare  broke  the  resistance 
of  the  enemy ;  the  remaining  Sorabian  princes  laid  down 
their  arms,  and  gave  hostages.  Their  conqueror,  moreover, 
took  additional  security  for  their  future  loyalty  in  the  imme- 
diate erection  of  two  fortresses,  one  on  the  Elbe  opposite  to 
Magdeburg,  and  another,  on  the  Saale,  near  Halle,  serving 
the  double  purpose  of  giving  him  the  free  passage  of  both 
rivers,  and  of  defending  the  country  against  hostile  incur- 
sions from  beyond. 

It  is  not  known  who  built  them,  the  Sorabians,  or  the 
Franks ;  but  the  fact  of  their  erection  is  established  beyond 
all  doubt,  and  the  victorious  king  might  carry  the  glad  tidings 
of  the  subjugation  of  the  Sorabians  to  his  imperial  father.1 

Having  narrated  the  military  exploits  of  King  Charles  to 
this  point,  we  take  up  the  course  of  events  in  the  kingdoms 
of  his  brothers,  beginning  with  the  affairs  of  Aquitaine,  and 
the  Spanish  peninsula. 

The  administration  of  Aquitaine,  under  the  nominal  rule 
of  King  Louis,  was  virtually  directed  by  his  father.  He 
drew  up  the  necessary  instructions  for  the  conduct  of  the 
public  business  and  committed  their  execution  to  the  hands 
of  judicious  counsellors,  who- under  the  style  of  baiuli,  or 
guardians,  directed  the  actions  of  the  king,  discharged  the 
functions  of  local  governors,  and  were  responsible  to  Charles. 
At  stated  intervals,  moreover,  he  sent  special  commission- 
ers, or  missi,  clothed  with  full  executive  powers,  and 
instructed  to  investigate  the  conduct  of  the  local  officers, 
inquire  into  the  general  condition  of  the  province,  and 
correct  abuses ;  he  was  also  wont  to  summon  the  guardians 
and  the  nominal  king  to  his  presence,  take  personal  cogni- 
zance of  administrative  and  executive  matters,  and  adjudi- 
cate upon  them  in  the  last  instance.  This  method  seems  to 
have  been  followed,  in  the  main,  throughout  the  entire 
period  of  his  long  reign,  and  was  doubtless  matter  of  abso- 
lute necessity. 

1  Anna].  Maxim.,  Einh.,  Chron.  Moiss.,  a.  806. 


284  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  kingdom  of  Aquitaine  embraced  Vasconia,  Septi- 
mania,  Aquitaine  proper  (that  is,  the  country  between  the 
Garonne  and  the  Loire),  and  the  county,  subsequently  the 
duchy  of  Toulouse. 

Nominally  a  kingdom,  Aquitaine  was  in  reality  a  province, 
entirely  dependent  on  the  central  and  personal  government 
of  Charles.  The  law  of  the  country  was  almost  wholly 
Roman,  and  the  provincial  diets  were  held  rather  for  form 
and  show  than  for  purposes  of  legislation.  The  king,  it  is 
true,  had  a  court  and  maintained  a  kind  of  royal  estate  ;  he 
occasionally  received  ambassadors  ;  he  had  also  an  execu- 
tive department  and  a  treasury ;  but  the  whole  work  of  his 
officers,  though  transacted  in  his  name,  was  like  the  govern- 
ment of  the  province,  secondary  and  delegated.  The  nomi- 
nal designations  of  king,  and  kingdom,  might  gratify  the 
feelings  of  the  Aquitanians,  but  it  was  a  scheme  contrived 
for  holding  them  in  a  state  of  absolute  dependence  and  sub- 
ordination. The  regal  functions  of  Louis  were  very  circum- 
scribed, although  he  executed,  but  doubtless  under  well- 
defined  restrictions,  and  instructions  from  his  father,  certain 
official  documents,  some  of  which  are  still  of  record.1 

An  illustrative  case  of  the  early  period  of  the  nominal 
reign  of  the  juvenile  king  is  that  of  the  archbishop  Daniel 
of  Narbonne  which  came  up  in  782.  The  archbishop  having 
made  the  pilgrimage  of  the  Holy  Land,  had  appointed  a 
certain  Arluin  curator  of  his  diocese.  During  his  absence 
Count  Milo  of  Narbonne  took  advantage  of  the  situation  by 
appropriating  to  his  own  use  sundry  possessions  of  certain 
churches  of  that  city,  and  doubtless  by  false  statements  pre- 
vailed with  Charles  in  confirming  them  to  him  as  fiefs. 

Arluin,  in  the  name  and  interest  of  the  absent  archbishop, 
brought  suit  against  Milo  before  the  royal  commissioners, 
empowered  to  hold  court.  Milo  appealed  to  the  royal  grant, 
but  failed  to  prove  his  title  to  the  sequestered  possessions. 
Arluin,  on  the  other  hand,  produced  witnesses  who  testified 
under  oath  that  they  belonged  to  Daniel. 

1  Miihlbacher,  /.  c.  Nos.  497-500. 


Chapter  XI.]  BENEDICT   OF  ANIANE.  285 

The  Court  accordingly  confirmed  them  to  Daniel  and  com- 
pelled Milo  to  make  restitution.  The  members  of  the  Court 
are  expressly  described  as  acting  under  power  from  Charles, 
and  as  his  plenipotentiaries,  and  the  case  shows  that  all 
matters  of  importance  were  referred  to  him  for  decision.1 

To  the  same  period  belongs  the  establishment  of  the 
monastery  of  Aniane  by  Benedict.  A  scion  of  the  Gothic 
family  of  the  counts  of  Magdalona,  he  bore  originally  the 
Gothic  name  of  Vitiza.  He  entered  the  Court  School  and 
spent  his  youth  successively  in  the  service  of  Pepin  and 
Charles,  as  cup-bearer  at  the  Court,  and  as  a  soldier  on  their 
military  expeditions. 

Against  the  wishes  both  of  his  father  and  of  his  royal 
master,  he  forsook  the  world,  and  in  774  became  a  monk  in 
the  monastery  of  St.  Seine,  in  the  diocese  of  Langres.  "  He 
spent  two  years  and  a  half  in  wonderful  abstinence,  treating 
his  body  as  a  furious  wild  beast,  to  which  he  would  show  no 
other  mercy  than  barely  not  to  kill  it.  .  .  .  He  strove 
to  make  himself  contemptible  by  all  manner  of  humiliations, 
and  received  all  insults  with  joy,  so  perfectly  was  he  dead  to 
himself.  .  .  .  Not  content  to  fulfil  the  rule  of  St.  Bene- 
dict in  its  full  rigor,  he  practised  all  the  severest  observ- 
ances, prescribed  by  the  rules  of  St.  Pachomius  and  St.  Basil. 
Being  made  cellarist,  he  was  very  solicitous  to  provide  for 
others  whatever  St.  Benedict's  rule  allowed,  and  had  a  par- 
ticular care  of  the  poor  and  of  the  guests." 

His  brethren,  upon  the  abbot's  death,  would  fain  have 
chosen  him  his  successor,  but  being  unwilling  to  accept  the 
charge  on  account  of  their  known  aversion  to  reformation, 
he  left  St.  Seine,  and,  accompanied  by  the  blind  monk  Wid- 
mar,  went  to  his  paternal  possessions  in  Languedoc,  and  on 
the  brook  Aniane,  not  far  from  the  river  Erau  (Aranris) 
and  near  a  chapel  of  St.  Saturninus,  built  a  small  cell  or 
hermitage. 

He  lived  there  for  several  years  in  great  poverty  with 
others  who  joined  him.     "  They  earned  their  living  by  labor, 

1  Histoire  generate  de  Languedoc,  L,  24  sq.  Waitz,  IV.,  2  ed.  p.  410,  No. 
4. — Simson,  /.  c.  I.,  438. 


286  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

and  subsisted  on  bread  and  water,  except  on  Sundays  .  .  . 
when  they  added  a  little  wine  and  milk,  when  it  was  given  to 
them  in  alms.  Benedict  did  not  exempt  himself  from  the 
work  of  the  others,  but  besides  doing  the  same  work  copied 
good  books."  The  number  of  his  disciples  increasing,  he 
quitted  the  valley,  and  built  a  monastery  in  a  more  spacious 
place  in  that  neighborhood. 

The  new  edifice  was  ready  in  792.  "  He  showed  his  love 
of  poverty  by  its  rigorous  practice  ;  for  he  long  used  wooden, 
and  afterward  glass  or  pewter  chalices  at  the  altar  ;  and  if 
any  presents  of  silk  ornaments  were  made  him,  he  gave 
them  to  other  churches."  On  this  subject,  however,  he 
changed  his  mind,  for  after  a  while  "  he  built  a  cloister,  and 
a  stately  church  adorned  with  marble  pillars,  furnished  it 
with  silver  chalices  and  rich  ornaments,  and  bought  a  great 
number  of  books." 

He  soon  had  three  hundred  cenobites  under  his  direction, 
and  also  exercised  a  general  inspection  over  all  the  monas- 
teries of  Provence,  Languedoc,  and  Vasconia ;  in  fact,  over 
the  whole  of  Aquitaine,  requiring,  with  great  firmness,  that 
all  should  submit  to  the  Rule.  Benedict,  as  might  be 
expected,  had  plenty  of  enemies,  clerical  and  otherwise ; 
they  charged  him  with  malversation  in  office  and  even  suc- 
ceeded in  influencing  the  mind  of  Charles  against  him.  But 
Benedict,  conscious  of  his  rectitude,  sought  the  imperial 
presence,  justified  himself,  and  Charles,  in  token  of  his  affec- 
tion and  good-will,  kissed  him,  and  with  his  own  hand  gave 
the  cup  to  his  whilom  cupbearer. 

Benedict  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  controversy  with 
Elipandus  and  Felix,  and  in  the  next  reign  rose  to  the 
highest  favor  and  honor.  He  died  in  the  monastery  of 
Inde,  near  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  821. 

The  monastery  of  Aniane  was  completed  in  792  ;  and  its 
abbot,  probably  the  most  influential  man  in  Aquitaine,  stood 
in  near  personal  relations  to  King  Louis,  yet  the  charter  of 
the  monastery,  bearing  date  July  27  of  the  said  year,  is  issued 
not  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Aquitaine  but  in  that  of 
Charles.      It  recites  that  he  accords  his  protection  to  the 


Chapter  XL]  KING   LOUIS.  287 

monastery  of  Aniane  in  the  canton  of  Maguelonne,  erected 
by  the  abbot  Benedict  on  his  own  property,  and  by  him 
personally  surrendered  to  the  king,  together  with  immunity 
from  secular  and  ecclesiastical  control,  and  the  free  choice 
of  its  abbot.1 

We  have  in  the  course  of  this  history  met  with  Louis  as 
an  infant  entering  his  dominions  on  horseback,  as  a  child 
enlivening  the  Frankish  camp  in  the  Saxon  country,  on  the 
verge  of  adolescence  receiving  the  insignia  of  a  warrior  at 
Ratisbon,  accompanying  his  father  on  the  great  expedition 
against  the  Avars  to  the  occupation  of  the  fortress  on  the 
Cumeoberg,  and  returning  to  Queen  Fastrada,  probably  as 
bearer  of  the  victorious  tidings. 

The  unsatisfactory  character  of  the  administration  of  the 
kingdom  of  Aquitaine  appears  from  the  rebellious  conduct 
of  Adalric,  the  Vasconian,  who  after  forming  an  alliance 
with  the  Arab  walis,  or  governors  of  the  Spanish  Marche, 
surprised,  defeated,  and  took  prisoner  Chorso,  duke  of 
Toulouse ;  though  a  Frankish  vassal  himself,  he  refused  to 
liberate  the  captive  Chorso,  also  a  Frankish  vassal,  except 
upon  his  swearing  fealty  to  himself.  The  guardians  of 
Louis  committed  the  radical  error  of  negotiating  with  the 
haughty  rebel  instead  of  forthwith  punishing  him.  They 
summoned  him  to  appear  at  an  Aquitanian  Diet,  held  at  a 
7§9]  place  called  "  The  Death  of  the  Goths  "  {Mors  Gotho- 
rum),  which  he  refused  to  attend  until  hostages  were  given 
him  for  his  personal  safety.  Then  he  came,  but  such  was 
the  craven  incapacity  of  the  local  governors  that  they  could 
only  effect  an  exchange  of  prisoners  and  prevent  civil  war 
by  rich  presents,  with  which  they  purchased  his  obedience.2 
Their  action  was  sternly  disapproved  by  Charles  ;  he  com- 
manded Louis,  Chorso,  and  the  rebel  Adalric  to  appear 
before  him  at  a  Diet  convened  at  Worms,3  and  his  orders 

1  Mtihlbacher,  /.  c.   No.  309. — Vita        2  Vita  Hlud.,  c.  5. 
Benedicti  Anian.  apud  Mabillon,  A.  S.  3  Vita  Hlud.,  cc.  5,  6  ;  Annal.  Mo 

o.  s.  Bened.  ed.  Venet.   IV.,  185  sqq.      sell.  a.  789  ;  Chron.  Moiss. 
187  sqq. — Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints, 
I.,  235  sqq. 


288  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

were  heeded.  The  refractory  Adalric  was  arraigned  before 
the  Diet  and  required  to  clear  himself  of  the  crimes  with 
which  he  stood  charged  ;  he  tried  but  failed,  and  was  con- 
demned to  perpetual  banishment.  Chorso  also  was  indicted 
for  incompetence  and  cowardice,  and  deprived  of  his  duchy, 
because  he  had  consented  to  the  will  of  Adalric  and  brought 
such  great  dishonor  on  the  king  and  on  the  Franks.1  His 
place  was  given  to  a  valiant  Frank,  the  famous  Wilhelmus, 
the  son  of  Theoderic  and  Aldana,  a  daughter  of  Charles 
Martel.2 

We  shall  meet  Wilhelmus  again,  but  add  here  some  par- 
ticulars, which  though  pertaining  to  a  later  period,  yet  on 
account  of  their  connection  with  Benedict  of  Aniane,  seem 
most  appropriate  in  this  place.  Wilhelmus,  like  many  other 
illustrious  men  of  the  Middle  Ages,  in  course  of  time 
exchanged  the  burden  of  high  station  and  the  distractions 
of  secular  pursuits  for  monastic  retirement,  and  in  804 
founded  the  monastery  of  Gellone,  situated  in  the  valley  of 
that  name,  a  league  distant  from  Aniane.  Two  years  later, 
with  the  consent  of  his  wife,  who  also  renounced  the  world, 
and  the  approbation  of  Charles,  reluctantly  obtained,  he 
withdrew  to  his  own  monastery  which  after  him  was  called 
St.  Guillelm,  or  St.  Guillaume  du  Desert.  He  received  the 
habit  at  the  hands  of  the  abbot  Benedict  of  Aniane,  "  was 
directed  by  him  in  the  exercises  of  a  religious  life  and 
sanctified  himself,  with  great  fervor  embracing  the  most 
humbling  and  laborious  employment,  and  practising  extraor- 
dinary austerities  "  until  his  happy  death  in  812.  He  was 
often  seen  riding  on  a  donkey  carrying  a  flask  of  wine  in  his 
wallet  and  a  cup  on  his  shoulder,  to  relieve  the  thirsty 
monks  of  Aniane  in  the  harvest-field  ;  it  is  added  that  he 
made  himself  very  useful  in  the  bakery  and  the  kitchen.3 
Wilhelmus  is  often,  though  inaccurately,  described  as  Duke 
of  Aquitaine. 

In  this  connection  it  is  said  that  "  in  those  days  duchies 

1  Vita  Hlud..  c.  5.  3  V.     Benedicti    Anian.    /.    c.    199  ; 

2  Mabillon,  Acta  Sand.  (ed.  Venet),      Butler,  /.  c.  I.,  232. 
IV  ,  1,  p.  bS. 


Chapter  XL]  COUNT   WILHELMUS.  289 

were  not  hereditary,  but  like  bailiwicks  bestowed  or  taken 
for  a  time  ;  this  Wilhelmus  found  the  Vasconians  very  proud 
and  overbearing  at  the  beginning,  like  people  who  are  by 
nature  impulsive  and  easily  moved,  even  because  of  the 
Vasconian  Adalric,  whom  the  king  had  banished  ;  but  in  a 
little  time  by  good  sense  and  force  of  arms  he  made  them 
keep  the  peace,  and  so  curbed  their  pride  that  they  did  not 
dare  to  undertake  anything  against  him."  « 

This  is  an  unquestionable  exaggeration,  for  the  Vasco- 
nians were  chronically  disloyal.2 

The  presence  of  that  celebrated  paladin  was  most  bene- 
790]  ficial  to  the  minor  king,  who  that  self-same  year  pre- 
sided in  the  local  Diet  of  Toulouse,  and  received  a  Saracen 
embassy  from  the  wali  Abu  Taher  {Abu-tor,  Abutaurus)  and 
other  Arab  walis  implicated  in  the  late  revolt,  suing  for 
peace  and  presenting  gifts,  which  seem  to  have  been  the 
stipulated  tribute  {dona  regid).  The  peace  was  granted  and 
the  tribute  accepted,  from  which  it  follows  that  the  course 
of  events  had  not  run  as  smoothly  in  the  peninsula  as  the 
language  of  Alcuin  seems  to  imply.  It  is  known  that 
Gerona  surrendered  to  Charles  in  785,  but  doubtful  if  the 
Frankish  conquests  extended  in  790  to  three  hundred  miles 
of  littoral  territory.3 

At  any  rate,  the  Frankish  supremacy  was  by  no  means 
established,  and  the  Saracens  took  advantage  of  the  mili- 
tary enterprises  of  Charles  on  the  northern  and  eastern  con- 
fines of  the  Frankish  dominions,  and  not  only  repossessed 
themselves  of  the  city  of  Gerona,  but  invaded  the  province 
of  Septimania. 

The  emir  Hesham,  the  son  and  successor  of  Abdel- 
Rhaman,  roused  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Arabs  throughout 
the  peninsula  by  means  of  the  Algihad,  or  proclamation 
of  a  holy  war  against  the  Christians,  substantially  of  this 
tenor : 

"  Praised  be  God,  who  has  raised  the  glory  of  Islam  by 
the  sword  of  the  champions  of  the  faith,  and  promised  the 

'  Vita  Hlud.,  c.  5,  cf.  Ermold  Nig.  2  Vita  Hlud.,  c.  13,  etc. 

I.,  57,  58.  3  Ale.  ep.,  14.     Vita  Hlud.  5. 

19 


29O  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

faithful  in  His  holy  book  and  in  terms  which  may  not  be 
misunderstood,  His  help,  and  glorious  victory. 

"  This  ever-adorable  Being  has  said  :  'Oye  faithful,  if  you 
cleave  to  God,  He  will  help  you  and  confirm  your  ways. 
Consecrate  therefore  to  the  Lord  your  good  actions.  He 
only,  by  His  aid,  is  able  to  rally  your  standards.'  There  is  no 
other  God  but  God.  He  is  One,  and  there  is  none  to  share 
His  glory.  Mahommed  is  His  apostle,  and  His  apostle  is 
His  beloved  friend.  Men,  hearken  unto  me  !  God  has  been 
pleased  to  place  you  under  the  guidance  of  the  most  noble 
of  His  prophets,  and  blessed  you  with  the  gift  of  faith.  He 
has  in  store  for  you  in  the  world  to  come  bliss  such  as  ear 
never  heard,  or  heart  conceived.  Show  yourselves  worthy 
of  such  great  blessing;  it  is  the  greatest  proof  of  His  love 
God  could  give  you. 

"  Defend  the  cause  of  your  immortal  faith,  and  be  true  in 
the  right  way.  God  bids  you  do  so  in  the  holy  book  He 
has  deigned  to  provide  for  your  guidance. 

"  Is  it  not  God  who  has  said :  'O  ye  faithful,  fight  the 
unbelieving  nations  around  you,  and  show  them  no 
mercy '  ? 

"  Come  then  with  the  utmost  speed  to  this  holy  war,  and 
quit  you  like  men !  Try  to  please  God.  Victory  and 
power  are  sure  to  be  yours,  for  the  Most  High  God  has 
said  :  '  We  must  needs  help  the  faithful.'  "  * 

The  Arabs  heard  and  shouted  for  joy,  dashed  on  their 
fleet  horses  through  the  mountain  passes,  and  entered  Vas- 
conia,  seemingly  with  the  sole  purpose  of  terrifying  the 
793]  Christians ;  but  in  the  following  year  their  visit  was 
not  one  of  ceremony  or  state.  A  hundred  thousand  Sara- 
cens obeyed  the  command  of  Abd-el-Malek ;  part  of  their 
number  fell  upon  the  Asturias,  others,  set  apart  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  Frankish  dominions,  overpowered  the  lieges  of 
Charles  in  the  Spanish  Marche,  retook  and  sacked  their 
cities,  and  swept  with  amazing  and  destructive  celerity  over 
the  plains  of  Septimania  ;  they  set  on  fire  the  suburbs  of 

'  Reinaud,  Invasions  des  Sarracins  en  France,  p.  101. 


Chapter  XI.]  ARAB   INVASION.  29 1 

Narbonne,  and  flew  onward,  like  a  whirlwind,  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Carcassonne.1 

The  whole  country  trembled  at  their  coming  ;  the  valiant 
count  of  Toulouse  collected  as  many  soldiers  as  he  was  able, 
and  though  but  a  handful  as  compared  with  the  enemy,  sal- 
lied forth  to  meet  them  and  dispute  their  progress. 

Near  the  confluence  of  the  Orbieux  and  the  Aude  the 
Franks  and  the  Saracens  met ;  a  most  sanguinary  battle  was 
fought,  known  in  history  as  that  of  Villedaigne,  in  epic 
poetry  as  that  of  Abiscamp. 

The  Christians,  under  the  inspiring  command  of  the 
heroic  William,  fought  with  a  vigor  and  determination  rarely 
paralleled  or  eclipsed,  stood  their  ground  unshaken,  and 
allowed  themselves  to  be  literally  hacked  to  pieces  without 
budging,  so  animating  was  the  example  of  their  leader,  who 
used  his  sword  as  a  mower  plies  his  scythe  in  cutting  grass. 
Those  heroic  men  stemmed  the  tide  of  Saracen  invasion, 
and  though  most  of  them  were  slain,  the  few  left  made  good 
their  retreat  in  excellent  order.  The  Saracens  scored  a 
dear  victory,  for  one  of  their  "  kings,"  that  is,  one  of  their 
leaders,  was  among  the  slain,  and  deeming  discretion  the 
better  part  of  valor,  abstained  from  the  pursuit,  secured 
their  enormous  booty,  valued  at  more  than  thirty  millions 
of  francs,  and  returned  into  Spain.2 

The  emir's  share  of  one-fifth  amounted  to  six  millions 
and  a  half  of  francs,  the  whole  of  which  he  set  apart  to  the 
completion  of  the  splendid  mosque  at  Cordova  which  had 
been  commenced  by  his  father.  Tradition  says  that  this 
devout  Mohammedan,  not  content  with  the  glory  of  building 
a  mosque  with  Christian  money,  cherished  the  strange  con- 
ceit that  it  should  stand  on  Christian  "  soil,"  and  for  that 
purpose  caused  sacks  filled  with  earth  from  the  battle-field 
of  Villedaigne  to  be  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  his  Christian 
prisoners  of  war  to  Cordova,  and  the  foundations  of  the 
monumental  pile  to  be  laid  in  that  earth.3     If  the  statement 

1  Chron.   Moiss.,  Vita  S.   Willelmi,  2  Chron.     Moiss.,     Annal.     Alam., 

apud  Mabillon,  A.  S.  /.  c.  p.  70  ;  Erm.  Lauresh.,  Enh.  Fuld.,  Sithiens.,  Einh. 

Nigell.  I.,  211  sqq. — Annal.  Alam.,  3  Chron.  Moiss.,  Annal.  Einh.,  Ala- 
Einh.,  al. 


292  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

is  true,  the  fate  of  that  mosque  points  the  lesson  of  the 
instability  of  things  below,  for  the  mosque  is  now  the  cathe- 
dral of  Cordova. 

The  incident,  historic  or  legendary,  of  Datus,  which 
doubtless  belongs  to  the  Saracen  invasion,  illustrates  the 
spirit  of  the  age.  He  lived  with  his  mother  on  the  paternal 
homestead  in  the  Rouergue,  when  the  miscreants  burst 
into  the  land ;  not  expecting  them  to  come  so  far,  he  hastened 
forth  to  dispute  their  progress ;  but  during  his  absence  a 
band  of  raiders  found  their  way  to  his  native  country,  laid 
it  waste,  plundered  his  home  and  dragged  his  mother  into 
captivity.  He  heard  that  the  marauders  were  still  within 
reach,  and  sped  with  a  number  of  his  friends  to  the  castle 
in  which  they  lay.  He  asked  them  to  surrender  his  mother, 
but  refusing  to  give  his  horse  in  exchange  for  her,  was 
doomed  to  witness  her  cruel  murder  by  one  of  the  Saracens. 
The  pangs  of  remorse  converted  the  warrior  into  a  hermit, 
and  led  him  in  concert  with  others  to  found  the  monastery 
of  Conques,  and  spend  the  residue  of  his  life  in  the  still 
greater  solitude  of  Grandvabre.1 

It  was  probably  on  the  occasion  of  his  marriage  to  Her- 
mingard,  a  daughter  of  Count  Ingram,  that  the  corrupt  ad- 
ministration of  the  kingdom  of  Louis  drew  forth  the  direct 
interposition  of  his  royal  father.  Some  provision  had  to  be 
made  for  the  domestic  establishment  of  the  king,  who  was 
then  about  sixteen.  His  father  expressed  surprise  at  what 
seemed  to  be  an  exhibition  of  parsimony,  for  he  failed  to 
bring  (unless  by  special  request)  the  so-called  benedictio  ; 
and  was  amazed  to  learn  that  the  administrators  of  the 
kingdom  of  Aquitaine  had  taken  advantage  of  the  inexpe- 
rience of  Louis,  diverted  the  crown-property  in  land  to  their 
own  uses,  and  reduced  the  young  puppet-king  to  a  state  of 
poverty.  Charles  immediately  stopped  the  outrage  by  the 
appointment  of  special  commissioners  charged  with  the  duty 
of  recovering  the  royal  domain,  and  applying  the  revenue 
to  the  use  of  the  crown. 

mann. ,    Enh.   Fuld.,    Lauresh. — Rei-  J  Le  Cointe,  VII.,    507;    Bouquet, 

naud.  VI  .  517. 


Chapter  XI.]  ROYAL  VILLAS.  293 

The  task  was  one  of  great  delicacy  and  its  execution  one 
of  considerable  difficulty  ;  but  the  tact  of  the  commission- 
ers, Willibert,  and  Richard,  the  brother  of  Angilbert,1  espe- 
cially that  of  Meginarius,  sufficed  to  accomplish  the  neces- 
sary measures  without  much  inconvenience  to  any  class  of 
persons  except  the  rapacious  vassals  who  had  so  grossly 
abused  the  confidence  of  Charles. 

The  juncture,  moreover,  appeared  favorable  to  the  intro- 
duction of  certain  reforms,  which  might  enhance  the  personal 
popularity  of  Louis;  but  his  royal  father  instructed  the  com- 
missioners to  proceed  with  the  utmost  caution,  lest  the 
sensitive  nobles  should  withdraw  their  affection  from  his 
beloved  son. 

The  King  of  Aquitaine  had  no  civil  list,  and  the  expense 
of  the  royal  establishment  was  defrayed  from  the  revenue 
derived  from  domanial  possessions,  and  certain  dues  and 
supplies  ;  it  was  ordered  that  thenceforth  the  king  should 
reside  during  the  winter  months  in  fixed  rotation  on  the  royal 
villas  at  Doue,  Chasseneuil,  Angeac,  and  Ebreuil,2  and  this 
arrangement,  in  the  opinion  of  the  commissioners,  would 
equally  distribute  the  burden  of  supplying  the  Court,  and  not 

1  If  the  conjecture  of  Mabillon,  Ann.  Ben.,  II.,  266  is  correct. 

2  I  have  given  in  the  text  the  modern  names.  The  authorities  mention  the 
Latin  names;  thus  Doue,  or  more  fully  Doue-la-Fontaine,  dep.  Maine-et-Loire, 
arr.  Saumur,  answers  to  Theotuadiim  ;  Chasseneuil,  the  birth-place  of  Louis, 
on  the  Clain  in  Poitou,  to  Cassinogilus,  or  Cassinogilum ;  Angeac  on  the 
Charente,  to  Andiacum  ;  and  Ebreuil,  north  of  Clermont,  to  Eurogilum. 

These  localities  have  been  the  subject  of  considerable  controversy.     Con- 
cerning Theotnadwn,  Ermold.  Nigell.  /.  c.  p.  480  (II.,  93  sqq.)  writes  : 
Trans  fluvium  Ligeris  locus  est  quippe  uber  et  aptus 

Cingitur  hinc  silvis,  hinc  quoque  planitie, 
At  medius  placido  fluviorum  gurgite  vernat, 
Piscibus  est  habilus  est  locuplexque  feris, 
Quo  Hludowicus  ovans  praecelsa  palatia  struxit. 
Quaeris  ?     Inest  Thedwat  nomen,  amice,  sibi. 

The  following  authentic  passage  relates  to  Chasseneuil,  dep.  Vienne,  arr.  Poi- 
tiers Cant.  St.  Georges: — "  Cassanogilo  villa  palatio  nostro  in  pago  Pictavo 
secus  alveum  Clinno." — Polyptychum  Irminonis,  publie  par  Guerard,  II.,  344. 
Append.  No.  9.  Cf.  Simson,  Ludw.  d.  Fromme,  I.,  33,  No.  5  ;  Miihlbacher, 
/.  c.  p.  80. 

On  all  the  localities,  see  the  collection  of  passages,  Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  89  sqq. 


294  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

overtax  the  ability  of  any  one  villa.  Under  this  regulation 
the  Court  came  only  once  in  four  years,  and  the  event  proved 
that  it  was  a  salutary  measure  as  well  as  an  economic  neces- 
sity. The  summer  months  Louis  generally  spent  with  his 
father,  but  the  city  of  Toulouse,  where  he  held  the  provin- 
cial diets,  was  nominally,  at  least,  his  permanent  residence. 

The  domanial  income  was  considerable  and  adequate  to 
the  extension  of  the  reforms  to  the  removal  of  an  onerous  and 
most  unpopular  obligation  which  until  that  time  remained 
operative.  Louis  abolished  the  so-called  fodrum,  that  is, 
supplies  in  kind  for  the  support  of  "  military  men,"  a  term 
which  comprehended  not  only  the  militia,  but  the  counts 
and  judges.  It  was  an  annual  tax  and  its  collection  fre- 
quently accompanied  by  "  excessive  harshness"1  on  the 
part  of  the  collectors  ;  its  abolition,  therefore,  was  hailed  as 
a  great  blessing.  The  king  engaged  to  defray  or  provide  for 
the  fodrum  from  his  own  revenue,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
people,  and  the  sole  discontent  of  the  extortionate  collectors. 

He  abolished,  likewise,  the  tribute  in  corn  and  wine  which 
the  Albigenses  had  been  obliged  to  pay. 

These  judicious  and  merciful  reforms  were  most  beneficial, 
and,  it  is  said,  so  greatly  admired  by  Charles,  that  he  ordered 
the  abolition  of  the  fodrum  throughout  his  dominions.  But 
this  seems  to  be  purely  imaginary,  for  the  capitularies  not 
only  do  not  mention,  but  flatly  contradict,  such  repeal.2 

795]  Meanwhile  the  relations  of  the  Frankish  government 
to  the  Saracens  near  the  Aquitanian  frontier  and  the  Christian 
King  Alonso  II.,  were  marked  by  growing  cordiality,  and 
the  vexed  delimitation  of  the  Spanish  Marche  was  accom- 
plished without  much  difficulty.  The  town  of  Ausona 
(Vic/i),  the  castle  of  Cardona,  the  town  of  Castaserra  (Cas- 
seres)  and  other  places  were  fortified,  garrisoned  by  Frank- 
ish troops,  and  placed  under  the  general  direction  of  Count 
Burellus.3      In  the   following  year  the  death   of    the  emir 

1  Crudelitas.  3  Vita  Hlud.,  c.    8.       Lembke,   Ge- 

2  Vita  Hlud.  cc.  5-7;    Ermold.  Ni-      schichte    von     Spanien,    I.,    p.     385 
gell.  II.,  93-98  ;  Mabillon,  /.  c.  IV.,  1 ;      sq. 

id.  Vita  Bened.  Anian.,  41. 


Chapter  XL]  ABDALLAH.  295 

Hescham  appears  to  have  been  the  immediate  occasion  of 
a  raid  into  Saracen  territory,  which  led  to  no  important 
immediate  results.1 

Still,  the  presence  at  the  court  of  Charles  in  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle,  of  Zeid,  the  wali  of  Barcelona,  who  commended 
himself  and  his  city  (that  is,  made  his  submission),  shows 
that  there  was  a  favorable  opening  for  the  recovery  of 
797]  what  had  been  lost  and  the  conquest  of  new  terri- 
tory. Louis  was  ordered  to  undertake  the  work  and  begin 
it  with  the  investment  of  Huesca;  but  this  expedition  like 
the  former  seems  to  have  been  a  failure.2 

Later  in  the  same  year  the  Saracen  Abdallah,  a  son  of 
Abdel-Rhaman,  proceeded  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  and  made  his 
submission.  This  was  peculiar,  and  affords  striking  illus- 
tration of  the  fame  and  power  of  Charles.  The  Saracens 
who  heretofore  came  for  aid  or  suing  for  peace  were  the 
rebellious  subjects  or  enemies  of  the  reigning  Ommiad  fam- 
ily of  Cordova.  Abdallah  was  a  member  of  that  family  and 
sought  the  king's  protection  against  the  ruling  emir.  "  I 
am,"  he  said  in  substance,  "a  son  of  Abdel-Rhaman.  When 
my  father  died  my  brother  Hesham  rose  against  me  and 
dispossessed  me.  I  was  banished  to  Mauritania.  Hesham 
is  dead  and  his  son  El  Hakem  sits  in  the  throne,  which  of 
right  belongs  to  me.  I  commend  myself  to  you,  and  invoke 
your  aid  against  the  usurper." 

Abdel-Rhaman,  or,  as  he  was  also  called,  Abderrhaman,or 
Abdurrhaman,  the  Emir  of  Cordova,  upon  the  authority  of 
Ahmed  el  Mokri,  an  Arab  historian  of  the  eleventh  century, 
sought  after  the  campaign  of  778  to  form  an  alliance  with 
Charles  by  marriage,  "  but  the  former  having  met  with  an 
accident  on  the  loins  .  .  .  that  design  was  abandoned. 
Charles,  however,  courted  his  friendship  and  pressed  the 
alliance,  and,  though  the  latter  was  declined,  peace  was 
established  between  the  sovereigns."3 

This  statement  is  legendary  and  improbable.     The  said 


1  Annal.    Lauresh.,    cf.      Lembke,  3  Murphy .  History  of  the  Mahome- 
l.  c,  L,  p.  363,  sq.                                       tan  Empire  in  Spain,  p.  84. — Lembke 

2  Ann.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Maxim.  /.  c  L,  349. 


296  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

emir  died  in  the  59th  year  of  his  life,  probably  in  788,  and 
passing  over  his  elder  two  sons,  was  succeeded  by  Hesham. 
We  may  accept  as  an  established  fact  that  soon  after  his 
accession,  about  789,  the  Franks  conquered  a  tract  of  lit- 
toral territory  from  the  Saracens.1  Abdallah  was  one  of 
the  elder  brothers. 

Charles  accepted  his  homage  and  promised  to  help  him  ; 
the  extent  of  the  support  he  gave  is  not  known,  but  it  was 
doubtless  inadequate.  Such  an  army  as  the  claimant  to  the 
throne  of  Cordova  needed  in  order  to  enforce  his  rights,  say 
a  body  of  from  eighty  to  a  hundred  thousand  men,  Charles 
could  not  and  would  not  furnish.  The  notices  of  record 
are  vague.  We  learn  that  late  in  the  year  Abdallah  was 
directed  to  return  with  King  Louis  to  Aquitaine,  and  that 
agreeably  to  his  own  desire  he  was  afterwards  conducted 
into  Spain,  and  committed  to  the  hands  of  trusty  men,  of 
whose  good  faith  he  entertained  no  doubt.2  It  is  proper  to 
add  that  his  enterprise  miscarried. 

The  singular  cordiality  between  Charles  and  Alonso  II., 
King  of  the  Asturias.  has  been  mentioned  before.  His  admi- 
798]  ration  of  the  king  of  the  Franks  was  remarkable  and 
he  neglected  no  opportunity  of  expressing  it.  The  year  be- 
fore he  sent  him  a  magnificent  tent ;  now  he  apprised  him 
of  the  conquest  of  Lisbon,  and  in  token  of  his  regard  Froia 
and  Basiliscus,  his  ambassadors,  brought  a  present  of  seven 
captive  Moors,  seven  mules,  and  as  many  coats  of  mail.3 
Such  was  his  devotion  that  when  he  sent  "  letters  or  ambas- 
sadors to  Charles,  he  invariably  styled  himself  his  subject."* 

Legend,  without  a  shadow  of  authority,  fables  of  a  tender 
explanation  of  their  cordial  intercourse,  representing  that 
Alonso  was  affianced  to  a  sister  of  Charles,  whom  he  never 
saw. 5 

As  an  offset  to  these  living  Saracen  trophies  in  the  pal- 
ace at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  came  the  alarming  intelligence  that 

1  Alcuin.  ep.    14  (Simson, /.   c.   II.,  3  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,   Max. 
15)-  4  Vita  Caroli,  c.  \b,proprium  suutn. 

2  Annal.  Lauriss.  Einh.  cf.  Lembke,  5  Lembke,  /.  c.  I.,  395.  Alonso 
I.  c .  I  ,   356,  304.  reigned  from  791  to  843. 


Chapter  XI.]         CORRUPTION   IN  AQUITAINE.  297 

their  unconfined  brethren  had  made  a  piratical  descent  upon 
the  Balearic  Islands  of  Majorica  and  Minorica,1  as  the  in- 
habitants called  them.  The  pirates  are  described  as  Sara- 
cens and  Moors. 

About  this  time  the  bishop  Theodulf  of  Orleans,  and 
Laidradus,  archbishop-designate  of  Lyons,  were  sent  as 
special  commissioners  into  the  Provence  and  Septimania. 
A  curious  poetic  report  of  their  mission,  from  the  pen  of 
the  former,  sheds  much  light  on  the  condition  of  society  in 
the  kingdom  of  Louis,  and  is  here  reproduced  in  part. 

He  writes,  that  vast  multitudes  of  people,  of  both  sexes, 
and  of  every  age,  crowded  upon  them,  seeking  to  press  the 
adjudication  of  their  suits  by  bribery,  attempted  in  various 
ways. 

"  One  man,"  he  says,  "  offers  me  Oriental  gems  for  put- 
ting him  in  possession  of  his  neighbor's  lands  ;  another 
gold  coin  with  Arabic  inscriptions,  or  silver  with  Latin 
legends,  as  the  price  of  some  coveted  estate  or  house." 
The  case  of  a  third,  seeking  to  influence  him  through  one  of 
his  servants,  is  remarkable.  He  took  him  aside,  saying : 
"  I  have  a  splendid  and  costly  vase ;  it  is  a  marvel  for  the 
purity  of  its  metal,  its  great  weight,  and  still  greater  anti- 
quity; it  is  superbly  ornamented. 

"  You  may  see  thereon  the  story  of  the  crimes  of  Cacus ; 
the  bruised  and  blood-stained  faces  of  the  shepherds,  and  all 
the  tokens  of  his  many  acts  of  rapine.  There  is  a  field 
saturated  with  the  blood  of  cattle  and  of  men  ;  Hercules  in 
his  fury  breaking  the  bones  of  the  son  of  Vulcan,  from 
whose  savage  mouth  belch  forth  the  most  fearful  of  his 
father's  flames  ;  Hercules  thrusts  his  knee  into  his  vitals,  his 
feet  into  his  sides,  and  with  his  iron  club  crushes  the  face 
and  smoke-emitting  throat  of  his  fierce  opponent.  There 
he  drives  the  oxen  out  of  the  cave,  and  you  plainly  see  their 
dread  of  being  pulled  a  second  time  by  their  tails. 

"  All  this  covers  the  hollow  part  of  the  vase  within  a 
bordered    circle.      The    other   side,    though   less   grand    in 

'Ann.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Enh.   Fuld. 


298  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

design,  represents  the  infant  of  Tyrinthus  in  the  act  of 
strangling  the  two  serpents,  and  all  the  ten  labors  in  regular 
succession. 

"  Constant  use,  however,  has  unfortunately  made  the 
outside  of  the  vase  so  smooth  that  the  effigies  of  Hercules, 
the  river  Chalydon,  and  Nessus  fighting  for  the  beautiful 
Deianira,  have  almost  become  effaced.  Nevertheless  there 
remain  distinctly  visible  the  fatal  robe  poisoned  with  the 
blood  of  Nessus,  and  the  terrible  fate  of  the  hapless  Lychas  ; 
aye,  and  you  may  see  expire  in  those  fearful  arms  the  famous 
Anteus,  who,  unlike  other  mortals,  could  not  be  vanquished 
in  combat,  or  thrown  on  the  ground.1 

"  This  beautiful  vase  I  propose  to  offer  to  my  lord,  if  he 
does  as  I  desire.  You  understand  that  my  parents  have 
presented  their  freedom  to  a  large  number  of  persons,  who 
are  now  virtually  free  ;  but  if  we  change  their  papers,  your 
master  will  take  comfort  from  the  ownership  of  that  beauti- 
ful vase,  I  from  the  possession  of  all  those  people,  and  you 
from  the  handsome  present  I  intend  to  make  to  you." 

Theodulf  mentions  a  number  of  similar  attempts  at  bri- 
bery, and  concludes  the  long  but  entertaining  poem  with  a 
solemn  charge  to  the  "judges,"  terminating  as  follows  : 

"  Spare,  mortal  man,  thy  fellow-mortals,  whenever  you 
are  able  ;  there  is  but  one  law  for  them  and  you.  However 
different  your  course  may  be  here  upon  earth,  remember 
that  both  its  beginning  and  its  ending  must  ever  be  the 
same  to  them  and  to  yourself. 

"  For  them  as  well  as  yourself  there  flows  a  sacred  fount 
in  which  both  you  and  they  must  wash  away  the  stain  of 
inherited  sin.     .     . 

"  The  author  of  life  died  both  for  you  and  them,  and  will 
reward  every  man  as  he  deserves.  I  now  furl  the  sails  of 
my  finished  book,  trusting  that  my  bark  may  ever  ride  at 
anchor  on  that  trusty  shore."  2 

1 1  am  undecided  whether  Theodulf  learning,  for   he  is  as    fond  of  innu- 

made  fun  of  the  strange  mythological  endo  as  of  scholastic  display, 

statements  of  the  tempter,  or  selected  2  Theodulf.     Carm.    28,    in    Poetae 

him  as  the  mouthpiece   of   his   own  Lat.  aev.  Carol.,  I. 


Chapter  XL]  ROYAL   PROGRESS.  299 

The  Saracen  descent  on  the  Balearic  Islands  was  followed 
by  a  direct  appeal  to  Charles  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants. 
799]  He  was  not  slow  in  punishing  the  pirates,  who  were 
a  source  of  terror  to  the  dwellers  on  the  coasts  of  Aquitaine. 
He  issued  orders  for  the  outfit  of  a  Frankish  fleet,  in  the 
ports  of  Narbonensis  and  Septimania,  and  along  the  whole 
coast  of  Italy  as  far  as  Rome  for  defensive  and  offensive 
service. 

The  Frankish  fleet  appeared  off  the  islands,  defeated  the 
Saracens  with  great  loss,  set  up  the  Frankish  flag,  received 
the  submission  of  the  islanders,  and  sent  to  Charles  the 
Saracen  standards.1 

Fortune  also  smiled  upon  him  in  the  Spanish  peninsula, 
for,  ere  the  year  closed,  Hassan,  wali  of  Huesca,  sent  ambas- 
sadors, with  presents  and  the  keys  of  the  city,  promising  its 
surrender  on  the  first  favorable  opportunity.2  Some  time, 
however,  was  to  elapse  before  it  presented  itself. 

Louis  might  desire  and  urge  the  necessity  of  his  father's 
SO©]  personal  presence  at  Chasseneuil,  both  with  respect  to 
military  operations  in  Spain  and  the  better  establishment  of 
his  kingdom  ;  but  Charles,  feeling  that  domestic  sorrow  and 
more  important  business  forbade  compliance,  commanded 
him  to  meet  him  at  Tours,  to  which  place  he  was  about  to 
repair  accompanied  by  the  Queen  Liutgard,  who  was  in  fail- 
ing health,  and  his  two  sons,  Charles  and  Pepin.3 

The  objects  of  the  royal  visit  were  two-fold,  the  one 
religious,  the  other  political,  but  the  first  clearly  masked  the 
second.  It  was  given  out  that  the  lord  king  was  about  to 
frequent  (in  connection  with  a  journey  of  inspection  to  the 
seaport  towns  in  the  Channel),  during  and  after  Lent,  cer- 
tain holy  places  containing  the  relics  of  illustrious  saints 
"  for  the  sake  of  prayer."  The  prayer  was  not  only  for  the 
salvation  of  his  soul,  but  more  particularly  for  the  recovery 
of  the  beautiful  and  beloved  Liutgard  ;  the  physicians  could 
not  help  her,  but  the  saints  might ;  still,  they  remained  deaf 
to  entreaty,  and  even  St.  Martin  disregarded  both  her  own 

1  Annal.    Lauriss.,    Einh.  ;  cf.    Al-  -  Annal.  Lauriss.  ;  Einh. 

cuin.  ep.  127,  and  Vita  Caroli,  c.  17.  3  Vita  Hlud.,  c.  12. 


300  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

fervent  prayer  and  the  intercessions  of  her  mighty  husband, 
his  three  royal  sons,  and  the  saintly  custodian  of  his  bones, 
for  she  grew  worse  and  died  at  Tours. 

The  political  object  of  the  royal  progress  had  respect 
to  the  grand  event  in  course  of  preparation  which  exalted 
Charles  to  the  summit  of  earthly  power.  He  conferred 
with  Angilbert  at  St.  Riquier,  with  Alcuin  at  Tours,  and 
on  his  return,  after  the  queen's  funeral,  with  Theodulf  at 
Orleans.1 

The  biographer  of  Alcuin  (who,  by  the  bye,  wrote  in  the 
next  reign  and  in  glorification  of  the  pious  Louis)  makes 
him  a  prophet. 

The  king,  holding  Alcuin  by  the  hand,  asked  him  in  a 
low  voice :  "  Tell  me,  master  mine,  which  of  these  my  three 
sons  will  in  your  opinion  succeed  me  in  the  honors  which 
God  on  me  unworthy  has  bestowed?"  Alcuin  directed  his 
eye  on  Louis  and  said,  "  The  humble  Louis  will  be  your 
excellent  successor." 

Only  the  king  heard  what  he  said.  They  entered  the 
Church  of  St.  Stephen,  and  Alcuin  noticing  the  attitude 
of  the  royal  brothers,  Charles  and  Pepin  with  their  heads 
proudly  erect,  but  Louis  meekly  bowing  his,  said  to  those 
around  him  :  "  Do  you  see  Louis  more  humble  than  his 
brothers  ?  Verily  you  will  behold  him  as  the  most  illus- 
trious successor  of  his  father." 

Presently,  while  administering  the  Holy  Sacrament  to 
the  royal  brothers,  the  humble  Louis  again  bowed  his  head 
and  kissed  the  hand  of  the  venerable  man.  Alcuin  turned 
round  to  Sigulf  and  said :  "  '  Whosoever  shall  exalt  him- 
self shall  be  abased  ;  and  he  that  shall  humble  himself 
shall  be  exalted.' 2  Verily  Francia  will  rejoice  in  this  man's 
succession  in  the  empire' '3 

The  present  writer  rejects  the  prophecy,  which  labors 
under  the  suspicion  of  having  been  uttered,  or  rather  manu- 
factured after  the  event;   for  its  credibility  is  neither  estab- 

1  Annal.     Lauresh.,     Guelf.     (799),         2  Matth.  xxiii.  12. 
Lauriss.  Einh.   Ale.  ep.  nos.  132,  133,         3  Vita  Alchuini    p    23  sq. 
238. — See  Note,  p.  313. 


Chapter  XL]  KING   PEPIN.  30 1 

lished  by  the  biographer's  assertion  that  Sigulf  was  his 
authority,  nor  by  his  testimony  as  to  the  reality  of  the 
event :  "  We  also  now  see  and  rejoice  in  the  fulfilment."  * 

The  reference,  moreover,  to  Charles  as  emperor  at  a  time 
when  he  was  only  king  savors  of  historical  inaccuracy  ;  while 
the  striking  resemblance  of  the  alleged  Alcuinian  prediction 
with  that  which  the  poetic  Ermoldus  Nigellus  puts  on  the 
lips  of  Paulinus,  patriarch  of  Aquileia,2  impugns  the  authen- 
ticity of  both  ;  and  last,  not  least,  comes  the  improbability 
of  Charles  committing  himself  to  so  indiscreet  a  question  at 
that  or  any  other  time,  and  the  yet  greater  improbability  of 
Alcuin  committing  himself  to  so  injudicious  a  reply  and 
vaticination. 

One  thing,  however,  is  certain,  that  Louis  asked  Alcuin 
to  send  him  from  time  to  time  hortatory  epistles,  that  he 
read  them  with  great  humility,  and  that  Alcuin  had  an 
exalted  opinion  of  his  piety. 

This  is  evident  from  a  letter  of  Alcuin  to  the  junior 
Charles  (date  801-804),  in  which  he  exclaims  :  "  Would  that 
I  might  have  the  privilege  of  frequently  addressing  to  your 
majesty  (almitati)  letters  of  admonition,  even  as  the  most 
noble  youth,  your  brother  Chlodoicus  (Louis)  has  desired 
me  often  to  send  admonitory  epistles  ;  the  which  also  I  have 
done,  and  God  willing,  shall  continue  to  do  ;  which  letters,  I 
know,  he  is  wont  to  read  with  great  humility,  etc."3 

Bidding  for  the  present  adieu  to  the  pious  king  of  Aqui- 
taine,  we  now  follow  his  brother  Pepin  to  Italy  in  order  to 
chronicle  the  martial  events  falling  within  this  period  and 
belonging  to  his  kingdom. 

We  have  heard  of  his  birth,  that  his  original  name  of  Car- 
loman  gave  way  to  that  of  Pepin  when  Pope  Hadrian,  his 
godfather,  baptized,  crowned,  and  anointed  him  king  of 
Italy,  and  that  he  resided  from  his  childhood  in  Pavia. 

His  rule  was  purely  nominal,  for  the  baiiilns,  or  guardian, 
whom  Charles  placed  by  his  side,  conducted  in  his  name,  but 
under  the  direction  of  his  royal   father,  the  affairs  of  his 

1  Hoc  nos  jam  factum  et  videmus  et  2  I.  V.,  564-600  in  MG.  SS.  477  sq. 
gaudemus,  etc.  3  Ale.  ep.  245,  /.  c,  p.  790. 


302  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

kingdom.  We  have  met  him  in  company  with  his  father 
in  the  Beneventan  campaign,  in  command  of  one  of  the 
armies  on  the  way  to  Bavaria,  and  as  a  victorious  leader  and 
conqueror  in  Pannonia. 

It  is  proper  to  recall  the  circumstance  that  at  the  time  of 
the  submission  of  Arigiso,  duke  of  Benevento,  Charles  made 
choice  of  Grimoald,  his  younger  son,  as  the  thirteenth  hos- 
tage, and  took  him  to  Francia.  This  happened  early  in 
787  ;  a  few  months  later  death  removed  first  Rumoald  (21st 
July),  and,  after  only  five  weeks  (26th  of  August),  duke  Ari- 
giso, so  that  the  hostage  fell  heir  to  the  duchy. 

7§§]  The  Beneventans  sent  an  embassy  to  Charles, 
entreating  him  to  surrender  Grimoald,  while  the  pope  used 
his  influence  in  checkmating  them.  Charles  refused,  but 
despatched  five  plenipotentiaries,  to  wit :  Maginarius,  abbot 
of  St.  Denis,  the  deacons  Atto  and  Joseph,  the  ostiarins 
Goteramnus,  and  count  Liuderich  as  special  commissioners 
to  the  spot,  where,  according  to  Hadrian,  Adelchis,  son  of 
Desiderius,  and  Byzantine  agents  were  exerting  themselves 
against  Frankish  supremacy.1 

The  policy  of  all  the  parties  concerned  in  this  matter 
was  as  diverse  as  were  their  interests  ;  the  whole  situation 
was  full  of  embarrassments,  suggesting  a  few  words  of 
explanation. 

Under  the  arrangement  made  with  Arigiso,2  Benevento 
became  tributary  to  Francia,  and  Grimoald,  the  duke's 
youngest  son,  a  hostage  in  the  hands  of  Charles.  In  their 
sudden  bereavement  the  Beneventans  turned  to  him,  request- 
ing the  liberation  of  Grimoald,  and  the  royal  consent  to  his 
succession  in  the  ducal  throne. 

Charles  hesitated,  for  he  may  have  suspected  the  loyalty 
of  Adelperga,  whose  feelings  towards  him  could  not  be 
cordial,  and  of  the  Beneventans  generally.  He  deemed  it 
expedient,  before  committing  himself  in  the  matter,  to 
ascertain   their  true   sentiments,   and   appointed  the  afore- 

1  Cod.  Carol.  (Jaffe),  nos.  S4-86  ;  Ep.  Carol.  (Jaffe),  5  ;  Erchempert,  Hist. 
Langob.  (in    MG.,  55,  Langob.,  I.,  236). 

2  See  p.  177  sq. 


Chapter  XI.]  BENEVENTAN   AFFAIRS.  303 

named  commissioners,  instructing  them  to  learn  from  per- 
sonal intercourse  with  the  ducal  family  and  the  Beneven- 
tans,  and  their  independent  observation  all  the  bearings  of 
the  case  and  report  to  him  the  results  of  their  inquiries. 
The  king,  moreover,  desired  them  to  confer  with  the  pope 
before  they  proceeded  to  Benevento. 

Hadrian  was  less  the  friend  and  partisan  of  Charles  than 
the  enemy  of  the  Lombards  generally,  and  of  the  duchess 
Adelperga  and  her  children  in  particular;  but  first  and  fore- 
most he  was  the  friend  of  himself  or,  as  he  put  it,  of  St. 
Peter. 

The  interests  of  the  apostle  and  his  enmity  of  the  Lom- 
bards shaped  his  policy  and  controlled  his  actions.  He  left 
no  stone  unturned  in  order  to  prevent  the  return  of  Grimo- 
ald  and  accomplish  the  reduction  of  Benevento  to  a  prov- 
ince of  the  Frankish  empire. 

Such  was  the  situation  when  the  royal  commissioners 
arrived  at  Rome.  Hadrian  doubtless  tried  to  instil  his 
views  into  their  minds,  and  influenced  some  of  their  num- 
ber to  act  upon  his  suggestions. 

He  warned  them  of  foul  play  and  bade  them  by  all  means 
travel  together ;  they  nevertheless  found  it  not  convenient 
to  act  upon  this  hint,  but  agreed  to  meet  at  Benevento. 

When  Maginarius  arrived  there,  he  learned  that  his  col- 
leagues had  continued  their  journey  to  Salerno,  and  was 
told  by  Frankish  partisans  that  the  Beneventans  designed 
forcibly  to  detain  the  commissioners  until  Charles  should 
decide  the  matter  of  Grimoald,  and  the  restoration  to  their 
rule  of  the  cities  previously  promised,  assigned,  or  donated 
to  St.  Peter,  agreeably  to  their  wishes.1 

He  then  decided  to  remain  at  Benevento,  and  pretending 
sickness,  requested  the  duchess  to  direct  the  return  of  his 
colleagues,  and  send  her  own  commissioners  for  a  confer- 
ence to  Benevento.  This  proposal  the  duchess  rejected, 
and  probably  the  same  Frankish  partisans  frightened  the 
commissioners  with  the  rumor  of  a  Beneventan  conspiracy 

1  See  p.  178. 


304  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

against  their  lives,  so  that  they  fled  during  the  night  and 
found  safety  at  Valva  on  Spoletan  territory. 

Atto  also,  it  was  said,  hearing  the  same  rumor  at  Salerno, 
took  sanctuary  in  the  church  ;  but  his  fears,  if  he  had  any, 
were  as  unfounded  as  those  of  his  colleagues,  since  the 
Beneventans,  so  far  from  offering  him  violence  or  attempt- 
ing to  detain  him,  begged  him  to  return  to  Charles  and 
assure  him  of  their  loyalty,  pledging  him  to  use  his  influ- 
ence with  the  king  to  consent  to  the  liberation  and  return 
of  Grimoald. 

Atto,  it  seems,  returned  to  Francia  before  the  other  com- 
missioners and  kept  his  promise. 

The  failure  of  the  joint  conference  was  doubtless  the 
effect  of  Hadrian's  intriguing,  and  the  alarming  insinua- 
tions of  the  Francophiles  at  Benevento  probably  emanated 
from  the  same  source. 

The  epistles  of  Hadrian,  from  which  most  of  these  details 
are  drawn,  are  most  damaging  to  his  reputation. 

Immediately  after  Atto  left  Salerno,  writes  the  pontiff, 
two  spatJiarii,  envoys  from  Constantinople,  accompanied  by 
the  governor  of  Sicily,  who  during  the  stay  of  Atto  had 
not  been  permitted  to  come  ashore,  landed  at  Acropoli  in 
Lucania,  and  under  conduct  of  a  Beneventan  escort,  pro- 
ceeded to  Salerno,  where  for  the  space  of  three  days  they 
were  in  close  conference  with  the  duchess  and  the  notables. 
The  Beneventans,  he  adds,  informed  the  Greeks  that  they 
had,  first  through  their  own  ambassadors,  and  then  through 
Atto,  requested  Charles  to  set  Grimoald  at  liberty,  desiring 
them  pending  his  expected  return  to  remain  at  Naples,  and 
assuring  them  that  Grimoald  would  certainly  fulfil  all  the 
obligations  which  Arigiso  had  undertaken,  but  not  been 
able  to  perform,  and  make  his  submission  to  the  Greek 
emperor,  their  master. ' 

It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  so  improbable  and  incredible 
a  statement.  The  spatharii,  however,  proceeded  to  Naples, 
and,  according  to  Hadrian,  ceased  not  to  plot  against  Charles. 

1  Epist.  Carol.,  Jaffe  IV.,  256  sqq. ;  346  sq. ;  348  ;  Cod.  Carol.,  257  sq.,  258, 
261. 


Chapter  XI]  BENEVENTAN   AFFAIRS.  305 

In  one  of  his  epistles  the  pontiff  declares  that  even 
though  the  Beneventans  should  in  all  respects  comply  with 
the  demands  of  Charles,  he  considered  the  return  of  Grimo- 
ald  most  undesirable.  "  Rest  assured,"  he  writes,  "  that  if 
you  send  Grimoald  to  Benevento,  you  cannot  be  secure  in 
the  possession  of  Italy."  ' 

He  also  enlarges  upon  the  scheme  of  Adelchis  attempting 
with  the  aid  of  the  Greeks  the  restoration  of  the  Lombard 
kingdom. 

Another  topic  of  constant  recurrence  is  the  Beneventan 
request  of  the  restitution  to  their  rule  of  the  Beneventan 
cities  which  Charles  had  given  to  the  apostle.2  It  is  a 
most  sore  point  with  him,  and  he  conjures  Charles  to  per- 
fect the  donation  so  that  he  might  be  able  at  the  apostle's 
tomb  to  pray  both  for  Charles,  the  queen,  his  spiritual 
daughter,  and  his  children.3 

In  this  connection  the  case  of  Capua  is  remarkable  for 
pontifical  casuistry.  He  informs  the  commissioners  that 
the  presbyter  Gregory  with  nine  other  Capuans  had  come 
to  him  denouncing  the  machinations  of  the  Beneventans 
and  Greeks,  and  acknowledging  his  authority,  saying  that 
they  desired  to  become  the  subjects  of  himself  and  St. 
Peter,  even  as  they  were  recognized  as  such  by  virtue  of 
the  king's  donation. 

These  men  were  private  individuals  and  partisans  of 
his,  opposed  to  the  return  of  Grimoald,  and,  of  course, 
utterly  unauthorized  to  speak  or  act  for  their  city.  Ha- 
drian, however,  saw  in  their  coming  a  splendid  opening  for 
getting  Capua,  saying  that  "  it  seemed  to  him  expedient  to 
receive  them  into  the  service  of  St.  Peter  because  it  would 
foster  dissensions  among  the  Capuans,  which  would  prove 
most  beneficial  to  St.  Peter  and  his  most  excellent  son  the 
lord  king,"  thinking  "  that  division  was  very  desirable  as 
tending  to  save  both  of  them  much  trouble,  and  proving 
the  best  means  for  effecting  the  submission  of  the  Capuans."  4 

1  Ibid.  Jaffe,  IV.,  254,  sq.  3  Ibid.  Jaffe,  IV.,  259. 

2  Ibid.  Jaffe,  IV.,  255,  sq.  263  ;  cf.  4  Ibid.  Jaffe,  IV.,  258,  345,  sq. 
347  sq. 


306  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  Prince  of  Peace  bequeathed  His  peace  to  His  dis- 
ciples, and  tenderly  prayed  for  the  Unity  of  the  Church  ; 
but  He  also  said  once,  speaking  of  the  opposition  to  His 
religion  by  a  wicked  world,  that  He  came  to  set  men  at 
variance.  Hadrian  appears  to  have  forgotten  the  first  pas- 
sage and  misapplied  the  latter.1 

He  begged  the  commissioners  to  give  him  their  opinion; 
their  answer  is  not  of  record,  but  he  actually  received  the 
Capuans  soon  after,  and  although  he  took  the  precaution 
of  making  them  likewise  swear  fealty  to  Charles,  the  city 
remained  Beneventan,  and  his  claim  of  it  vanishes  altogether 
from  the  record.2 

Such  was  the  situation  in  Italy  when  the  Beneventan 
case  awaited  the  final  decision  of  Charles.  It  redounds  to 
his  credit  that  he  set  aside  the  recommendations  of  Ha- 
drian, and  on  much  higher  political  grounds,  probably  also 
from  a  sense  of  justice  and  humanity,  pursued  the  most 
honorable  course. 

The  commissioners  reported  to  Charles  that  open  revolt 
was  inevitable,  unless  he  respected  the  popular  will  and 
allowed  Grimoald  to  succeed  in  the  government. 

That  revolt  would  most  probably  have  convulsed  all  Italy, 
and  promoted  a  certain  alliance  between  Benevento  and  the 
Greeks ;  and  these  allies  would  have  supported  Tassilo  and 
the  Avars,  and  involved  Charles  in  a  most  dangerous  war.3 

He  therefore  released  Grimoald,  and  binding  him  by  terri- 
ble oaths  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  a  faithful 
vassal,  presumably  to  the  continuance  of  the  tribute,  to  the 
recognition  of  Frankish  supremacy  by  causing  the  royal 
name  to  appear  on  his  coins,  and  to  the  injunction  requiring 
all  Lombards  to  shave  their  chins,  confirmed  him  in  the 
succession,  and  allowed  him  to  set  out  for  his  dominions.4 

'Compare      St.     John     xiv.,    27;  im.,   787;  Altahens.,   7S7.       Erchem- 

xvii.,  22,  with  St.  Matth.  x.,  35.  pert,  /.  c.  p.  236.      Chron.  Salem,  cc. 

2  Jaffe,  IV.,  260.  24,  25.     The  language  concerning  the 

3  Annal.  Lauresh. ;  Nazar. ;  Lau-  oath  runs  thus:  Et  Grimoldmn  per 
riss. ;  Einh.  Vita  Caroli,  c.  11.  terribile  sacramentum    constituit   du- 

4  Annal.  Laur.  maj. ;  Einh.,    Max-  cem,  etc. — Annal.  Maxim,  a.  787,  MG. 


Chapter  XL]  BENEVENTAN   AFFAIRS.  307 

It  is  also  said  that  Authari  and  Paulipert  were  designated 
resident  royal  commissioners,  to  observe  Grimoald,  and 
make  sure  of  his  loyalty,  Grimoald  being  expected  to  make 
honorable  provision  for  them.  They  were  probably  Lom- 
bards, at  least  their  names  are  Lombard  names,  and  it  is 
added  that  Charles  desired  Grimoald  to  select  a  maiden  of 
their  noble  race  as  his  wife.1 

It  seems  that  Grimoald  soon  forgot  these  obligations, 
assumed  a  decidedly  rebellious  attitude,  and  by  marrying  the 
princess  Wantia,  niece  of  one  of  the  Greek  emperors,  formed 
a  close  alliance  with  the  East,  which  in  the  strained  relations 
between  Charles  and  the  Byzantine  Court,2  opened  the  door 
to  intrigue.  It  is  difficult,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  eleven 
centuries,  and  with  so  few  data  to  guide  us,  to  form  an  impar- 
tial judgment  of  his  conduct ;  but  appearances  are  decidedly 
against  him,  and  expose  him  to  the  charge  of  insincerity. 

Two  of  his  gold  coins  extant,  displaying  on  the  obverse 
his  image  and  name,  and  on  the  reverse  the  inscription, 
DOMS  CARO  RX,  as  well  as  an  official  document  of  his,  of 
this  period  (say  789),  setting  forth  the  preamble :  "  In  the 
twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  the  most  pious  Charles,  the 
great  King  of  the  Franks  and  of  the  Lombards,  and  patri- 
cian of  the  Romans,"  prove  that  he  observed  formally  some 
of  the  engagements  of  his  oath.3 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Lombard  historian  charges  him 
with  flagrant  violations  of  the  rest,  and  beginning  the  strife 
of  rebellion.4  Beneventan  private  documents  extant  dis- 
close the  fact  that  he  completely  ignored  the  existence  of 
Charles,  for  they  designate  Grimoald  "  chief   duke,"  "  the 

SS.  XIII.;  and  on  the  provision  about  to  the  Byzantines,  "tarn  in   tonsura 

the  beard  :    Sed  prius  eum  sacramento  quam  in  vestibus  usu  Grecorum  per- 

vinxit,    ut    Langobardorum    raentum  frui  sub  eiusdem  imperatoris  dicione." 

tondere  faceret. — Erchempert,  as  be-  '  Chron.  Salem,  c.  25. 

fore.     See  Muratori,  Annali,  a.    788,  2  See  the  concluding  paragraphs  of 

cf.  V.   Hadriani,  Duchesne,  /.  c.  495  this  chapter. 

sq.,  where  the   new  subjects   of  the  3  Soetbeer,    in    Forschungen,    IV., 

pope    "more    Romanorum    tonsorati  339,  and  Hirsch,  ib. ,  XIII.,  64. 

sunt ; "  and  Codex  Carol.  Jaffe,  IV.,  4  Erchempert,  /.  c. 

260,  containing  the  promise  of  Arigiso 


308  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

most  glorious  lord,  by  divine  providence  clothed  with  su- 
preme power,  and  appointed  prince  of  the  Lombards ;  " 
and  only  mention  the  year  of  his  "  principate."  ' 

All  such  rebellious  acts  were  duly  noted,  and  reported, 
by  the  ever  vigilant  Hadrian,  whose  communications  are 
not  chargeable  with  understatement,  and  drew  forth  a  royal 
order  in  virtue  of  which  Pepin  led  an  army  into  the  Bene- 
791]  ventan  territory,  which  ravaged  "  a  great  part  "  of  the 
same  and  set  it  on  fire.2  In  the  following  year  Pepin  and 
Louis  returned  with  a  large  army,  composed  in  part  of 
Aquitanian  troops,  devastated  the  duchy,  seized  a  castle, 
and  flushed  with  victory,  retraced  their  steps  to  Germany 
because,  according  to  the  intimation  of  an  encomiastic  biog- 
rapher of  his  Aquitanian  majesty,  filial  regard  prompted 
them  to  hasten  to  the  side  of  Charles  and  comfort  him  in  the 
sorrowful  conspiracy  of  their  half-brother.  This  was  doubt- 
less part  of  the  truth,  but  not  the  whole  ;  the  retreat  of  the 
Frankish  army  was  a  stern  necessity,  for  it  arrived  at  the  time 
792]  of  a  famine  so  exceeding  sore  that  not  a  few  were  unable 
to  keep  the  Lenten  fast,  and — in  the  total  failure  of  bread- 
supplies — had  to  maintain  themselves  by  eating  meat.3 

The  famine  was  not  confined  to  Benevento  but  extended 
over  a  large  territory ;  it  raged  throughout  Italy,  in  Bur- 
gundy, Gothia,  the  Provence,  and  other  parts  of  Francia. 
The  incidents  connected  with  it,  of  which  we  read,  are  too 
horrid  to  be  credible.  The  poor  people  in  their  distress  ate 
everything,  devoured  the  most  revolting  substances,  and 
even  turned  cannibals,  "  brothers  eating  their  brothers,  and 
mothers  their  own  children."  In  some  parts  their  misery  was 
heightened  by  nature  mocking  them  with  the  lying  promise 
of  rich  harvests ;  the  fields  brought  forth  an  immense  quan- 
tity of  "  false  corn  ;  "  "  whoever  ate  of  it  died,  while  the 
flour  which  was  made  of  it  vanished  under  their  hands."4 

The  authorities  are  silent  concerning  the  details  of  military 

•Cod.   dipl.   Cavens.,  I.,  1-6,  Nos.  4  Annal.  Mosell.  791,  92.    Lauresh., 

1-5.  Salisb.  addit.  auct.  Cod.   Monac.  MG. 

2  Annal.  Guelferb.  a.  791.  SS.  XIII.  237. — See  Capit.  Francof., 

3  Vita  Hlud.  c.  6  ;  Annal.  Lauresh.  Book  III.,  Ch.  I.,  no.  25. 


Chapter  XL]  BENEVENTAN  AFFAIRS.  309 

events  in  Benevento  during  the  remaining  years  of  the  eighth 
century  ;  and  it  must  serve  our  purpose  to  supplement  the 
omission  by  the  subjoined  general  paragraphs  of  the  Lom- 
bard historian.  "  Charles,"  he  writes,  "  frequently  overran 
the  Beneventan  territory  with  armies  of  immense  strength, 
but  God,  under  whose  protection  we  have  flourished  until 
now,  sent  a  pestilence  on  them  [/.  e.  later],  and  again  and 
again  compelled  him  after  the  loss  of  countless  multitudes 
ingloriously  to  return  with  a  mere  handful  of  soldiers. 

"  Thus  it  happened  that  while  Pepin  ruled  in  Ticinum 
(=Pappia  or  Pavia]  and  Grimoald  defended  Benevento,  per- 
petual war  was  the  sad  lot  of  the  poor  Beneventans,  so  much 
so  that  during  the  lifetime  of  the  said  princes  they  had 
not  a  moment  of  peace.  For  both  princes  from  early  youth 
to  age  excelled  and  delighted  only  in  commotion  and  war. 
Pepin,  with  a  large  army  under  his  command,  was  ever  stir- 
ring up  strife  for  Grimoald,  while  Grimoald,  safe  in  the  pos- 
session of  strong  cities,  and  the  compact  support  of  the 
nobles  and  the  people,  lightly  esteemed  and  despised  the 
persecution  of  Pepin,  and  in  no  manner  gave  way  to  him. 
The  ambassadors  of  Pepin  had  instructions  to  say  that  it  was 
his  steadfast  purpose  to  make  Grimoald  as  much  his  sub- 
ject as  Arigiso,  his  progenitor,  had  been  the  subject  of  Desi- 
derius,  King  of  Italy." 

To  this  vaunt  Grimoald  replied  :  "  Free  and  freeborn  I  am 
on  the  side  of  my  father  and  mother,  and  I  believe  that,  with 
the  help  of  God,  free  I  shall  ever  remain."  * 

Retracing  the  course  of  events,  it  is  strange  to  record  in 
the  light  of  subsequent  events  the  episode  of  the  long- 
expected  Byzantine  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Italy, 
occasioned,  it  is  alleged,  by  the  refusal  of  Charles  to  ratify 
in  actual  marriage  the  matrimonial  engagement  of  the  Em- 
peror Constantine  and  his  daughter  Rotrud.2     At  any  rate 

1  "  Liber    et    ingenuus    sum   natus  2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  78S.     The  Greeks 

utroque    parente  ;  Semper   ero   liber,  represent  that  the  Empress  Irene  broke 

credo,  tuente    Deo."     Erchempertus,  off  the  match  ;  cf.  Theoph.  Chronogr. 

Hist.     Langob.    Benevent.    MG.    SS.  Bouquet,   V.,    188.     See  p.   231,  note 

(S.S.    Rerum  Langob.   et  Ital.   Saec.  2. 
VI.-IX.)  t.  i.,  p.  236. 


310  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

it  is  certain  that  hostilities  began  on  the  part  of  the  Greeks, 
and  that  Arigiso  shortly  before  his  death  succeeded  in  stir- 
ring up  a  Greek  feeling  in  some  of  the  cities  of  Tuscany, 
while  negotiating  with  the  Court  of  Constantinople  on  the 
subject  of  a  union  of  Naples  and  Benevento  under  Byzan- 
tine supremacy,  but  to  be  administered  by  himself  as  impe- 
rial vassal. 

His  death  put  an  end  to  the  plot,  and  Grimoald,  fresh 
from  his  transalpine  abode  with  Charles,  in  a  burst  of  loy- 
alty, remained  deaf  to  the  entreaties  of  his  mother  (a  daugh- 
ter of  Desiderius),  and  the  overtures  of  the  Greeks  and  his 
uncle  Adelchis  (the  son  of  Desiderius),  looking  to  the  over- 
throw of  Frankish  supremacy  in  Italy,  the  independence 
of  Benevento,  and  the  restoration  of  the  Lombard  kingdom. 

An  imperial  army  landed  in  Calabria  and  marched,  under 
conduct  of  prince  Adelchis,  John  the  treasurer,  and  Theo- 
dore, prefect  and  patrician  of  Sicily,  upon  Benevento. 

A  Frankish  army,  composed  of  troops  collected  in 
Northern  Italy,  and  the  Spoletan  and  Beneventan  contin- 
gents, set  out  to  meet  them.  Hildeprand,  Duke  of  Spoleto, 
and  Grimoald,  Duke  of  Benevento,  led  their  own  forces,  but 
under  the  general  direction  of  the  royal  legate  Count  Wini- 
gisus,  a  Frankish  officer  of  great  ability.  An  engagement 
took  place  in  which  the  imperialists  suffered  a  stinging 
defeat,  deploring  the  loss  of  John  the  treasurer,  and  of  the 
gallant  Adelchis,  "  who  was  slain  in  bitter  death,"  if  the 
statement  of  the  authority  named  last  in  the  note  were  en- 
titled to  respect.  But  as  it  is  manifestly  the  result  of  a 
palpable  mistake,  the  additional  detail  that  the  Franks 
took  him  prisoner  and  executed  him  falls  to  the  ground. 
It  is  generally  believed  that  he  returned  to  Constantinople 
and  died  there  in  old  age.1  The  Frankish  authorities  admit 
only  a  slight  loss,  but  claim  many  prisoners  and  rich  spoils. 

The  event  gave  the  death-blow  to  the  restoration  of  Lom- 
bard rule,  and  crushed  the  hopes  of  the  Byzantines  for  the 
recovery  of  their  departed  prestige.1      The  Greek  loss  in 

1  Annal.  Einh.;  Lauriss.;  Maxim  ;  cf.  Chron.  Theophon.;  Sigeberti,  a.  788. 


Chapter  XL]  REVOLT   OF  THE   BRETONS.  31 1 

slain  is  given  at  four  thousand,  and  in  prisoners  at  one 
thousand.     The  Greeks  fled  to  their  ships  and  sailed  away.1 

Among  the  remaining  events  of  this  period  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Brittany  and  the  Norman  piracies  are  most  memo- 
rable. 

The  fierce  Bretons,  a  people  of  Celtic  origin,  having  felt 
the  power  of  the  Franks  for  more  than  half  a  century,  but 
too  turbulent  to  acquiesce  in  a  rule  which  they  loathed, 
took  occasion  to  assert  their  independence  whenever  they 
could.  In  786  their  refusal  to  pay  tribute  was  followed  by 
a  Frankish  army  which  entered  the  Marche  and  exacted 
their  submission.2  After  the  lapse  of  thirteen  years  they 
raised  once  more  the  standard  of  revolt.  Count  Wido,  a 
valiant,  just  and  pure  man  of  parts,  and  of  illustrious 
descent,  led  an  army  throughout  the  entire  province,  over 
which  he  presided  as  prefect,  and  for  the  first  time  subdued 
it.  Until  then  the  submission  had  only  been  partial,  but 
now  it  "  seemed  to  be  wholly  subdued,  and  would  have  been 
so  in  reality,"  adds  the  annalist,  "  had  not  the  habitual  fickle- 
ness of  the  treacherous  people  soon  changed  the  appear- 
ance of  things."3  Wido  received  the  submission  of  the 
chiefs,  and  in  token  of  its  reality,  their  arms,  inscribed  with 
the  name  of  their  owners  ;  their  delivery,  it  would  seem, 
was  the  expressive  symbol  of  the  obedience  of  the  respec- 
tive chief  together  with  that  of  the  people  living  on  his 
land.  The  solemn  presentation  of  these  trophies,  arranged 
in  stands,  and  inscribed  as  told,  in  the  royal  residence  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  must  have  been  an  imposing  scene,  alike 
grateful  to  the  king  and  his  faithful  prefect.4 — It  is  added, 
that  the  Breton  chieftains  in  the  year  next  ensuing  paid 
their  respects  to  Charles  at  Tours,  with  presents,  and  ratify- 
ing their  submission  by  taking  the  customary  oath  of  alle- 
giance.5 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Alcuin.  Ep.  14.  cited  or  named  by  Simson,  /.  c.  II., 

2  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.,  a.  786  ;  cf.      200  n.  7. 

Vita  Caroli,  c.  10.     Seep.  217.  4  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh. 

3  Annal.  Einh.,  a.   799,    cf.  Annal.  s  Annal.  Mett. 
Lauriss.   cf.  on    Wido  the  authorities 


312  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

By  a  strange  coincidence  the  Frankish  dominions  began 
to  be  exposed  simultaneously  to  piratical  descents  on  the 
islands  of  the  Mediterranean  by  the  Moors,  and  along  the 
vast  stretch  of  coast  from  Aquitaine  and  Brittany  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Elbe,  by  the  Normans,  or  Northmen.  They 
were  Danes  who  "  began  their  career  as  pirates,  but  after- 
wards took  to  laying  waste  the  coasts  of  Gaul  and  Germany 
with  a  large  fleet."  * 

Charles,  at  their  first  appearance,  with  his  usual  energy, 
commanded  the  defence  of  the  coast,  and  if  necessary,  the 
pursuit  and  punishment  of  the  invaders.  He  instituted  a 
coast-guard  service  in  all  the  harbors,  and  the  mouths  of 
rivers  large  enough  to  admit  the  entrance  of  vessels,2  ordered 
the  building  of  a  fleet,  and  proceeded  in  person,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  inspect  the  progress  of  the  work. 

The  northern  pirates  infested  the  islands,  and  coast,  of 
Aquitaine  ;3  these  islands  were  Oleron,  R6,  Yeu  (Dieu),  and 
Noirmoutier,  off  the  French  coast,  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay.4 
Alcuin  states  that  in  one  of  their  descents,  part  of  them 
perished,  and  that  a  hundred  and  five  of  the  pirates  lay  dead 
on  the  shore,  adding  that  the  great  and  sore  chastisement 
of  such  visitation,  unknown  to  Christians  of  former  genera- 
tions, was  probably  caused  by  the  unfaithfulness  of  the 
servants  of  God  in  the  matter  of  their  vows.  The  subse- 
quent history  of  the  Norman  piracies  seems  to  intimate  a 
different  cause.5 

An  anecdote,  more  legendary  than  historical,  belonging  to 
this  period,  is  given  at  its  worth. 

"  Charles  who  was  ever  astir,"  records  the  Monk,  "  arrived 
by  mere  hap,  and  unexpectedly,  in  a  certain  town  of  Nar- 
bonnese  Gaul.  Whilst  he  was  at  dinner,  and  as  yet  unrecog- 
nized of  any,  some  corsairs  of  the  Northmen  came  to  ply 
their  piracies  in  that  very  port.  When  their  vessels  were 
descried,  it  was  thought  that  they  were  Jewish  traders,  as 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  14.  4  See  Diimmler's   note  on  the    last 

2  Ibid.,  c.  17,  Annal.  Lauriss.,  citation,  and  Simson,  /.  c.  II,  207, 
Einh.,  a.  800.  no.  2. 

3  lAc.  ep.  127  (Jaffe).  5  Alcuin.  ep.  127. 


Chapter  XI.]  ANECDOTE.  313 

some  conjectured  ;  others  said  that  they  were  African,  and 
still  others  declared  that  they  were  British.  But  the  gifted 
monarch,  perceiving  from  the  build  and  lightness  of  the 
craft,  that  they  bore  not  merchandise  but  foes,  said  to  his 
own  folk  :  '  These  vessels  are  not  laden  with  merchandise, 
but  manned  with  cruel  enemies.' 

"  At  these  words,  all  the  Franks,  in  rivalry  with  one 
another,  ran  to  their  ships,  but  uselessly;  for  the  North- 
men, indeed,  hearing  that  yonder  was  he  whom  it  was  still 
their  wont  to  call  Charles  the  Hammer,  feared  lest  all  their 
fleet  should  be  taken  or  destroyed  in  the  port,  and  avoided, 
by  a  flight  of  inconceivable  rapidity,  not  only  the  glaives, 
but  even  the  eyes  of  those  who  were  pursuing  them. 

"  Pious  Charles,  however,  a  prey  to  well-grounded  fear, 
rose  up  from  table,  stationed  himself  at  a  window  looking 
eastward,  remained  there  a  long  while,  and  his  eyes  filled 
with  tears.  As  none  durst  question  him,  this  warlike  prince 
explained  to  the  nobles  who  were  about  his  person  the 
cause  of  his  movement  and  of  his  tears :  '  Know  ye,  my 
lieges,  wherefore  I  weep  thus  bitterly  ?  Of  a  truth  I  fear 
not  lest  these  fellows  should  succeed  in  injuring  me  by  their 
miserable  piracies  ;  but  it  deeply  grieves  me  that,  whilst  I 
live,  they  should  have  been  nigh  to  touching  at  this  shore, 
and  I  am  a  prey  to  violent  sorrow  when  I  foresee  what  evils 
they  will  heap  upon  my  descendants  and  their  people.'  "J 

1  Monach.  Sangall.  II.,  12.  From    St.    Riquier    he    proceeded 

N0te-  along   the   coast  to   Rouen  ;    at   that 

The  progress  of  Charles  a.   800.  Place    Hademar,    the   ambassador   of 

Charles  left  Aix-la-Chapelle  about  King  Louis»  met  Charles,  entreating 

the  middle   of  March  on  the  tour  of  him  to  extend  his  journey  to  Chasse- 

inspection  along  the  Channel  Coast,  neuil-     Charles  declined  and  instead 

in  the  course  of  which  he  appointed  desired  his  son  to  meet  him  at  Tours, 

the   coast    guard,    and    directed    the  He  then  continued  his  journey  to 

building  of  a  fleet  intended  for  service  that  dtY  accompanied  by  Queen  Liut- 

against  the  Normans.  gard  and  his  sons  Charles  and  Pepin. 

He  also  visited  the  royal  villas  and  From  Tours  the  kin£  returned,  by 

sanctuaries.  way   of   Orleans,    Paris,  and  Ver,   to 

Easter  he  spent  with  Angilbert,  in  Aix-la-Chapelle ;    Louis  accompanied 

the  monastery  of  St.  Riquier  at  Cen-  him    to   Ver,    and    then    returned   to 

tula,  receiving  there  Alcuin.  Aquitaine. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

CHARLES  AND  THE  CHURCH,  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  HA- 
DRIAN I. 

Inconsistency  of  Charles. — His  relations  to  the  Church. — "General  Admoni- 
tion."— "Instruction  for  the  Royal  Commissioners." — "Exhortation." — 
Theological  questions:  Adoptianism ;  Image  Worship. — The  "Caroline 
Books." — Liberal  views  of  Charles. — Death  of  Hadrian. — Charles  and 
Hadrian. — Epitaph. — Estimate  of  Hadrian. 

In  essaying  to  narrate  the  relations  of  Charles  to  the 
Church  we  naturally  try  to  probe  the  man.  Thus  far  we 
have  considered  his  life  in  sundry  aspects,  and  discovered 
first  the  indomitable  will  which  in  the  pursuit  of  its  object 
surmounts  every  obstacle,  removes  by  the  assertion  of 
right,  just  or  unjust,  by  fair  means  or  foul,  individuals  or 
nations  that  may  resist  his  purpose  and  dare  to  oppose 
his  sway ;  thus  Carloman  and  his  family,  Desiderius  and 
his  family,  Tassilo  and  his  family,  were  ruthlessly  and  for 
all  time  to  come  made  harmless ;  thus  the  poor  Saxons 
were  cruelly  butchered  and  exterminated,  and  the  hardly 
more  fortunate  Avars  robbed,  killed,  and  nationally  annihi- 
lated. We  have  also  discovered  in  him  the  sagacity  of  a  far- 
sighted  statesman,  the  genius  of  a  brilliant  soldier  alike  in 
strategy,  resource,  and  valor,  the  enlightened  patron  of 
learning,  literature,  art,  and  science,  the  selfish  violator  of 
laws  human  and  divine  in  the  facility  with  which  he  formed 
or  severed  matrimonial  alliances,  the  kind  and  affectionate 
husband,  the  indulgent  parent,  the  loving  and  generous 
friend. 

The  evidence  in  support  of  all  these  traits  and  facts 
already  presented  is  too  overwhelming  to  admit  of  dispute. 
What  then,  it  will  be  asked,  was  the  religion  of  Charles  ? 
Was  he  religious  in  the  general  sense  of  the  word  ?     Had  he 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES  AND   THE  CHURCH.  315 

a  conscience  ?  Was  he  uninformed  or  misinformed  on  mat- 
ters of  theoretical  and  practical  morality  ? 

Perhaps  the  best  way  of  answering  these  questions  is  to 
leave  them  unanswered,  or  ask  the  reader  if  he  can  believe 
the  king  of  the  Franks  a  weakling  on  any  point,  who  could 
be  duped  by  living  mortal  in  his  day  and  generation  ? 

No,  he  was  the  best-informed  man  of  his  age,  and  in  the 
expressed  opinion  of  the  highest  contemporary  authorities, 
the  most  pious,  devoted,  zealous  Christian  in  all  Christen- 
dom ;  his  praise  was  rehearsed  in  every  living  tongue  as 
that  of  a  Moses,  a  Joshua,  a  David,  a  St.  Paul,  or  a  Boaner- 
ges. He  studied  the  Scriptures  and  knew  much  of  them 
by  heart,  frequented  the  service  of  the  Church  with  scrupu- 
lous regularity,  knew  all  the  Canons,  was  deeply  versed  in 
scholastic,  especially  patristic,  theology,  revised  or  drew  up 
the  Canons,  engrafted  provisions  of  the  Mosaic  code  upon 
the  codes  of  the  nations  under  his  rule,  preached  to  the 
hierarchy  of  occidental  Christendom,  exhorted  the  pope,  and 
originated  or  corrected  the  decisions  of  Church  Councils  ; 
he  was  instant  in  prayer,  steeped  to  the  core  in  religious 
learning,  an  enthusiastic  lover  of  Church  music,  and  wont 
to  accompany  the  rich  and  pure  service  of  the  palace  church 
in  the  low,  sweet  tones  of  his  melodious  voice. 

Such  was  Charles,  inconsistent,  peccant,  contradictory,  in 
brief — a  man. 

To  the  Church  at  large  he  was  the  most  Christian,  the 
most  ardent  defender  of  the  faith,  animated  by  the  grand 
and  dominant  desire  of  propagating  Christianity,  imposing 
the  easy  yoke  of  Christ  upon  pagan  idolaters  and  Moslem 
misbelievers,  and  ranging  all  the  nations  of  Europe  under 
his  victorious  sceptre.  The  Saracens  fabled  of  Allah  and 
Mohammed,  his  prophet ;  the  Christians  might  point  to 
Charles  and  say  that  he  was  greater  than  that  prophet,  and 
destined  to  make  the  Crescent  pay  homage  to  the  Cross. 

With  the  popes  he  maintained  most  friendly  intercourse ; 
with  Hadrian,  for  a  long  time,  that  of  a  cordial  friendship. 

It  may  be  convenient  to  consider,  first,  his  general  rela- 
tions to  the  whole  hierarchy,  and   then   the  great   church 


3l6  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

questions  which  belong  to  the  royal  reign,  as  well  as  trace 
the  course  of  events  which  culminated  in  his  coronation  as 
Emperor  of  the  West. 

The  opening  speech,  preface,  or  "  General  Admonition," 
made  or  delivered  by  Charles  in  the  Diet  holden  in  the  pal- 
ace at  Aix-la-Chapelle  "  in  the  year  of  our  Lord's  incarna- 
tion 789,  of  the  Indiction  12,  of  our  reign  21,"  affords  one  of 
the  best  illustrations  of  his  precise  relation  to  the  Church. 
It  reads  substantially  as  follows : 

"  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord  reigning  forever,  I,  Charles,  by  the 
grace  and  mercy  of  God,  King  of  the  Franks  and  defender 
of  holy  Church,  to  all  orders  of  ecclesiastical  piety  or  secular 
power,  greeting  and  peace  in  Christ  Jesus,  our  eternal  Lord. 

"  Considering  attentively  with  the  bishops  and  our  coun- 
sellors the  special  protection  of  Jesus  Christ  vouchsafed  to 
ourselves  and  to  our  people,  as  well  as  the  necessity  of  set- 
ting forth  without  ceasing  our  thankfulness  not  only  in 
heart  and  words,  but  in  the  constant  practice  of  good  works, 
in  order  that  we  may  continue  to  enjoy  such  protection,  it 
has  seemed  expedient  to  us  to  stir  up  your  minds,  O  pastors 
of  the  Church  of  Christ,  who  are  the  leaders  of  His  flock  and 
shining  lights  of  the  world,  exhorting  you  by  your  example 
and  advice  to  conduct  the  flock  of  Christ  to  the  pastures  of 
eternal  life,  and  carry  on  your  shoulders  the  wandering 
sheep  to  the  wholesome  shelter  of  the  Church,  safe  from  the 
destroying  teeth  of  the  wolf  lying  in  wait  to  devour  any 
tempted  to  transgress  the  canonical  requirements  and  the 
decisions  of  all  the  General  Councils.  On  which  account 
we  have  sent  unto  you  our  commissioners  in  order  that  con- 
jointly with  you  they  may  undertake  the  correction  of  such 
things  as  need  it.     .     .     . 

"  We  have  also  caused  to  be  added  certain  new  necessary 
articles  in  agreement  with  the  Canons  of  the  Church,  for  the 
due  observance  of  which  you  will  please  take  order. 

"  Let  no  man  deem  this  our  course  presumptuous,  but 
rather  believe  with  an  ingenuous  mind  and  pure  heart  that 
love  prompts  us  to  correct  error,  remove  superfluous  things, 
and  essay  the  improvement  of  such  as  are  good,  etc.,  etc." 


Chapter  XII]       CHARLES   AND   THE   CHURCH. 


317 


The  tone  of  this  striking  document  is  that  of  an  episcopal 
charge,  and  confirms  the  remark  of  the  Monk  of  St.  Gall 
that  Charles  was  "  a  bishop  of  bishops."  The  Church  had 
to  obey  him,  not  he  the  Church. 

Fifty-nine  of  its  eighty-one  articles  are  extracts  from  the 
Collection  of  Canons  compiled  by  Dionysius  Exiguus,  and 
the  whole  document  is  closely  connected  with  an  "  Instruc- 
tion for  the  Royal  Commissioners."  The  reforms  aimed  at 
were  of  a  miscellaneous  character,  as  a  few  examples  may 
show : 

Perjurers  and  children  under  years  of  discretion  are  for- 
bidden to  testify  on  oath  (63).1 


1  The  Arabic  numerals  refer  to  the 
"General  Admonition;"  those  with 
the  prefix   I.,    to   the  "Instruction." 

The  full  text  of  both  is  given  in 
Boretius,  Capitul.  67,  70. 

Abstract  of  the  "  Instruction  for  the 
Royal  Commissioners." 

1.  Priority  of  orphan  cases  in  the 
Counts'  Courts ;  counts  forbidden  to 
go  hunting  or  attend  feasts  on  Court 
Days. — 2.  Form  of  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  king  and  his  sons. — 3. 
Consolidation  of  lesser  nunneries,  etc. 
See  p.  320. — 4.  De  tabulis  et  codicibus 
requirendis  ;  superstitious  abuse  of  the 
Psalter  and  the  Gospel  (Migne,  XCVIL, 
187). — 5.  Searching  and  keeping  a 
thing  per  iniustam  rationem  (by 
magic). — 6.  Forbidding  the  remission 
of  legal  fines. — 7.  Baptism  according 
to  Roman  usage. — 8.  Shoes  (for  litur- 
gical use)  after  the  Roman  pattern 
(cf.  Vita  Caroli,  c.  23). — 9.  Attendance 
at  church  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days  ; 
Mass  forbidden  to  be  celebrated  in 
private  houses. — 10.  Prohibition  of 
drunkenness,  and  of  conjuring  by  St. 
Stephen,  the  king  and  his  sons. — 11. 
Prevention  of  complaints  concerning 
spiritual  and  secular  dignitaries  ;  re- 
ports to  be  made  direct  to  the  king. — 
12.  Deiniustis  tcloncis. — 13.  De  maun 


leprosi. — 14.  Exclusion  of  monks  and 
priests  from  secular  affairs,  etc. — 15. 
Prohibiting  bishops,  abbots,  and 
abbesses  to  keep  hounds,  falcons, 
etc. — 16.  Beggars  lying  in  the  streets 
and  cross-roads  required  to  go  to 
confession.  —  17.  Altar  cloths.  —  18. 
Forbidding  the  baptism  of  bells,  and 
the  attachment  to  them  of  papers  as 
preventives  of  hail.  — 19.  Inspection 
of  the  management  of  royal  fiefs,  etc. 
— 20.  Separation  of  lepers. — 21.  Set- 
ting the  example  (by  the  missi)  in  ob- 
serving royal  commands. — On  the 
Literature,  Numeration,  etc.,  of  this 
document  see  MUhlbacher,  /.  c,  No. 
291. 

Abstract  of  the  "General  Admoni- 
tion," see  p.  316. 

CC.  1-59  set  forth  Canons,  etc. 
See  above. 

60.  Diligent  reading  and  preaching 
of  the  Catholic  Faith— 61.  Of  the 
unity  of  Christians. — 62.  Judges  en- 
joined to  render  righteous  judgment 
and  to  know  the  law. — 63.  Against 
perjury  and  oaths  by  children  under 
years  of  discretion,  as  the  Guntbodingi 
(that  is,  Burgundians  living  under 
the  law  of  St.  Gundebod)  do. — 64. 
Against  magic  and  weather-making  ; 
destruction  of  holy  trees,  groves,  and 


IS 


CHARLES   THE   GREAT. 


[Book  II. 


Monks  and  clerics  to  be  exempt  from  lay  jurisdiction  ; 
counts  or  judges  are  enjoined  to  give  priority  to  the  case  of 
minors,  and  widows,  and  forbidden  to  go  hunting  while  the 
Court  is  in  sessional.,  i). 

Bishops,  abbots,  and  abbesses,  are  forbidden  to  keep 
hounds,  falcons,  hawks,  or  jugglers  (I.,  15). 

A  discarded  wife  may  not  marry  during  the  husband's  life, 
nor  the  husband  during  the  life  of  the  wife  (43). 

This  capitulum  proves  that  Charles,  like  many  modern 
legislators,  excelled  rather  in  making  than  in  keeping  the 
law. 

The  following  is  a  sermonic  capitulum  : 

"  Let  peace,  concord,  and  unanimity  be  maintained  by  all 
Christians;  betwixt  bishops,  abbots,  counts,  judges,  and  all 
persons  everywhere,  whether  of  high  or  low  degree  ;  for  God 
eschews  every  service  without  peace,  yea  the  gifts  presented 
at  the  altar,  as  the  Lord  Himself  declares  in  the  Gospel,  and 


springs. — 65.  Against  hatred,  envy, 
avarice  and  covetousness. — 66.  Against 
murder. — 67.  Against  theft,  unlawful 
marriages,  false  witness. — 68.  Of  filial 
respect. — 69.  Examination  by  the 
bishop  of  the  official  acts,  and  of  the 
attainments,  of  priests  ;  clerics  forbid- 
den to  carry  arms. — 70.  Separation  to 
sacred  uses,  of  churches,  altars,  and 
vessels  ;  of  reverence  during  Mass. — 
71.  Of  the  well-ordered  conversation 
of  clerics  ;  sons  of  serfs  and  freemen 
to  be  admitted  to  clerical  functions  ; 
of  the  establishment  of  schools,  the 
correction  of  books,  and  care  against 
their  being  injured  by  scholars  ;  of 
copies  of  the  necessary  Gospels,  Psal- 
ters, and  Mass-Books  to  be  diligently 
written  by  adults. — 72.  Of  the  regular 
life  in  monasteries,  and  of  canonici 
under  their  bishop,  etc. — 73.  Of  true 
measure  and  weight. — 74.  Of  hospi- 
tality.— 75.  Against  benedictions  by 
abbesses.— 76.  Of  the  correction  of 
clerics  pretending  to  be  monks. — 77. 


Against  mendacious  writings  and  sus- 
picious stories  injurious  to  the  Catho- 
lic Faith,  especially  the  forged  letter 
said  to  have  fallen  from  heaven  the 
year  before  ;  such  writings  to  be 
burned. — 78.  Against  vagabond  de- 
ceivers, brokers,  and  pretended  peni- 
tents.— 79.  Of  the  study  of  the  Roman 
Chant  in  place  of  the  Gallican. — 80. 
Against  servile  work  on  Sundays,  as 
enjoined  by  King  Pepin. — 81.  Of  good 
sermons,  and  their  topics. 

On  the  Literature,  Numeration,  and 
other  details,  see  Muhlbacher,  /.  c, 
No.  292. 

The  Chron.  Bernold.  (MG.  SS.  V., 
419)  records  a.  789  :  Hoc  anno  Karo- 
lus  83  pene  canonum  capitula  totius 
regni  sui  episcopis  transmisit,  ut  eius 
auxilio  corrigenda  corrigere  possent. 

On  the  Canons  and  Decretals  re- 
ferred to  compare  Rettberg,  Kirchen- 
gesch.  Deutschlands,  I.,  426  ;  Boretius, 
/.  c.  70  ;  Malfatti,  II.,  420  sqq. 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES   AND   THE   CHURCH.  319 

because  the  second  commandment  of  the  Decalogue  enjoins 
1  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,' "  etc.  (61). 

This  is  unexceptionable  doctrine,  but  rather  at  variance 
with  the  practice  of  the  royal  preacher,  who  was  the  most 
bellicose  character  of  his  age. 

The  capitulum  on  the  observance  of  the  Lord's  Day  is 
sufficiently  strict  to  please  the  most  rigid  Puritan. 

"  We  command,"  says  the  royal  legislator,  "  agreeably  to 
the  precept  laid  down  in  the  law  of  God,  that  no  servile 
work  whatsoever  be  wrought  on  the  Lord's  Day,  even  as 
my  father  of  good  memory  commanded  in  his  synodal  edicts, 
that  men  must  not  engage  in  any  agricultural  labor,  such  as 
working  in  the  vineyard  or  the  field,  they  must  not  plough, 
reap,  cut  grass,  or  set  fences,  or  in  the  woods  dig  for  roots 
or  fell  trees  ;  they  must  not  work  in  quarries  or  build  houses, 
attend  to  gardening,  hold  meetings,  or  go  hunting. 

"  Only  three  kinds  of  carriage  are  allowed  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  that  of  sacred  vessels,  of  provisions,  and,  in  case  of 
great  necessity,  of  a  body  for  burial. 

"  The  women  likewise  must  not  weave,  cut  garments,  sew, 
embroider,  spin  wool,  beat  flax,  wash  clothes  in  public,  or 
cleanse  sheep,  so  that  in  every  way  the  honor  and  rest  of 
the  Lord's  Day  be  observed. 

"  But  let  all  men  everywhere  attend  solemn  Mass,  and 
praise  God  for  all  the  benefits  He  provides  for  us  on  that 
day  "  (80). 

Fair  readers  may  smile  at  some  of  the  occupations  of  their 
sisters  in  the  dominions  of  Charles  eleven  hundred  years  ago, 
and  contrasting  the  past  and  the  present,  rejoice  that  they 
live  in  the  nineteenth  century  and  reap  the  benefits  of  a 
civilization  largely  promoted  by  that  enlightened  monarch. 

But  legislators  and  the  clergy  might  take  a  hint  from  the 
clause  relating  to  burials,  which  only  "  in  case  of  great 
necessity  "  were  permitted  to  take  place  on  the  Lord's  Day. 
Would  it  not  be  well,  and  advantageous  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  religion,  to  discourage  Sunday  funerals  on  the  gen- 
eral principle  of  their  violating  the  design  of  the  Sabbath  as 
a  day  of  rest  ? 


320  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  concluding  sentences  of  this  extraordinary  capitulary 
we  give  in  full  ;  they  are  addressed  to  all  in  authority,  eccle- 
siastical or  secular,  and  read  as  follows  : 

.  .  .  "  But  be  instant  in  your  admonition  as  to  the 
practice  of  the  love  of  God  and  of  our  neighbor,  of  faith,  and 
hope  in  God,  of  humility  and  patience,  of  chastity  and  conti- 
nence, of  kindness  and  mercy,  of  almsgiving  and  confession 
of  sins,  that,  according  to  the  Lord's  Prayer,  as  men  forgive 
so  may  they  be  forgiven,  knowing  most  assuredly  that  they 
who  do  such  things  shall  be  partakers  of  the  Kingdom  of 
God. 

"  And  this  we  enjoin  the  more  diligently  upon  your  love, 
because  we  know  that  in  the  last  days  false  teachers  shall 
come,  as  the  Lord  Himself  foretold  in  the  Gospel,  and  Paul 
the  apostle  testified  to  Timothy.  Therefore,  most  dearly 
beloved,  let  us  with  all  our  heart  abound  in  the  knowledge 
of  the  truth,  that  we  may  the  more  effectually  resist  those 
who  oppose  it,  and  that  by  the  grace  of  heaven  the  Word  of 
God  may  grow,  run,  and  multiply  to  the  benefit  of  the  Holy 
Church  of  God,  the  salvation  of  our  souls,  and  the  praise 
and  glory  of  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

"  Peace  be  to  those  who  preach,  grace  to  those  who  obey, 
and  glory  to  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     Amen." 

Turning  for  a  moment  to  the  "  Instruction  "  the  tenor  of 
its  first  article  commands  attention.     It  reads  as  follows : 

"  Of  lesser  monasteries  in  which  nuns  reside  without  a 
1  Rule,'  it  is  our  will  that  they  hold  a  regular  congregation 
in  one  place,  and  that  the  bishop  provide  where  it  is  to  be 
done  ;  likewise  that  no  abbess  presume  to  go  outside  such 
monastery  without  our  command,  or  allow  her  place  to  be 
supplied  by  substitutes  ;  moreover  that  their  cloister  be 
well  secured,  and  that  she  presume  under  no  circumstances 
to  write  or  despatch  love-letters.     .     .     .     (I.,  3.)  " 

These  startling  provisions  would  be  well-nigh  inexplica- 
ble on  the  ground  of  general  immorality,  but  their  coinci- 
dence in  point  of  time  with  the  involuntary  seclusion  in 
lesser  monasteries  or  convents  of  a  number  of  royal  and 
ducal  ladies,  sheds  light  on  one  of  the  bearings  of  the  capit- 


Chapter  XII.]        CHARLES  AND   THE   CHURCH.  321 

ulum.  These  matrons  and  maidens  had  feelings  and  at- 
tachments stronger  than  the  strongest  bolts  of  the  most 
secure  cloister.  As  it  is  there  may  lurk  in  the  words  of  this 
capitulum  many  a  tender  secret,  the  knowledge  of  which 
might  even  now  gladden  the  heart  of  minstrel  or  poet. 

No  apology  is  needed  for  these  extracts,  which  better 
than  any  comment  or  speculation,  lift  the  veil  from  the 
insipid,  garbled,  illogical,  credulous,  and  often  provokingly 
mysterious  pages  of  the  monastic  annalists  and  chroniclers, 
who,  with  hardly  an  exception,  wrote  to  glorify  the  omnipo- 
tent king  of  the  Franks.  They  enable  us  to  understand 
the  spirit  and  drift  of  the  times,  enter  clearly  into  the  trials 
and  hardships  of  the  downtrodden  people,  and  form  an 
accurate  estimate  of  the  terrible  despotism  of  Charles'  reign 
as  well  as  of  the  chief  actors  in  the  grand  drama  of  his  gov- 
ernment. 

The  habits,  vices,  virtues,  usages,  superstitions,  the  very 
occupation  and  pastimes  of  all  classes  and  conditions  of 
men  are  reflected  in  the  true  mirror  of  these  capitularies. 

They  were  moreover  often  of  a  general  character,  and 
sent  by  special  messengers  throughout  the  Frankish  domin- 
ions ;  there  is  also  evidence  that  bishops,  upon  their  return 
from  a  General  Diet,  set  forth  in  their  several  dioceses 
special  capitularies,  applying,  explaining,  adapting,  or  am- 
plifying the  provisions  of  the  General  Capitularies  for  the 
special  benefit  of  their  jurisdiction.  One  such  special  capit- 
ulary, set  forth  by  Theodulf,  bishop  of  Orleans,  to  his  pres- 
byters contains  about  fifty  titles  bearing  on  a  great  variety 
of  themes,  such  as  matters  of  discipline  and  details  of  func- 
tion, prescribing  for  instance  the  manner  of  their  appear- 
ance as  to  dress,  etc.,  at  synods  ;  forbidding  the  use  of 
churches  for  secular  purposes  and  sepulture  ;  and  enjoining 
his  clergy  on  no  pretence  whatsoever  to  harbor  a  woman 
under  their  roof,  even  though  she  might  be  the  cleric's  own 
mother  or  sister,  seeing  that  under  the  sanctity  of  such  rela- 
tionship strange  females  had  been  smuggled  into  clerical 
abodes  ;  the  clergy  of  his  diocese  were  also  forbidden  to 
frequent  taverns,  etc. 
21 


322  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Another  of  his  capitularies  is  a  compend  of  theological 
instruction,  and  a  Directory  for  the  Confessional,  clearly 
intended  for  private  circulation,  and  of  dubious  morality.1 

Soon  after  his  coronation  as  Emperor  of  the  West,  Charles 
addressed,  probably  at  the  close  of  the  session,  to  a  legis- 
lative assembly  composed  of  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots, 
and  the  most  distinguished  laics,  the  following  admirable 
"  Exhortation,"  which  better  than  any  commentary  could 
do  unfolds  his  religious  character  and  his  relations  to  the 
Church  : 

"  Dearly  beloved  brethren  :  We  are  sent  hither  for  your 
benefit  in  order  that  we  may  admonish  you  to  lead  a  right- 
eous and  good  life  as  to  God,  and  follow  justice  and  mercy 
as  to  this  world. 

"And,  first,  I  admonish  you  to  believe  in  One  Almighty 
God,  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Perfect 
Trinity  and  the  True  Unity  ;  the  Creator  of  all  things  visible 
and  invisible  in  whom  we  have  salvation,  and  who  is  the 
Giver  of  all  the  good  things  we  enjoy. 

"  Believe  ye,  that  the  Son  of  God  was  made  man  for  the 
salvation  of  the  world,  and  that  He  was  begotten  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  out  of  the  Virgin  Mary ;  that  for  our  salvation 
He  suffered  death,  on  the  third  day  rose  from  the  dead, 
ascended  into  heaven,  and  sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  God ; 
that  He  shall  come  to  judge  the  quick  and  the  dead  and  ren- 
der to  every  man  according  to  his  works. 

"  Believe  ye  in  One  Church,  that  is,  the  congregation  of 
good  men  throughout  this  earthly  sphere ;  and  know  that 
they  only  can  be  saved  and  belong  to  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
who  in  the  faith,  communion,  and  charity  of  this  Church 
persevere  unto  the  end,  while  those  who  for  their  sins  are 
excommunicated  from  this  Church  and  fail  penitently  to 
return  to  the  same,  cannot  in  this  world  render  acceptable 
service  unto  God. 

"  Be  assured  that  in  baptism  you  have  received  forgiveness 
of  all  your  sins. 

1  They  are  printed  in  Migne,  /.  c,  CV.,  19  sqq. 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES  AND  THE  CHURCH.  323 

"  Expect  that  of  God's  mercy  through  confession  and 
penitence  your  daily  sins  are  forgiven  you. 

"  Believe  in  the  general  resurrection  of  the  good  unto 
eternal  life,  and  of  the  evil  unto  eternal  punishment. 

"  This  then  is  your  faith,  through  which  you  will  be  saved, 
if  you  firmly  cleave  thereto  and  abound  in  good  works,  for 
faith  without  works  is  dead,  and  works  without  faith,  though 
they  should  be  good,  cannot  please  God. 

"  First  then,  love  God  Almighty  with  all  your  heart  and 
with  all  your  powers,  and  whatever  ye  know  pleases  Him, 
that  do  always,  He  being  your  helper,  and  as  ye  are  able ; 
shun  what  ye  know  displeases  Him  ;  for  he  that  says  that 
he  loves  God,  and  does  not  keep  His  commandments,  is  a 
liar.  Love  your  neighbor  as  yourself ;  give  alms  to  the 
poor  as  ye  are  able.  Entertain  strangers  ;  visit  the  sick ; 
be  merciful  to  prisoners.  Do  ill  to  no  man,  nor  consent 
unto  such  as  do,  for  the  receiver  is  as  bad  as  the  thief ;  for- 
give as  ye  hope  to  be  forgiven  ;  redeem  the  captive,  help 
the  oppressed,  defend  the  cause  of  the  widow  and  orphan ; 
render  righteous  judgment ;  do  not  consent  to  any  wrong; 
persevere  not  in  wrath  ;  shun  excess  in  eating  and  drinking. 

"  Be  humble  and  kind  one  to  another;  serve  your  lord 
faithfully ;  do  not  steal,  do  not  perjure  yourselves,  nor  let 
others  do  so.  Envy,  hatred,  and  violence  J  separate  men 
from  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

"  Be  swift  to  reconciliation  ;  for  to  sin  is  human,  to  amend 
is  angelical,  but  to  persevere  in  sin  is  diabolical. 

"  Defend  the  Church  and  promote  her  cause,  so  that  the 
priests  of  God  may  pray  for  you.  Remember  what  you  did 
promise  unto  God  in  baptism  ;  you  promised  to  renounce 
the  devil  through  all  his  works  ;  do  not  return  to  that  you 
did  renounce,  but  remain  faithful  to  God  as  you  did  vow, 
and  love  Him  who  created  you,  and  of  whom  ye  hold  all  the 
good  things  ye  have. 

"  Let  every  person  in  whatsoever  station  he  be,  serve  God 
faithfully. 

1  Violingue  =  violentiaque  ? 


324  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

"  Let  the  wife  be  subject  to  her  husband  in  all  goodness 
and  purity ;  let  them  abstain  from  fornication,  rewards  and 
avarice,  for  those  who  do  such  things  go  contrary  to  God. 

"  Let  them  bring  up  their  children  in  the  fear  of  God,  and 
give  alms,  as  they  are  able,  with  cheerfulness  and  a  good 
will. 

"  Let  the  husband  love  his  wife,  and  call  her  not  by  im- 
proper names ;  let  him  rule  his  house  well,  and  in  all  good, 
ness  frequent  church. 

"  Let  men  render  unto  men  what  they  owe  to  them  with- 
out grudging,  and  unto  God  what  is  due  Him  with  a  good 
will. 

"  Sons,  love  your  parents  and  honor  them.  Let  them  not 
be  disobedient ;  let  them  beware  of  theft,  murder,  and  forni- 
cation ;  when  they  are  of  lawful  age,  let  them  marry  a  law- 
ful wife,  unless  they  prefer  to  enter  the  service  of  God. 

"  Let  clerics,  and  canonici,  diligently  obey  their  bishops  ; 
let  them  not  wander  from  place  to  place.  Let  them  abstain 
from  the  entanglements  of  secular  pursuits,  maintain  their 
chastity,  study  the  Holy  Scripture,  and  discharge  the  duties 
of  their  sacred  ministry.  Let  monks  be  true  to  their  calling, 
obey  their  abbot,  and  avoid  filthy  lucre.  Let  them  remem- 
ber and  faithfully  observe  the  Rule,  knowing  that  it  is  better 
not  to  vow  a  thing,  than  to  break  a  vow  once  made. 

"  Dukes,  counts,  and  judges,  I  bid  you  judge  the  people 
righteously ;  be  compassionate  to  the  poor,  abhor  bribery, 
and  let  not  personal  considerations  lead  you  to  punish  the 
innocent. 

"Always  remember  the  words  of  the  Apostle:  '  We  must 
all  appear  at  the  judgment-seat  of  Christ,  that  each  man 
may  receive  according  to  that  which  he  has  done,  be  it  good 
or  bad.'  Even  as  our  Lord  has  said  :  '  With  what  judgment 
ye  judge,  even  so  shall  ye  be  judged.'  That  is,  be  merciful, 
that  ye  may  obtain  mercy  of  God.  '  There  is  nothing  hid 
but  it  shall  become  known,  and  nothing  concealed  but  it 
shall  be  revealed.'  And  '  for  every  idle  word  we  must  give 
account  in  the  day  of  judgment.' 

"  Whatever  we  do,  let  us  endeavor  in  all  things  to  please 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES   AND   THE   CHURCH.  325 

God,  that  after  this  present  life  we  may  enjoy  with  the 
saints  of  God  that  which  is  everlasting. 

"  This  life  is  short,  and  uncertain  the  time  of  death  ;  it  is 
wise  to  be  always  prepared. 

"  Let  us  remember  that  it  is  a  fearful  thing  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  God.  If  we  confess  our  sins,  show  penitence, 
and  give  alms,  the  Lord  is  merciful  and  kind. 

"  Yea,  if  we  turn  to  Him  with  all  our  heart,  He  will  be  very 
merciful,  and  grant  us  in  this  life  prosperity,  and  in  that 
which  is  to  come,  everlasting  happiness  with  His  saints. 
God  bless  you,  dearly  beloved  brethren  !  " ' 

The  consideration  of  two  important  theological  questions, 
which  came  up  in  his  reign,  enables  us  to  illustrate  the  rela- 
tions of  Charles  to  the  popes. 

The  first  was  the  heresy  of  Adoptianism,2  or  the  doctrine 
that  Jesus  Christ  as  to  His  human  nature  was  not  truly  the 
Son  of  God,  but  only  His  son  by  adoption  ;  the  dogma  is 
also  known  as  the  Felician  heresy,  after  Felix,  bishop  of  La 
Seo  de  Urgel  in  the  Pyrenees,  one  of  its  chief  promoters. 

It  did  not  originate  with  him,  however,  but  with  Elipan- 
dus,  bishop  of  Toledo,3  who  had  broached  it  more  than  a 
decade  before  it  became  generally  known.  Elipandus,  it 
seems,  addressed  a  letter  to  Felix  asking  "  what  he  ought  to 
think  of  the  humanity  of  Christ,  and  if  it  were  proper  to 
believe  and  teach  that  He  was  truly  the  Son  of  God  or  only 
His  adopted  son?" 

Felix  replied  agreeably  to  the  well-known  tenor  of  his 
opinion  that  "  Jesus  Christ,  being  a  new  man,  must  have 
a  new  name.  As  in  our  first  generation  according  to  the 
flesh  we  share  the  nature  of  Adam,  so  in  our  second,  which 
is  purely  spiritual,  we  receive  the  grace  of  adoption  by 
Jesus  Christ,  who  partook  of  both  natures,  the  one  through 
his  Virgin-Mother,  the  other  in  his  baptism.     Jesus  Christ  in 

1  MG.  Leges,  L,  101.  3  Ab    Elipando,  auctore    noxii  sce- 

2  Hefele,  Conciliengeschichte,  2d  ed.  leris,  etc. — Paulini  Libell.  c.  Elip.  ed. 
III.,   643.       Anna!.    Einh.,    Lauriss.,       Madrisius,  p.  1. — Al. 

cf.  Maxim.,  and  see  for  a  full  list  of 
authorities,  Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  p.  29  sqq. 


326  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

his  humanity  is  the  son  of  David  and  the  son  of  God ;  now 
a  man  cannot  have  two  natural  fathers,  therefore  the  one  is 
natural,  and  the  other  his  father  by  adoption.  But  adop- 
tion is  nothing  else  than  election,  grace,  etc.,  etc." ' 

Both  bishops  were  men  of  great  worth ;  the  bishop  of 
Toledo  was  quite  aged,  and  Felix  enjoyed  the  reputation  of 
singular  piety.2 

The  controversy  excited  all  Christendom,  and  even  the 
annalists  ring  changes  on  the  name  of  one  of  the  bishops, 
lamenting  that  one  with  the  excellent  name  of  Felix,  de- 
noting happy,  should  be  so  unhappy  in  his  speech.3  The 
notion  was  not  at  all  original,  but  related  to  Nestorianism, 
and  Ascaricus,  another  Spanish  bishop,  one  of  its  chief 
advocates.4  It  was  warmly  and  ably  controverted  by  the 
presbyter  Beatus,  and  Etherius,  bishop  of  Osma  in  Asturia.5 

Pope  Hadrian  rebuked  the  Spanish  bishops  for  teaching 
such  damnable  heresy  and  enjoined  them  to  refrain;4  say- 
ing, that  no  man  besides  the  perfidious  Nestorius  had  ever 
dared  to  utter  such  blasphemy.  But  the  Spanish  heretics 
792]  were  deaf  to  his  entreaty,  and  his  protest  remaining 
unheeded,  Charles  interfered  and  convened  a  Synod  at 
Ratisbon,6  to  take  action  in  the  matter.  It  was  largely 
attended  by  bishops  and  other  clergy  from  various  parts  of 
the  "  Christian  empire,"  and  the  king  presided  in  person.6 

Felix,  whose  see  lay  within  the  Frankish  dominions,  was 
placed  before  the  Council,  required  to  state,  and  permitted 
to  defend  his  views.7  They  were  unanimously  condemned  ; 
the  Council,  moreover,  demanded  and  obtained  his  recanta- 
tion ;  it  was  complete,  and  he  anathematized  in  writing  all 

1  Annal.  Einh.  a.  792  ;  Lauresh.  a.  4  Codex  Carol.  99  (Jaffe,  IV.,  294 
794.  sqq.). 

2  Alcuini,  ep.  123  ;  epp.  2,  30,  115,  5  Mabillon,  A.  S.;  IV.,  600;  praef. 
122;  Advers.  Elip.  I.,  5;  III.  20  (ed.  III.,  Annal.  Ben.  II.,  273. — Alcuin. 
Froben.).  adv.  Felicem,  I.,  8. — Simson,  /.  c,  II., 

3  Annal.  Lauresh. — The  pun  or  play  32,  n.  4. 

was  a   sort   of   standing  joke.     Thus  6  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim.,  al.  a.  792. 

Jon.    Aurelian    has,    "  Felix   nomine,  Ale.  adv.  Elip.  (ed.  Froben.)  I.,  3,  p. 

actu   infelix  ;  "   and    Hincmar  writes,  882. 

"Felicem,  infelicem     .    .    .    episco-  7  Ale.  /.  c,  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim. 

pum." 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES  AND   THE   CHURCH.  327 

who  should  dare  to  say  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  as 
to  the  flesh  only  the  Son  of  God  by  adoption.1  Nor  did 
this  recantation  suffice,  for  Charles,  who  eschewed  half 
work,  caused  many  of  the  writings  of  Elipandus  and  Felix 
to  be  burned,2  required  Felix  to  make  his  peace  with  the 
Church  at  large,  and  for  that  purpose  sent  him,  in  charge  of 
Angilbert,  to  Rome. 

There,  it  seems,  he  was  held  in  confinement,  and,  under 
the  godly  instruction  of  Hadrian,  drew  up  an  orthodox 
declaration  in  which  he  again  recanted  absolutely  his  former 
opinion,  and  confessed  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  truly 
the  Son  of  God.  This  his  belief  he  then  attested  in  a  sol- 
emn oath  before  the  pope,  his  orthodox  declaration  having 
been  placed  first  upon  the  "  sacred  mysteries  "  of  the  Gos- 
pels, and  then  upon  the  apostle's  tomb  ;  that  is,  he  swore 
twice.3  Then  in  full  reconciliation  with  the  Church,  he 
returned  to  his  Pyrenean  diocese4 — and  preached  his  heresy 
as  lustily  as  ever. 

794]  Two  years  later  took  place  the  famous  Synod  of 
Frankfort,  over  which  Charles  again  presided.5  Two  papal 
legates  (the  bishops  Theophylact  and  Stephanus),  the  whole 
hierarchy  of  Francia  including  that  of  Italy,  Aquitaine,  and 
the  Provence,  together  with  a  large  number  of  presbyters, 
deacons,  subdeacons,  and  monks  were  in  attendance.6 

At  the  king's  express  desire,  the  Synod  by  a  unanimous 
vote  received  Alcuin  to  its  fellowship  and  prayers.7 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Juvav.  (791);  Lau-  able,  for  the  sequel  seems  to  intimate 
riss.,  Alcuin.  /.  c,  Poeta  Saxo,  V.,  that  though  he  returned  to  Spain,  he 
469  sq. — Concil.  Rom.  a.  799.  was  not  reinstated  into  his  see. — Ale. 

2  Annal.  Maxim.  adv.  Elip.  I.,  16  ed.  Froben.  I.,  3,  p. 

3  Annal.  Lauriss. ;— Concil.  Rom.  a.  882; — Concil.  Rom.  a.  799. 

799  ;  Adon.  Chron.,  Bouquet,  V.,  320.  5  Ep.  cone.  Franc,  Migne,  t.  CI.,  p. 

Some  think  that  "  orthodoxum  in  vin-  1331  ;  but   the   Annal.    Lauriss.  only 

cidis    libellum,"  does    not  necessarily  state  that  the  Synod  took  place  "in 

imply   imprisonment,  but    indicates   a  praesentia  principis." 

local  reference,  viz.:  to  San  Pietro  in  6Simson,  /.  c.   II.,  63   sq. ;  Bohmer- 

Vincoli  (?).  Miihlbacher,  /.  c.  p.  125. 

4  Annal.  Einh. — Some  say  that  7  Synod.  Franconof.  (a.  794)  56.  Cf. 
Felix  upon  his  return  to  Spain  fled  into  Capitulate  No.  II.,  Book  III.,  ch.  I., 
Saracen  territory ;  this  is  not  improb-  below. 


328  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  primary  object  for  which  this  great  Council  had  been 
convened  was  the  condemnation  of  the  heresy  of  Adoptian- 
ism.1  The  condemnation  of  the  doctrine,  and  the  recanta- 
tion of  Felix,  so  far  from  extinguishing  the  pestilent  error, 
had  caused  it  like  an  angry  boil  to  throb  and  gather  with 
increasing  violence.2 

It  seems  that  the  Spanish  bishops  in  vindication  of  their 
dogmatic  position  set  forth  two  documents,  one  addressed 
to  the  Frankish  hierarchy,  the  other  to  the  king ;  they  desired 
the  Synod  to  examine  and  debate  it  before  Charles,  and 
conjured  him  to  reinstate  Felix  into  his  see ;  they  even  had 
the  audacity  of  warning  him  against  the  fate  of  Constantine, 
who  after  his  conversion  to  Christianity  through  the  influence 
of  his  serpent  of  a  sister  turned  Arian  and  went  to  hell.3 

This  was  a  little  strong  and  as  unpalatable  to  the  king  as 
to  Hadrian,  to  whom  he  forthwith  referred  the  matter.  The 
result  of  the  reference  was  the  Synod  of  Frankfort,  which 
took  up  the  Spanish  memorial,  sentence  by  sentence,  and 
ultimately  by  a  unanimous  vote  condemned  the  dogma  as 
rank  heresy. 

Charles  sent  to  the  Spanish  episcopal  heretics  three  dis- 
tinct essays  on  the  condemned  dogma,  one  of  which,  at 
least,  together  with  the  synodal  resolution,  was  duly  signed 
by  all  the  Frankish  bishops  present.4  His  own  epistle 
accompanying  the  documents,  stated  that  he  fully  shared 
the  conclusions  reached  by  his  clergy,  notifying  them,  that 
in  the  event  of  their  persistence  in  error,  he  must  treat  them 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  al.  see  Simson,  /.  c.  longe  efficiat,  de  Constantino  impera- 
II.  p.  67.  tore,   qui  dum  esset  idolatriae  cultor 

2  The  words  of  Charles  according  to  per  beatum  Sylvestrium  factus  est 
the  Libell.  sacrosyll.  of  Paulinus  (Op.  christianus,  postea  per  serpentem  so- 
ed.  Madrisius,  p.  1) ;  Chron.  Moiss.  rorem  suam  sanctorum  trecentorum  de- 
cod.  Anian.  MG.  SS.,  I.,  301.  cem   et  octo  sententiam   refutans,  in 

3  See  the  epistle  to  Charles  in  Florez,  Ariano  dogmate  et  ad  infernum  fienda 
Espaiia  sagrada,  V.,  539  sqq.  (Migne  ruina  dimersus,  diem  clausit  extre- 
t.  XCVI.,  p.  867  sqq ),  and  that  to  the  mum."— Migne,  XCVL,  869. 
hierarchy  in  Migne,  t.  CI.,  p.  1321;  4  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.  a.  794.  See 
both  in  Ale.  Opp.  ed.  Froben.,  II.,  Simson,  /.  c.  and  Muhlbacher  for  full 
App.  2,  p.  567  sqq. — "  reminiscens  et  lists  of  authorities. 

illud,  quod  omnipotens  Deus  a  vobis 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES  AND  THE   CHURCH.  329 

as  heretics  and  refuse  all  further  intercourse  with  them. 
He  also  pointed  out  to  them  the  inevitable  secular  dis- 
abilities and  inconveniences  of  their  schismatic  separation 
from  the  unity  of  the  Church,  which  would  render  it  im- 
possible for  him  to  carry  out  his  intention  of  delivering 
them,  at  a  favorable  juncture,  from  the  yoke  of  Moslem 
domination.1 

But  Adoptianism  was  far  from  extinct ;  five  years  later 
the  new  pope,  Leo  III.,  spoke  of  it  as  sprouting  with  renewed 
vigor.2 

The  Spanish  bishops  in  the  Moslem  territory  remained 
toughly  heretical.  Alcuin  addressed  himself  to  the  task  of 
rooting  out  the  heresy ;  he  wrote  to  Felix,  and  drew  up  a 
collection  of  passages  from  the  Scriptures  and  the  Fathers, 
condemnatory  of  the  error,  which  he  sent  to  the  abbots  and 
monks  of  Gothia.  Felix  replied  at  length  in  a  strong  pamph- 
let, and  sent  a  copy  to  the  king.  It  was  so  intensely  and 
dangerously  heretical,,  that  Alcuin  while  urging  the  neces- 
sity of  a  thorough  and  exhaustive  refutation,  frankly  admit- 
ted his  inability  to  do  it  unaided,  and  proposed  that  copies 
of  the  pamphlet  should  be  sent  to  the  pope,  the  patriarch 
Paulinus  of  Aquileia,  the  archbishop  of  Treves  (Richbodo), 
and  the  bishop  of  Orleans,  with  the  request  that  they  also 
should  draw  up  and  submit  their  refutations.3 

Charles  acted  upon  his  suggestion,  and,  moreover,  re- 
quested the  pope  to  convene  an  ecclesiastical  Synod  for  the 
express  purpose  of  passing  sentence  on  the  book  of  Felix. 
It  met  and  condemned  it,  by  irrefragable  proofs  from  the 
Scriptures  and  the  Fathers,  in perpetuum* 

But  even  this  did  not  end  the  matter.  The  king  gave 
Felix  the  assurance  of  personal  safety  and  commanded  his 
attendance  at  a  Synod  to  be  holden  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  to 
which  Alcuin  also  had  been   summoned,  for  the  purpose  of 

1  Mansi,    XIII.,  901-906,   cf.  Cod.  3  Ale.  epp.  99,  139,  142. 

Carol.  78,  79,  99(Jaffe);  Hefele,  /.  c.  p.  4  Alcuin.    ep.    139  ;  Mansi,    XIII., 

631  sqq.  1029-1032  ;     Pauli     cont.     Romana  ; 

2  Nunc  magis  ac  magis  crescendo  Script,  rer.  Langob.,  p.  202.  Cf. 
pullulat. — Mansi,  XIII.,  1031.  Jaffe,  Regest.  Pontif.  Rom.  p.  216. 


33°  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

stating  his  views,  promising  that  they  should  not  be  as- 
sailed by  violence,  but  by  reason,  and  recognized,  if  they 
could  not  be  refuted  from  the  Fathers.1  The  disputation 
took  place  at  a  Synod  in  the  presence  of  Charles,  and  a 
large  number  of  bishops,  priests,  monks  and  nobles.  The 
king  sat  in  their  midst  and  commanded  Felix  to  dispute 
with  Alcuin  concerning  the  human  nature  of  Christ.2 

The  intellectual  combat  is  said  to  have  lasted  six  days 
(some  say  so  many  hours),  and  ended  in  a  grand  victory  for 
Alcuin.  Felix  admitted  his  defeat  and  recanted.3  The  slip- 
pery nature  of  his  former  recantation,  however,  raised  doubts 
as  to  the  sincerity  of  the  last  ;  Felix  and  one  of  his  presby- 
ters, reputed  to  excel  him  in  the  obstinacy  of  heretical  taint, 
were  placed  under  the  supervision  of  Laidradus,  archbishop 
of  Lyons,  who  was  to  test  the  reality  of  their  conversion. 

Felix  drew  up  a  written  recantation,  which  he  sent  to  the 
clergy  and  laity  of  his  diocese  of  Urgel,  in  which  he  stated 
that  as  this  time  his  return  to  the  Catholic  Church  was  not 
feigned  but  genuine,  so  he  begged  them  to  believe  and  con- 
fess as  he  had  done.4 

It  is  sad  to  record,  that  in  spite  of  his  written  declaration, 
a  parchment  of  his,  found  after  his  decease,  revealed  the 
fact  that  he  died  in  the  full  bloom  of  his  heresy.3 

Elipandus  also  remained  a  heretic  to  the  last.  The  famous 
work  of  Alcuin's  against  him,  however,  is  said  to  have 
wrought  wonders  in  the  hands  of  Laidradus,  Nifridius,  and 
Benedictus,  abbot  of  Aniane,  who  conducted  so  successful 
and  eloquent  a  crusade  against  the  noxious  heresy,  that 
Alcuin  could  report  to  Arno  the  conversion,  in  a  short 
period,  of  twenty  thousand  heretics,  bishops,  priests,  monks, 
laics  and  women.6 

Returning  to  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  the  second  ques- 

1  Ale.    epp.    132,    134,    135  ;  Vita         S  Agobard,    Lib.    adv.    Felic.    1.— 
Alch.  7.  Ado.    MG.    SS.,    II. ,   320.     See  also 

2  Vita  Alch.  7  ;    adv.  Eliph.  I.,  16;      Nouvelle     Biographie      Generate,     t. 
epp.  139,  132,  148.  XVII.,  p.  299  ;  XV.,  p.  832  sq. 

3  Vita  Alch.  7;  epp.  147,  139.  6  Ale.  ep.  148. 

4  Ale.  ep.  147.     cf.  148 ;  139  ;  141, 
n.  S. 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES  AND   THE  CHURCH.  33 1 

tion  under  consideration  presented,  upon  the  whole,  still 
greater  difficulties  than  the  heresy  of  the  Adoptians. 

787]  The  Church  Council  of  Nicsea,  consisting  of  five  hun- 
dred and  seventy-seven  Eastern  bishops,  as  well  as  two 
legates  of  Hadrian,  claimed  an  oecumenical  character,  and 
commanded,  on  pain  of  the  anathema,  the  worship  or  adora- 
tion of  images.1  Charles,  upon  receipt  of  the  Canons  of  the 
Council  from  Constantinople,  sent  them  to  Britain,  when 
Alcuin  drew  up  a  refutation  of  the  injunction,  and  in  the 
name  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  princes  and  bishops  presented 
the  same  to  the  king  of  the  Franks.2 

The  king  then  caused  to  be  drawn  up  a  capitulary  in 
which  the  several  points  of  the  legislation  of  the  Nicaean 
Synod  which  seemed  to  him  objectionable  were  set  up 
seriatim  and  accompanied  by  a  rejection  ireprehensid).  They 
were  based  on  the  remarkable  work,  known  as  the  "  Caro- 
line Books,"  which  though  set  forth  in  his  name,  is  on  good 
grounds  ascribed  to  Alcuin. 

The  opening  sentence  reads  as  follows  :  "  Here  beginneth 
the  work  of  the  most  illustrious,  excellent,  and  honorable 
{spectabilis)  man  Carolus,  by  divine  command  (nutu)  King  of 
the  Franks,  and  with  the  help  of  the  Lord  ruler  of  Gaul, 
Germany  and  Italy,  together  with  their  adjoining  provinces, 
against  the  Synod  which  stolidly  or  arrogantly  has  recently 
been  held  in  the  parts  of  Greece  for  the  adoration  of  images."3 

This  striking  title  may  inform  the  reader J  that  the  con- 
tents are  worthy  of  the  mind  of  the  great  warrior,  and 
defender  of  the  Church,  and  their  language  is  sufficiently 
emphatic  to  command  respectful  attention.  The  book 
deserves  to  be  widely  known,  for  it  abounds  in  good  sense, 
contains  a  scathing  exposure  of  the  peril  to  which  the  wor- 
ship or  adoration  of  images  exposes  the  ignorant  or  super- 
stitious masses,  and  affords  a  striking  contrast  of  the  senti- 
ment of  the  Church  speaking  by  Charles,  with  that  of  the 
Church  whose  lamentable  corruptions  led  to  the  Reforma- 

1  Labbei  Concil.  VIII.,  1202  sqq. —  2  Annal.  Nordhumb.  792.    MG.  SS. 

See  the  concluding  paragraphs  of  the  XIII.,  155. 

Nicsean    Definition    in    "Illustrative  3  Jaffe,    IV.,    220;  Hincmar.    adv. 

Extracts,"  Appendix  I.  Hinc.  Laud.  c.  20,  Opp.,  II.,  457. 


332  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  II. 

tion,  and  necessitated  on  the  part  of  all  the  participants  in 
that  movement  the  introduction  into  their  confessions  of 
faith  of  special  articles  directed  against  image-worship.1 

The  king,  moreover,  opened  communications  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Nicaean  decrees  with  Hadrian,  whose  legates  had 
taken  part  in  the  Synod,  while  he  himself  had  expressed  his 
approbation  of  their  course.  Charles  sent  the  aforesaid 
capitulary  by  the  hands  of  Angilbert  to  the  pope,  instruct- 
ing that  ambassador  to  explain  it  to  Hadrian  and  move 
him  to  bring  about  the  repeal  of  the  objectionable  decrees. 
In  this  he  failed,  for  the  pope  took  up  the  several  articles 
of  the  capitulary  giving  to  each  reprehensio  an  appropriate 
responsio. 

Only  the  last  capitulum,  in  which  the  king  writes :  "  We 
desire  our  apostolic  lord  and  father,  together  with  the  whole 
Roman  Church,  to  know  that  while  agreeably  to  the  tenor 
of  the  epistle  which  St.  Gregory  wrote  to  Serenus,  bishop 
of  Massilia,  we  permit  any  who  may  so  desire,  for  the  love 
of  God  and  His  saints,  to  set  up  {formare)  images  inside 
or  outside  the  churches,  we  shall  never  coerce  those,  who 
object  to  worship  them,  nor  allow  those  so  inclined  to  break 
or  destroy  them,  .  .  ." 2  he  identifies  as  emanating  from 
Charles  and  praises  accordingly.3 

The  turn  he  gives  to  the  decrees  of  the  Nicaean  Council 
is  characteristic  ;  he  had  received  them,  he  says,  because 
they  agreed  with  St.  Gregory,  and  was  constrained  to 
receive  them,  lest  the  Greeks  should  relapse  into  error  and 
the  loss  of  their  souls  be  laid  to  his  charge.  "  But,"  he 
continues,  "  we  have  thus  far  forborne  addressing  the 
emperor  on  the  subject  of  the  Council  and  confined  our 
794]  remarks  to  the  suggestion  that  the  work  of  restora- 
tion should  not  be  done  half ;  if  they  restored  the  images, 
they  ought  likewise  to  restore  to  the  care  and  jurisdiction 
of  St.  Peter  the  episcopal  and  archiepiscopal  dioceses  to- 
gether  with    our   patrimonies,4  unlawfully   alienated    from 

1  Jaffe,    VI.,    220  ;    Hincmar.   adv.  3  Alcuini  ep.  33  (Jaffe). 

Hinc.  Laud.  c.  20;  Opp.,  II.,  457.  4  Hadrian  alludes  to  the  action  of 

2  Migne,  /.  c.  t.  XCVIIL,  col.  1248.      Leo  III.,  thelsaurian,  who  in  response 


Chapter  XII.]       CHARLES   AND  THE  CHURCH.  333 

us  at  the  time  of  the  destruction  of  the  images.  To  this 
no  answer  has  as  yet  been  received,  which  shows,"  as  Ha- 
drian observes  not  without  a  touch  of  sarcasm,  "  that  though 
converted  on  one  point,  they  remain  unconverted  on  two 
others. 

"  We  therefore  propose,  if  the  matter  commends  itself  to 
your  judgment,  in  thanking  the  emperor  for  the  restoration 
of  the  images,  strenuously  to  exhort  him  to  the  restoration 
of  the  aforesaid  episcopal  and  archiepiscopal  dioceses  and 
patrimonies,  and  in  the  event  of  his  refusing  such  restitu- 
tion, declare  him,  because  of  his  stubborn  perseverance  in 
error,  a  heretic,  etc.,  etc."  * 

The  pope's  unwillingness  to  do  his  bidding  in  the  matter 
of  the  obnoxious  Nicaean  decrees  did  not  deter  Charles 
from  the  prosecution  of  his  purpose.  The  subject  was 
taken  up  by  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  which  denied  the 
oecumenical  character  of  the  second  Council  of  Nicaea  (falsely 
called  by  the  Greeks  the  seventh  CEcumenical  or  General 
Council),  read  and  examined  the  acts  of  that  pseudo-synod, 
and  unanimously  condemned  its  decrees  concerning  the 
adoration  or  worship  of  images,  in  these  terms : 

"  On  the  question  of  the  recent  Council  of  the  Greeks 
held  at  Constantinople,2  touching  the  adoration  of  images, 
and  the  written  declaration,  that '  whosoever  failed  to  render 
to  the  images  of  the  saints  the  same  service  and  worship 
which  are  paid  to  the  Holy  Trinity  should  be  anathema- 
tized,' the  very  holy  fathers  of  this  Council  absolutely  reject 
and  despise  such  service  and  worship,  and  unanimously 
condemn  the  same."  3 

to  the  ban  of  excommunication  launch-  2  Synod.  Francof.  2  ;  Chron.  Moiss., 

ed  by  Gregory  III.,  under  date  Nov.  Annal.   Einh.,  Hincmar,  /.  c.  call  the 

*>  73T>  against  him  and  all  other  icon-  Council  the  Synod  of  Constantinople, 

oclasts,  caused  the  sequestration  of  the  where  it  was  to  have  been  held,  and 

patrimonies  of   the  Roman   Curia   in  where   the  last  session  took  place. — 

Calabria  and  Sicily,  together  with  the  Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  p.  82. — See  Hefele, 

alienation  from  her  jurisdiction  of  the  /.  c.  III.,  474,  693,  n.  2  ;  and  Dollin- 

churches  in  Calabria,    Sicily  and  the  ger,  in  Miinchener  hist.  Jahrb.  1865, 

province    of     Illyricum     Orientale. —  p.  339. 

Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  81  sq.  n.  3  Capit  a.   794,  art.  2,  in   Migne,  t. 

1  Migne,  /.  c,  Col.  1292.  XCVII.,  c.  191.    There  is  no  doubt  that 


334  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  action  of  the  Council  of  Frankfort  must  have  been 
embarrassing  and  painful  to  Hadrian,  whose  legates  had 
authorized  by  their  presence  and  votes  the  acts  of  two 
church  synods  as  hopelessly  irreconcilable  and  contradic- 
tory as  those  of  Nicsea  and  Frankfort. 

Two  of  the  fifty-six  capitula  enacted  by  the  Council  of 
Frankfort  are  here  singled  out  as  illustrating  the  intelligent 
foresight  and  liberality  of  Charles  ;  they  are  the  thirty-third 
and  the  fifty-second  ;  the  former  enjoining  that  everybody 
throughout  the  realm  be  taught  and  required  to  know  the 
Catholic  Belief  concerning  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  Lord's 
Prayer  and  the  Creed  ;  and  the  latter  couched  in  this  horta- 
tary  form  : 

"  Let  no  one  believe  that  God  may  be  prayed  to  in  only 
three  languages ;  nay,  the  rather  that  God  should  be  wor- 
shipped in  every  tongue,  and  that  He  will  hear  the  prayers 
of  men  if  they  pray  for  just  things."1 

These,  and  many  other  capitula  and  canons,  demonstrate 
that  if  he  was  a  bishop  of  bishops,  he  showed  his  superi- 
ority in  liberal  intelligence  and  a  breadth  of  enlightenment 
alien  to  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the  vast  army  of  bishops, 
priests  and  deacons,  abbots  and  monks,  who  with  very  few 
exceptions,  advocated  a  brainless,  mechanical  and  vicarious 
religion,  and  were  the  worthy  predecessors  of  a  race  of 
modern  bigots  holding  that  the  Bible  in  the  vernacular 
without  tradition  imperils  the  souls  of  men. 

795]  The  death  of  Hadrian  moved  Charles  to  tears ;  he 
wept  for  him  as  a  son  might  mourn  for  his  father,  or  a  friend 
bewail  the  loss  of  his  dearest  friend.2  The  cordiality  of 
their  friendship  is  indisputable  ;  they  thoroughly  understood 
each  other ;  they  had  often  looked  into  each  other's  eyes ; 
they  had    taken   sweet  counsel    together,  and    though    for 

the  "  Caroline  Books  "  fairly  captured  the  text   in  Labbei  Concil.  t.   VIII., 

the  Council,  but  it  is  only  just  to  add  p.  1202  sqq. 

that  the  Greeks  nicely  discriminated  J  See  Capitulare  No.  II.,  Book  III., 

between  absolute  worship,  Xarpsia,  Ch.  I.,  below. 

due  only  to  God,  and  relative  worship,  2  Vita   Caroli,   c.  19.     Ale.  ep.   6r. 

7tpo6KvvT)6i'i,  due   to   images.     See  Annal.  Lauresh.,  Nordhumbr.  a.  795. 

Epist.  Carol.  10. 


Chapter  XII.]        CHARLES   AND   THE  CHURCH.  335 

several  years  past  there  had  been  an  estrangement,  neither 
the  frequency  of  the  pontiff's  letters  of  complaint  nor  dog- 
matic differences  could  sever  the  bond  of  amity  which  linked 
them  together. 

The  expression  of  his  sorrow  was  touching ;  when  he  had 
stayed  weeping  for  him,  he  ordered  prayers  to  be  said  for 
him  throughout  his  dominions,  also  the  distribution  of  rich 
gifts  from  his  private  treasury  among  all  the  metropolitan 
churches,  and  of  special  memorials  among  the  episcopal 
sees  in  Mercia  and  Northumberland,  accompanied  by  his 
request  of  prayers  for  the  repose  of  the  soul  of  the  departed 
pontiff,  for  himself,  the  stability  of  his  empire,  and  the 
propagation  of  Christianity.1 

One  of  his  epistles,  that  to  King  Offa,  explaining  the 
import  of  the  said  commemorative  prayers,  is  here  pre- 
sented in  full.  It  is  very  interesting  and  illustrates  not 
only  the  personal  piety  of  Charles  as  well  as  his  tender 
friendship  for  Hadrian,  but  the  habits  and  pursuits  of 
Anglo-Saxons  about  the  close  of  the  eighth  century. 

Even  then  they  were  great  travellers ;  some  were  doubt- 
less devout  pilgrims,  others  resembled  those  so  charmingly 
described  by  Chaucer,  and  a  goodly  number  of  them, 
addicted,  like  modern  Englishmen,  to  commercial  pursuits. 

"  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  the  Franks  and 
Lombards,  and  Patrician  of  the  Romans,  to  the  venerable 
man,  his  dearly  beloved  brother  Offa,  King  of  the  Mercians, 
greeting. 

"  First  of  all  we  thank  Almighty  God  for  the  purity  of 
the  Catholic  Faith  so  laudably  cultivated  in  your  letters. 

"  Passing  to  the  case  of  travellers,  who,  impelled  by  the 
love  of  God,  and  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls,  desire  to 
visit  the  tombs  of  the  blessed  Apostles,  it  is  ordered  that 
they  may  proceed  thither  in  peace  without  let  orjiinderance. 

"  Such,  however,  among  them  as  may  travel  not  for  reli- 
gious purposes  but  for  gain,  must  pay  the  tolls  where  they 
are  established. 

1  Ale.  epp.  57,  58,  61. 


336  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

"  Merchants,  likewise,  by  our  express  command,  and 
throughout  our  realm,  are  guaranteed  the  protection  of  the 
law,  and  the  right  of  appeal  to  ourselves  or  our  judges,  and 
in  the  event  of  unjust  oppression  we  shall  enjoin  that  full 
justice  be  meted  out  to  them. 

"  We  also  desire  to  notify  your  Love,  that  in  token  of 
our  good  will  we  have  commanded  the  distribution  through- 
out the  several  episcopal  sees  in  your  realm,  and  in  that  of 
Ethelred,1  of  dalmatics  and  pallia,  in  pious  commemoration 
of  the  Lord  Apostolic  Hadrian,  with  the  request  that  you 
will  command  intercession  to  be  made  for  him,  not  because 
of  any  doubt  as  to  the  repose  of  his  blessed  soul,  but  as  a 
mark  of  our  faith  and  an  expression  of  our  affection  for  our 
dearest  friend. 

"  We  have,  in  like  manner,  commanded  that  part  of  our 
earthly  treasure,  with  which  the  Lord  Jesus  has  graciously 
enriched  us,  be  sent  to  the  metropolitan  cities,  and  that  to 
your  Love  be  presented  a  belt,  a  Hunnish  sword,  and  two 
Syrian  pallia."2 

Hadrian,  who  held  the  apostolic  chair  for  the  space  of 
twenty-three  years,  ten  months,  and  seventeen  days,  died 
on  the  twenty-fifth  of  December,  795. 

What  he  was  to  the  Church  is  set  forth  in  the  summary 
of  the  Catholic  writer,  in  whose  opinion  his  long  pontificate 
was  one  of  exceptional  prosperity,  though  rather  in  the 
material  than  the  spiritual  triumphs  of  the  Church. 

He  states  that  the  cordial,  ready,  potent,  and  magnani- 
mous protection  of  Charles  caused  the  authority  of  the 
Church  of  Rome  to  be  universally  respected  ;  that  infidel 
races  were  converted  to  Christianity ;  that  the  perfidy  of 
the  Lombards  was  duly  punished  ;  the  pride  of  the  Greeks, 
and  the  insolence  of  their  abettors,  signally  rebuked.  The 
evangelical  splendor  of  the  Cross,  he  adds,  could  not  be 
dimmed  or  obscured  under  the  long  duration  of  the  gfallinsr 
yoke  of  the  Greeks  which  sorely  oppressed  the  Church,  or 
under  the  pressure  of  the  oft-repeated  investment  of  Rome 


1  King  of  Northumbria  a.  774-796.  2  Epistol.  Carol.  11  (Jaffe). 


Chapter  XII.]        CHARLES   AND   THE  CHURCH.  337 

by  the  Lombards,  which  wrung  from  her  the  plaints  of  sor- 
row. When  the  heavens  were  overcast  with  darksome 
clouds,  yea  at  the  very  height  of  the  sable  gloom,  the  sun 
rose  from  behind  them  in  all  the  strength  of  his  effulgent 
glory,  even  at  the  bidding  of  Him,  whose  mighty  voice  laid 
the  tempest  on  the  lake  of  Galilee,  and  bade  the  roaring, 
tumultuous  sea  hold  its  peace  and  be  still. 

What  Hadrian  was,  how  he  thought  and  felt,  has  in  part 
been  sketched  on  preceding  pages,  and  may  be  read  in  full 
in  a  number  of  his  letters  which  have  come  down  to  us  and 
are  contained  in  almost  all  the  Collections.  What  he  did, 
partly  as  dispenser  of  the  prodigal  benefactions  of  Charles, 
partly  as  that  of  his  own  munificence  for  the  cult  and  glory 
of  the  Church  in  the  city  of  Rome,  is  given  at  great  length 
in  the  pages  of  his  biographer.1 

Charles  commanded  the  epitaph  of  Hadrian  to  be  chiselled 
with  gilt  letters  in  a  slab  of  black  marble,  and  sent  it  in 
ornamentation  of  his  tomb  to  the  city  of  Rome,  where  it 
remains  to  this  day  not  far  from  the  principal  portal  of  St. 
Peter's.2 

The  thought  and  feeling  of  this  fine  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  Hadrian  are  doubtless  those  of  Charles,  but  the 
phrase  and  metre  are  Alcuin's.  The  epitaph  of  Theodulf 
excels  it  in  poetical  merit,  but  that  which  Charles  approved 
and  adopted  as  his  own  belongs  to  these  pages.3 

1  Anastasii  Bibl.  S.  Adrianusy  Migne,  CXXVIII.,  1181  sqq. — Baronius, 
IX.,  543  sqq. 

2  Annal.  Lauresh.  a.  795  ;  Nordhumbr.  a.  794. 

3  Diimmler,  Poet.  Lat.  aevi  Carol.  I.  101  ;  Theodulf,  Carm.  ibid.  I.,  489  sq. ; 
cf.  p.  101.     My  version  follows  the  text  of  Labbe,  Cottcil.,  VIII.,  20. 

Epitaph. 
Here  sleeps  the  famous  chief,  and  ornament  of  Rome. 
The  Father  of  the  Church,  Pope  Hadrian  the  blest ; 
Whom  God  gave  life,  the  Law  his  virtue  glory  Christ. 
An  apostolic  father   to  goodness  always  prompt  ; 
Of  grand  ancestral  line  a  noble  scion  he, 
More  noble  than  they  all,  through  holiness  became. 
A  faithful  pastor  with  untiring  zeal  who  strove 
The  temples  of  his  God  in  beauty  to  array. 
The  Church  with  choicest  gifts,  with  sacred  love  the  flock 
22 


338  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Imbued,  and  unto  all  the  way  beyond  the  stars  he  traced. 

His  bounty  blessed  the  poor,  his  goodness  passed  by  none, 

In  ceaseless  vigils  for  the  flock  his  prayers  arose. 

With  learning,  wealth,  and  walls  thy  battlements  he  reared, 

Thrice  honor'd  Rome  !  chief  city  through  the  world  renowned. 

Grim  death,  by  that  of  Christ  redeemed,  could  hurt  him  naught, 

And  proved  to  him  but  gateway  to  the  better  life. 

O  father,  thee  beweeping,  I  Charles  these  lines  have  writ, 

For  thee,  sweet  love  and  father  mine,  with  sorrow  bowed. 

Remember  me,  whose  mind  forever  follows  thee, 

When  thou  with  Christ  the  blissful  realms  above  shalt  sway. 

The  clergy,  all  the  Church,  in  love  did  thee  enshrine, 

O  best  of  pontiffs,  who  to  all  wast  all  their  love. 

Illustrious  man,  our  names  and  titles  now  I  join, 

Aye  Hadrian  and  Charles  the  King,  the  pontiff  thou. 

Kind  reader  of  these  lines,  with  loving  heart  for  both 

In  pray'r  engage,  and  gently  Miserere  say. 

This  tomb,  O  dearest  friend,  thine  earthly  frame  doth  hold, 

The  while  thy  happy  soul  with  Saints  of  God  delights, 

Until  the  final  trump  within  thy  ears  shall  sound  : 

"Awake  !  with  princely  Peter  rise  thy  God  to  see  ; " 

When  sure,  I  know,  the  Judge  with  loving  voice  will  call : 

"  Into  thy  Lord's  surpassing  joy  now  enter  thou." 

Then  best  of  fathers  all,  thy  son  bear  thou  in  mind  ; 

"  A  son  should  join  his  father,"  say,  "  And  this  is  mine." 

To  Christ's  celestial  realms,  blest  father,  lead  the  way, 

With  intercessions  thence  thine  orphaned  flock  to  aid, 

The  while  his  fiery  locks  the  sun  resplendent  shakes, 

Thy  praises,  Holy  Father,  throughout  the  world  shall  sound. 


This  pope  of  blessed  memory  filled  the  pontifical  chair  XXIII.  years,  X. 
months,  and  XVII.  days,  and  died  on  the  VII.  Kalends  of  January. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CHARLES   AND   LEO    III. 

Leo  III.,  pope. — Rumors. — Conspiracy  against  him. — His  miraculous  recov- 
ery.— He  visits  Charles  at  Paderborn. — Conjectures. — Leo  reinstated. — 
Preparations. 

795]  The  unanimous  election,  on  the  very  day  of  Ha- 
drian's burial,  of  his  successor,  Leo  III.,  was  extraordinary 
and,  many  thought,  miraculous. 

He  was  a  native  of  Rome  ;  from  early  youth  an  inmate 
of  the  Lateran  ;  skilled  in  music  ;  familiar  with  the  Holy 
Scriptures  and  the  ritual  of  the  Church. 

Leo  took  minor  orders,  and  was  soon  advanced  to  the 
priesthood.  He  bore  a  good  reputation,  while  his  pure  life, 
eloquence,  and  manliness,  allied  to  pleasant  manners  and 
affability,  made  him  a  general  favorite ;  secured  his  election 
as  pope  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  all  the  bishops,  nobles, 
clergy,  and  people  of  Rome  on  St.  Stephen's  Day ;  and  his 
episcopal  consecration  on  the  next  day,  St.  John's  Day, 
which  fell  on  Sunday.1 

796]  His  first  act  was  the  despatch  of  legates  to  Charles 
with  letters  announcing  his  election,  expressing  his  obedi- 
ence and  fidelity,  and  bearing  the  keys  of  St.  Peter,  the 
standard  of  the  city  of  Rome,  and  presents.  He  likewise 
desired  Charles  to  send  one  of  his  chief  officers  to  Rome 
with  authority  to  receive  the  oath  of  fidelity  and  obedience 
on  the  part  of  the  people.2 

Charles  was  delighted  with  this  unusual  act  of  deference, 
and  sent  Angilbert,  one  of  his  most  confidential  and  familiar 
officers,  with  a  letter  and  a  large  share  of  the  Avar  spoils. 

The  letter  explains  that   the  presents  were  ready  to  be 

1  Vita  Leonis  III. ;  Epist.  Carol.  10.  2  Ep.  Carol,    io. — Annal.   Einh.,  a. 

796. 


340  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

forwarded  to  Hadrian,  when  the  intelligence  of  his  death 
caused  a  delay ;  it  congratulates  Leo  on  the  unanimity  of 
his  election  ;  apprises  him  that  Angilbert  is  authorized  to 
confer  with  him  on  all  matters  touching  the  glory  of  the 
Church,  the  dignity  of  the  pontifical  office  and  his  own 
patriciate ;  and  exhorts  him  to  enforce  the  Canons. 

In  one  place  he  writes :  "  As  I  made  a  league  of  sacred 
confraternity  with  your  sainted  predecessor,  so  I  desire 
to  form  with  your  holiness  an  inviolable  compact  of  the 
like  faith  and  love.  It  is  my  duty,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
to  defend  the  Church  of  Christ  everywhere :  against  the 
assaults  of  pagans  or  the  ravages  of  infidels,  which  may 
threaten  her  from  without,  and  to  exert  all  my  power 
towards  the  stability  of  the  Catholic  Faith  in  my  realm.  It 
is  yours,  most  holy  father,  like  Moses  to  lift  up  your  hands 
in  prayer  to  God  for  the  success  of  my  arms.     .     . 

"  In  your  wisdom  you  will  not  fail  everywhere  to  enjoin 
and  enforce  the  commandments  and  statutes  of  the  Fathers, 
so  that  the  shining  example  of  your  holiness  in  such  godly 
conversation  may  be  known  to  all  men,  while  your  saintly 
admonitions  fall  on  willing  ears ;  yea,  let  your  light  so  shine 
before  men  that  they  may  see  your  good  works,  and  glorify 
your  Father  who  is  in  heaven." 

Charles  must  have  had  some  private  information  leading 
him  to  fear  that  matters  at  Rome  might  not  run  as  smoothly 
as  Leo  seemed  to  think  they  would.  His  private  and  con- 
fidential letter  instructed  Angilbert  to  remind  the  holy 
father  of  the  duties  of  his  office,  both  as  to  his  morals  and 
the  maintenance  of  canonical  authority  in  the  godly  con- 
duct of  church  government. 

"  Tell  him  often,"  he  writes,  "  that  the  honors  of  those 
clothed  with  the  sacred  office  last  but  a  few  years,  but  the 
reward  of  those  who  well  discharge  its  duties,  is  eternal. 
Press  upon  him  the  necessity  of  abolishing  the  heresy  of 
simony,  so  grievously  defiling  the  Church  in  many  parts, 
and  of  correcting  all  other  abuses  which  we  have  so  often 
bewailed  together." ' 

1  Ep.  ad  Angilb.  ib.  p.  353. 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES   AND   LEO   III.  341 

It  is  thought  that  the  expense  of  a  large  number  of  vases 
and  rich  ornaments,  made  by  order  of  Leo  in  the  beginning 
of  his  pontificate,  for  the  Roman  churches,  was  defrayed 
by  the  royal  offering  of  part  of  the  Pannonian  spoils. 

Among  those  works  of  art  was  the  grand  banquet-hall  in 
the  Lateran,  all  in  marble,  and  richly  ornamented  with 
columns  and  mosaics.  One  of  the  latter,  still  shown,  repre- 
sents St.  Peter  seated,  with  three  keys  on  his  knee,  Leo  on 
his  right  and  Charles  on  the  left,  in  the  act  of  presenting  to 
the  pope  a  pallium,  and  to  the  king  a  standard  with  six 
roses,  inscribed  :  "  May  St.  Peter  grant  life  to  Pope  Leo, 
and  victory  to  King  Charles."  " 

This  mosaic  was  the  pendant  of  another,  on  the  opposite 
end  of  the  hall,  representing  Christ  delivering  to  Peter  (or 
Pope  Sylvester)  two  keys,  and  to  Constantine  the  Great  a 
standard. 

799]  Leo's  popularity  was  of  short  duration.  A  revolu- 
tionary outbreak  directed  against  his  person  occurred  in  the 
third  year  of  his  pontificate.  Two  papal  officers,  to  wit, 
the  primicerius  Paschalis,  and  the  sacellarius  Campulus, 
together  with  many  Roman  nobles,  had  entered  into  a  con- 
spiracy against  the  pope. 

Paschalis  was  a  nephew  of  Pope  Hadrian,  and  Campulus 
was  personally  known  to  Charles.2  The  causes  of  the  con- 
spiracy are  not  established.  It  was  alleged  by  the  partisans 
of  Leo,  that  he  incurred  the  hatred  of  the  Romans  from  his 
stern  opposition  to  their  contemplated  revolt  from  Frankish 
rule,  and  that  the  promoters  of  the  plot  were  moved  by 
jealousy  ;  on  the  other  hand  the  opponents  of  Leo  charged 
that  his  notorious  adultery,  perjury,  and  other  crimes,  pro- 
voked che  revolt.3 

It  is  certain  that  Leo  continued  hateful  to  the  Romans 
to  the  last.4 

1  Anastas.,  /.  c.  toration,    was    most   unpleasant.      In 

2  Annal.  Einh. ;  Vita  Leonis,  III.;  804  he  was  glad  of  a  convenient  tem- 
Cod.  Carol.  62,  68  ;  Epist.  Caroli.  10.  porary   escape   from    the   city  ;    nine 

3  See  the  authorities  in  Simson,  II.,  years  later  another  conspiracy  against 
165,  n.  and  below,  pp.  348,  sqq.,  364.  him  was  suppressed  with  blood,  and 

4  His   position,  even  after  his  res-  during  his  sickness  the  people  rose  in 


342  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

On  the  twenty-third  day  of  April,  being  St.  George's 
Day,  the  Great  Litany  was  chanted  in  the  church  conse- 
crated to  his  memory,  which,  two  days  later,  on  St.  Mark's 
Day,  was  ordered  to  be  concluded  in  the  Church  of  St. 
Laurentius  ad  craticulam,  that  is,  of  the  gridiron. 

The  pope  was  riding  in  the  procession  of  the  "  black 
crosses,"  instituted  by  St.  Gregory,  and  the  aforesaid  Pas- 
chalis  and  Campulus  ought  to  have  taken  their  places  in  it, 
but  arriving  after  it  had  formed,  the  former  without  his 
pla?ieta,  apologized  to  Leo  on  the  hypocritical  plea  of  sick- 
ness and  other  excuses,  but  accompanied  him  in  friendly 
discourse. 

Meanwhile  the  rest  of  the  conspirators  had  taken  up  a 
concealed  position  near  the  monastery  of  Saints  Stephen 
and  Sylvester  which  lay  in  the  way  of  the  procession.  When 
it  came  up,  a  band  of  assassins  rushed  from  their  hiding 
place  into  the  thick  of  the  unarmed  people  who  were  fol- 
lowing the  pope.  They  terrified,  and  speedily  dispersed 
the  populace,  made  their  way  to  Leo,  Paschalis  standing 
before,  and  Campulus  behind  him,  seized  him,  tore  him  from 
his  seat,  threw  him  to  the  ground,  and  cruelly  beat  and 
plundered  him.  It  was  their  intention  to  put  out  his  eyes,  cut 
off  his  tongue,  and  even — kill  him.  Some  witnesses  declared, 
and  the  perpetrators  of  the  outrage  are  reported  to  have 
believed,  that  the  double  mutilation  was  really  accomplished  ; 
at  any  rate,  the  conspirators  left  him  where  he  lay  in  the 
street,  naked  and  half  dead. 

The  papal  account  adds,  that  when  the  assassins  had 
gone,  Paschalis  and  Campulus  dragged  Leo  into  the  con- 
ventual church  of  Saints  Stephen  and  Sylvester,  trying  to 
complete  before  the  altar  of  the  same  the  mutilation  which 
had  only  been  imperfectly  performed  in  the  street. 

At  night,  the  same  high  officials,  together  with  Maurus 
de  Nepi,  an  accomplice,  caused  him  to  be  removed  to  the 
monastery  of  St.  Erasmus  where  he  would  be  in  safe  keep- 
ing (for  it  was  a  prison),  and  might  recover  from  his  wounds. 

arms,    plundered   his   farms,   and  set      26  ;  Annal.   S.   Amandi ;  Lauresh.  a. 
them  on  fire. — Monach.   Sangall.   I.,      800.     Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  166. 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES  AND   LEO   III.  343 

In  that  place,  as  some  say  (or  on  the  way  to  it,  as  others 
affirm),  a  miracle  was  wrought,  for  the  maltreated  pontiff 
recovered  the  use  both  of  his  tongue  and  eyes.  Some  actu- 
ally fable  of  a  double  miracle,  alleging  that  Leo  had  recovered 
the  use  of  the  missing  members  on  the  way  to  the  monas- 
tery, when  his  cruel  enemies  deprived  him  absolutely  [radi- 
citus)  both  of  his  tongue  and  eyes.  Then,  according  to  the 
Monk  of  St.  Gall,  the  divine  vindicator  of  his  innocence 
replaced  the  eyes,  thus  cruelly  removed  by  wicked  hands, 
with  others  more  beautiful  than  the  first,  except  that  the 
mark  of  his  virtue  remained  in  a  most  beautiful  wound  like 
a  delicate  thread  of  snowy  whiteness  distinctly  visible  on 
the  pupil.1 

Albinus,  the  chamberlain  of  Leo,  came  by  night,  probably 
with  other  faithful  dependants,  and  enabled  the  sacerdotal 
captive  by  means  of  a  rope  to  leave  his  monastic  prison. 
This  exit  becomes  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  scribes 
another  miracle,  and  in  those  of  a  third  truly  apostolic,  for 
he  makes  him,  like  St.  Paul,  descend  by  the  city  wall.  His 
deliverers  took  him  to  St.  Peter's  where  two  royal  missi,  to 
wit,  Wirundus,  abbot  of  Stablo,  and  Winigisus,  duke  of 
Spoleto,  received  him.  The  latter,  apprised  of  the  outrage, 
forthwith  collected  a  body  of  troops,  hastened  before  the 
city  (St.  Peter's  then  stood  without  the  walls)  and  conducted 
the  pope  to  Spoleto. 

The  rebels,  it  is  added,  resented  the  action  of  the  devoted 
chamberlain,  and  having  nothing  else  to  do,  attacked  his 
house,  plundered,  and  destroyed  it.2 

Messengers  from  Leo,  the  royal  missi,  and  not  improbably 
799]  from  others,3  hastened  to  inform  Charles  of  the  occur- 
rences at  Rome.  It  is  not  certain,  though  highly  probable, 
that  the  exigencies  of  the  case  and  public  pressure  moved 
Leo  to  invoke  the  royal  aid. 

1  Monach.  Sangall.  I.,  26.  MG.  al.  Compare  for  a  minutely  circum- 
SS.,  II.,  743.  stantial  examination  of  the  attempt  on 

2  Vita  Leonis  ;  Annal.  Maxim.,  Leo,  Excurus  I.,  in  Simson,  /.  c.  II., 
Lauresh.,  Theophan.  Chronogr.  (Bou-  583. 

quet,  V.,  18S);  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauriss.  3  See  p.  346,  line  1,  sqq. 


344  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

According  to  a  poetic  version,  the  king  sees  in  a  vision 
the  mutilated  pontiff,  supplicating  his  protection,  and  sends 
three  messengers  to  Rome.  The  pope  summons  them  to 
Spoleto,  bidding  them  conduct  him  to  the  king  in  order 
that  he  might  examine  and  avenge  his  cause  ;  they  honor 
his  request  and  conduct  him  to  Germany.1 

According  to  history,  Charles  immediately  commanded 
the  pope  to  be  conducted  to  him,  and  designated  his  arch- 
chaplain  Hildibald,  archbishop  of  Cologne,  and  count  Asca- 
rius  as  special  commissioners  to  meet  and  escort  him;2  it 
would  seem,  however,  that  it  was  the  king's  first  impulse 
to  hasten  to  Rome  in  person,  but  that  he  changed  his 
mind,  because  he  felt  that  he  could  not  omit  his  contem- 
plated journey  into  Saxony,  which  was  then  undergoing  the 
process  of  pacification.3 

As  for  Leo,  he  travelled,  doubtless  under  military  escort, 
furnished  by  the  duke  of  Spoleto,  and  attended  by  a  goodly 
number  of  bishops,  presbyters,  and  nobles  {primatibus).* 
His  progress  excited  universal  attention,  and  stirred  up  the 
religious  enthusiasm  of  the  people  wherever  he  went ;  mul- 
titudes came  forth  to  kiss  his  feet,  gaze  upon  his  new  eyes, 
listen  with  enraptured  emotion  to  the  words  he  uttered  with 
his  new  and  heaven-sent  tongue,  and  enrich  him  with  their 
gifts.5 

What  took  place  in  Germany  is  best  told  in  the  language 
of  the  poem,  which  is  generally  ascribed  to  the  pen  of  Angil- 
bert,  who  from  his  confidential  and  intimate  relations  to 
Charles,  and  personal  acquaintance  with  most  of  the  actors, 
and  knowledge  of  the  localities,  could  write  more  intelli- 
gently on  the  subject  than  any  one  else.  Still  it  is  proper  to 
preface  his  account  with  a  caution ;  he  writes  poetry,  and 
the  reader  should  remember  that  a  penchant  for  picturesque 
embellishment  and  an  exuberant  fancy  guided  his  hand  ;  he 
exaggerates,  but  that  is  poetic  license. 

1  Angilbert,  Carm.  vv.  332  sqq.  4  Annal.  Maxim.,  Lauriss.  min.  ; 
342,  376,  400,  p.  374  sqq.  Liber  pontific.  (V.  Leonis  III.,  p.  198.) 

2  Ann.  Einh.  Vita  Leon.  5  V.    Leon,    id.;  Angilbert,  /.  c.  v. 

3  Alcuini  Ep.  118  ;  Annal.  Einh.  a.  408  sqq. 
799- 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES  AND   LEO   III.  345 

His  description  is  substantially  as  follows :  "  When 
Charles  heard  that  the  papal  procession  was  drawing  near, 
he  sent  his  son  Pepin,  King  of  Italy,  at  the  head  of  an  army 
of  a  hundred  thousand  (?)  men  to  meet  him.  The  spectacle 
of  so  vast  a  multitude  of  armed  men  was  overwhelming ; 
the  pope  lifted  his  hands  to  heaven,  invoking  the  divine 
blessing  on  the  Franks.  When  he  came  up  to  Pepin  he 
clasped  him  to  his  heart,  tenderly  embraced  and  kissed  him. 
Then  the  pope  and  Pepin  walked  side  by  side  to  meet  the 
king ;  the  venerable  hero  forthwith  ordered  the  entire  host 
under  arms,  saying  to  his  brave  veterans :  '  Go  as  you  are  wont 
to  go  into  battle  and  give  martial  greeting  to  the  pontiff  ! ' 

"  The  host  is  profoundly  moved  ;  a  forest  of  spears,  thrice- 
leashed  cuirasses,  helmets,  javelins,  and  shields,  sways  to 
and  fro  ;  the  clash  of  the  brazen  shields  resembles  the  voice 
of  thunder ;  the  cavalry  sweeps  round  as  to  a  charge ;  the 
air  is  dark  with  clouds  of  dust,  and  vocal  with  the  clangor 
of  trumpets,  and  the  shrill  tones  of  bugle  signals  ;  the  very 
ground  seems  to  tremble  under  the  hoofs  of  the  fierce 
chargers  ;  in  the  midst  of  the  concourse  wave  the  bright 
banners,  and  the  multitudes  in  motion  are  eager  to  hear  the 
pontiff's  voice  ;  a  burning  desire  seems  to  enter  the  very 
marrow  of  their  bones.     .     .     . 

"  At  the  extremity  of  the  camp  the  whole  army  is  ordered 
to  halt :  the  clergy  in  large  numbers,  arrayed  in  sacerdotal 
costume,  form  into  three  companies  or  choirs,  ranging  them- 
selves under  the  sacred  banner  of  the  cross  in  an  inner  circle, 
round  which  in  ever-widening  lines  the  whole  army  is  dis- 
posed like  a  city  wall ;  in  the  very  centre,  overtowering  all 
the  rest,  Charles  awaits  the  pontiff. 

"  Leo  beholds  with  wondering  eyes  the  magnificent 
spectacle  of  that  vast  multitude,  representing  so  many 
nationalities  collected  from  all  quarters,  compacted  together, 
so  different  in  appearance,  speech,  uniform,  and  arms ;  it  is 
an  overwhelming  sight ;  he  looks  hither  and  thither,  and 
beholds  Charles  coming  forth  ;  he  lies  prostrate  in  lowly 
veneration,  and  rising,  gives  him  a  tender,  loving  welcome 
in  cordial  embrace. 


346  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

"  The  king  and  the  pontiff  join  hands,  and  walk  together, 
engaged  in  earnest  and  affectionate  conversation.  At  a 
signal  the  entire  army,  thrice  in  succession,  falls  prostrate 
before  the  pope,  to  be  enriched  with  his  prayers  and  bene- 
diction thrice  bestowed. 

"  Again  Charles,  the  father  of  Europe,  and  Leo,  the 
sovereign  pontiff,  move  forward  ;  the  king  desires  to  know 
the  story  of  his  trouble ;  the  wickedness  of  the  Roman 
people  astounds  and  horrifies  him  ;  he  beholds  with  amaze- 
ment the  light  stream  forth  from  the  windows  that  had  been 
bereft  of  it,  and  catches  in  wonderment  the  accents  of  the 
tongue  which  the  cruel  forceps  had  torn  out." 

At  this  point  the  choirs  of  the  priests  sing  their  antiphons 
of  praise  for  his  marvellous  restoration  ;  the  earnest  and 
loud  strains  of  their  chants  make  the  welkin  ring.1 

Under  the  guidance  of  the  blessed  Charles  the  pope 
enters  the  church  and  celebrates  Mass. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  sacred  office,  the  pope  is  led 
to  a  magnificent  repast ;  the  sedilia  are  ornamented  with 
purple  and  gold  ;  the  king  and  the  pontiff,  the  Court,  and 
the  glittering  host  of  grandees  sit  down  and  feast  upon 
the  rich  and  abundant  provisions  of  that  royal   banquet  ; 

1  "  Exoritur  clamor,  vox  ardua  pul-  barous  wildness  of  their  drunken  throat 

sat  Olympum,"  may  be  illustrated  by  seeks  in  vain  to  utter  by  means  of  arti- 

the    following   passage,  in    which    an  ficial  contortions  and  resonances   the 

Italian,   with   an  educated  ear,  com-  soft  tones  of  a  melodious  voice  ;  the  stiff 

ments  upon  the  musical  performances  sounds  they  send  forth   resemble  the 

of  the  transalpine  clergy.     He  says,  roll  of  distant  thunder  or  the  confused 

that  like  other  European  nations,  the  noise  of  a  number  of  empty  barrels  in 

Germans   and   Gauls    had   repeatedly  rotary  motion,  whose  roughness  instead 

essayed   the  mastery  of  the  superior  of   delighting,   irritates   and   confuses 

merits   of    the  Gregorian  Chant,   but  the  minds  of  the  hearers."     Who  can 

their    attempts   were    failures    partly  fail  to  recognize  in  this  description  the 

from   carelessness   in   mixing  up  with  familiar  beer  voices  of  the  opera,  the 

it    their    own    methods,    and    partly  concert  room,  and "  horresco  referens," 

from  their  natural  wildness  ;  for  "  the  of   the  cathedrals  of   continental  Eu- 

bodies   of   the   transalpines   who    are  rope,  Great  Britain,  and  even  of  minor 

wont  to  emit  a  thundering  noise  with  churches   elsewhere  ?     See  the  whole 

their    voices,    cannot    reproduce    the  passage  in  Joann.   Diacon.,  Vita  Gre- 

sweet  modulations  which  are  sung  to  gorii  M.  c.VI.  in  Opp.  Gregor.  T.  II., 

them   for  imitation,  because  the  bar-  p.  47. 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES  AND   LEO   III.  347 

on  all  the  tables  the  fiery  Falernian  is  served  in  golden 
bowls. 

"  King  Charles  and  the  sovereign  pontiff  are  seated  by 
themselves,  and  feast  together ;  they  quaff  bowls  full  of 
sparkling  wine  in  long  delicious  draughts.  The  exquisite 
food  and  sweet  cups  of  Bacchus  come  to  an  end  ;  pious 
Charles  presents  many  gifts  to  Leo,  and  in  happy  mood, 
withdraws  to  the  inner  chambers  of  the  palace,  while  the 
apostolicus  retires  to  his  camp."  * 

Thus  hilariously,  humorously,  and  quaintly,  run  the  verses 
of  the  courtly  Angilbert,  who  plainly  recalls  the  festive 
scene  with  pleasant  recollections.  His  verses  show  in  nu- 
merous verbal  coincidences  an  intimate  knowledge  of  Vir- 
gil, and  afford  a  lively  insight  of  the  manners  and  usages  of 
the  Frankish  Court.  The  peculiar  turn  of  the  "  apostolicus  " 
expresses  familiarity,  and  unless  the  language  is  to  be  taken 
literally,  the  manner  in  which  the  miraculous  restoration  of 
the  windows  and  the  tongue  of  the  pontiff  is  told,  seems 
to  insinuate  a  doubt  both  in  the  mind  of  Charles  and  in  his 
own. 

Leo  spent  some  time  at  Paderborn,  where  the  meeting 
took  place.  The  church  in  which  he  celebrated  Mass  had 
a  peculiar  history.  As  far  back  as  yj1/,  Charles  caused  a 
church  to  be  built  there  in  honor  of  the  Saviour,  which  the 
fierce  pagans  repeatedly  set  on  fire  and  destroyed.  But  his 
will  and  zeal  being  stronger  than  their  hatred  and  violence, 
he  built  a  much  larger  church  and  had  it  consecrated.  Leo 
consecrated  one  of  the  altars,  and  deposited  therein  the 
relics  of  St.  Stephen,  the  proto-martyr,  which,  at  the  express 
desire  of  Charles,  he  had  brought  from  Rome,  assuring  the 
king  that  the  virtue  of  the  relics  would  protect  the  church 
from  a  repetition  of  such  a  calamity  in  the  future. 

This  was  a  safe  prophecy  so  far  as  the  pagan  Saxons 
were  concerned,  who  had  already  ceased  to  be  an  object  of 
terror,  and  would  soon  be  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  possi- 
ble harm  ;  they  never  set  that  church  on  fire  thereafter — 

1  Angilberti  Carmina  dubia,  in  Poetae  Latini  Med.  Aevi.  I.  I,  377  sqq. 


34§  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

but  the  relics  were  not  an  absolute  insurance  against  it,  for 
it  burnt  down  in  A.D.  iooo.1 

The  enemies  of  Leo,  however,  were  not  idle  ;  the  report 
of  his  distinguished  reception  by  Charles  roused  the  worst 
passions  of  "  those  wicked  sons  of  the  devil,"  as  the  biog- 
rapher of  Leo  calls  them  ;  they  set  on  fire  the  pontifical 
domains,  and  would  fain  have  consumed  him  by  means  of 
the  terrible  accusations  against  him  which  they  sent  to  the 
king.  They  were  doubtless  greatly  exaggerated,  but  too 
grave  to  be  disregarded.  Where  there  is  so  much  smoke, 
men  said,  there  must  be  some  fire.  The  charges  of  adul- 
tery, carnal  or  spiritual,  and  perjury,  were  freely  circulated, 
and  not  entirely  disbelieved  at  the  Court. 

Even  Alcuin,  who  appears  as  the  staunch  friend  of  Leo, 
seems  to  have  been  not  altogether  incredulous  as  to  their 
truth.  His  information,  moreover,  came  not  from  the  con- 
spirators, but  from  his  friend  Arno,  archbishop  of  Salz- 
burg, who  had  recently  been  at  Rome,  and  in  a  confidential 
letter  enumerated  the  complaints  so  injurious  to  the  pon- 
tiff's morality.  Alcuin  in  reply  states,  among  other  things, 
that  he  had  burnt  the  letter,  because  he  did  not  wish  it  to 
fall  into  other  hands,  lest  through  the  negligence  of  his  ser- 
vants the  contents  might  become  known  and  the  occasion 
of  scandal.2 

The  matter  of  the  abdication  of  Leo  was  freely  discussed, 
and  recommended  by  some  as  necessary ;  it  was  argued  that 
the  exigencies  of  the  case  required  his  withdrawal  from  the 
pontifical  chair  and  retirement  to  a  monastery.  But  Alcuin 
opposed  the  measure  as  unwise  and  mischievous,  and  his 
counsel  prevailed.3 

Charles  finally  decided  that  the  charges  should  be  inves- 
tigated by  a  royal  commission,  and  Leo  reinstated  to  office.4 

Pending  these  discussions,  others,  not  of  record,  are  be- 
lieved to  have  taken  place  at  Paderborn.     The  intercourse 


1  Annal.    Einh.,    a.  799;    Transla-  4  Vita  Leonis,    III.;    Flodoard,  De 
tio  S.  Liborii,  in  MG.  SS.  IV.,  150.  Pontif.  Rom.      Murat.  III.   b.,   284. 

2  Epist.  Alcuini,  127  (Jaffe).  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim.,  al. 

3  Ep.  Ale.  120,  119. 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES  AND   LEO   III.  349 

between  the  king  and  the  pope  led  to  important  results.  It 
would  be  strange  if  the  political  aims  of  Charles  had  not 
been  freely  and  confidentially  unfolded  to  Leo.  History, 
with  one  exception,  is  silent  on  the  subject.  Still  it  is 
impossible  to  resist  the  conviction  that  elevation  to  imperial 
dignity  had  long  filled  the  mind  of  Charles. 

It  had  doubtless  been  discussed  orally,  and  otherwise, 
with  Hadrian.  William  of  Malmesbury  expressly  affirms 
that  Hadrian  often  proposed  it  to  the  king  of  the  Franks, 
but  on  conditions,  which  the  latter  thought  exorbitant  and 
unacceptable.1 

The  nature  of  these  conditions  is  clearly  intimated  in  one 
of  Hadrian's  epistles,  still  extant.  He  writes,  "  that  if 
Charles  would  restore  to  the  Church  the  possessions  which 
Constantine,  the  patricians,  and  other  godly  benefactors 
had  granted  to  her,  the  nations  of  the  earth  would  exclaim  : 
'  O  Lord,  save  the  king,  and  hear  us  in  the  day  when  we 
call  upon  thee,2  for  a  new  emperor  of  God,  a  most  Christian 
Constantine  has  risen  in  these  days,'"  adding  that  "St. 
Peter,  the  prince  of  the  Apostles,  could  not  pray  before  the 
throne  of  God  for  the  prosperity,  long  life,  and  exaltation 
of  the  king,  or  the  majesty  of  his  divinely  established 
dominion,  until  such  restoration  had  been  made." 3 

That  was  Hadrian's  price,  which  Charles  would  not,  and 
could  not  pay.  It  meant  the  renunciation  of  his  own  sov- 
ereignty in  Italy,  and  the  exaltation  of  his  vassal,  or,  more 
accurately  in  point  of  law,  of  the  Greek  emperor's  vassal,  to 
temporal  sovereignty. 

On  that  point  Charles  remained  inflexible,  and  when 
Hadrian  died,  Leo,  as  has  been  explained  before,  succeeded 
him  in  the  same  capacity  of  vassal,  and  actually  desired  the 
king  to  send  commissioners  that  they  might  administer  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Roman  people. 

Then  followed  the  incidents  which  led  to  the  pontifical 
presence  at  Paderborn.  In  this  connection  it  is  now  perti- 
nent to  read  the  statements  of  a  contemporary  : 

i  Wil.   Malmesb.   in  MG.   SS.  X.,  z  Ps.  XIX.,  10. 

453.  3  Cod.  Carol,  ep.  60  (Jaffe). 


350  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II- 

"  At  that  time,"  he  writes,  "  wicked  men  having  conspired 
together  against  Leo  III.,  pontiff  of  Rome,  possessed  them- 
selves of  his  person.  It  was  their  purpose  to  put  out  his 
eyes,  and  in  the  tumult  which  broke  out  among  themselves, 
as  it  often  happens,  slightly  hurt  one  of  his  eyes.  The 
pontiff  thereupon  fled  to  King  Charles  for  protection,  prom- 
ising, that  if  he  would  defend  him  from  his  enemies,  he, 
for  his  part,  would  crown  him  with  the  imperial  diadem. 
Charles,  having  heard  the  wished-for  promise,  immediately 
marched  against  the  enemy  with  great  power,  took  the  city, 
and  reinstated  Leo  to  office.  Then  he  crowned  Charles, 
and  took  a  dignified  revenge  upon  his  enemies." * 

The  concluding  sentences  of  this  passage  are  not  accu- 
rate, but  they  may  pass  for  a  loose  statement  in  a  condensed 
form.  The  testimony  of  John  the  Deacon  is  not  good, 
and  the  foregoing  statement,  in  the  opinion  of  thoughtful, 
learned,  and  judicious  critics,  not  credible.  They  may  be 
799]  right,  still  few  unbiased  minds  will  read  it  in  the  light 
of  what  is  known  and  established  beyond  all  doubt,  and 
deny  its  accuracy.  The  chronicler  may  have  expressed  him- 
self boldly  and  set  the  matter  down  from  hearsay  rather  than 
authentic  sources,  but  he  doubtless  recorded  what  men  said 
and  thought  of  the  subject. 

Charles  dismissed  Leo  as  honorably  as  he  had  received 
him.  A  most  distinguished  escort  of  royal  missi  conducted 
him  to  Rome  and  reinstated  him  with  every  mark  of  honor, 
which  rises  in  the  phrase  of  one  of  the  Annals  to  the  "  high- 
est glory"  into  the  pontifical  chair.  They  were:  the  arch- 
bishops Hildibald  and  Arno,  the  bishops  Cunipert,  Bern- 
hard,  Hatto  and  Jesse,  the  bishop-elect  Flaccus,  and  counts 
Helmgaud,  Rothgar,  and  Germar.2 

He  made  his  solemn  entry  into  the  city  November  29th, 
under  circumstances  which  in  the  eulogistic  coloring  of  the 
Papal  record  exceeded  in  demonstrative  enthusiasm  the 
cordial  and  reverential  greetings  he  had  received  on  the 
journey.     In  the  exuberance  of  their  joy  at  his  safe  return 

1  Joh.  Diac.   Chronic,  apud  Murat.  2  Annal.   Lauriss.    Maxim.,    Einh., 

/.  c.  I.,  2,  p.  312.  Lauresh.,  Petav.,  Vita  Leon.  III. 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES   AND   LEO   III.  35 l 

all  the  ecclesiastical  dignitaries,  and  the  lower  clergy, 
together  with  the  nobles,  senators,  military,  the  entire  peo- 
ple, the  ladies  sanctimonial,  the  deaconesses,  the  most 
noble  matrons,  and,  in  fine,  the  entire  female  population, 
likewise  the  united  Schools  of  foreigners,  to  wit,  Franks, 
Frisians,  Saxons,  and  Lombards,  went  conjointly  out  to  the 
Milvian  Bridge,  and  with  the  banners  and  standards  gayly 
waving,  welcomed  their  pastor,  and  conducted  him  to  St. 
Peter's,  where  Mass  was  said,  and  all  took  the  Holy  Com- 
munion.1 On  the  next  day  they  led  him  with  similar 
demonstrations  of  joy  into  the  city,  and  thus  proceeded 
with  him  to  the  Lateran. 

The  royal  missi,  a  few  days  later,  assembled  in  the  tri- 
clinium of  that  palace,  and  began  their  inquisition  into  the 
causes  of  the  late  rebellion.  Paschalis,  Campulus  and  their 
accomplices  underwent  a  searching  examination,  and  being 
unable  to  substantiate  their  charges  against  Leo,  the  Court, 
after  remaining  more  than  a  week  in  session,  ordered  their 
arrest,  and  sent  them  to  Charles.2 

The  king  undertook,  as  stated  on  a  previous  page,  the 
journey  to  the  coast,  and  conferred  on  his  circular  tour  to  the 
Holy  Places  with  Angilbert,  Alcuin,  and  Theodulf.  Soon 
after,  in  the  month  of  August,  800,  he  acquainted  the  Diet, 
assembled  in  Mayence,  with  his  intention  of  visiting  Italy. 

The  ostensible  reasons  for  his  visit  were:  I,  the  exam- 
ination of  the  charges  preferred  against  Leo,  and  in  the 
event  of  their  falsity,  the  punishment  of  the  outrage;  2, 
the  restoration  of  order  and  confidence  at  Rome  and  the 
regulation  of  the  affairs  of  Italy  in  general ;  3,  the  chastise- 
ment of  Benevento.3 

He  would  fain  have  had  the  company  of  Alcuin,  and  the 
benefit  of  his  counsel  in  the  important  business  which  he 
had  in  hand.  He  begged  him  to  exchange  the  smoky  roofs 
of  Tours  for  the  golden  palaces  of  Rome.     But  his  saintly 

1  Anastas.  apud  Muratori,  t.  III.,  3  Vita  Caroli,  cc.  27,  28;  Annal. 
p,  jng.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  al.,    Capitul.    Italic 

2  Ibid.  p.    198    sq. — Flodoard,    De  801. 
pontif.  Rom.  ibid.  III.  b.,  284. 


352  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

friend  declined,  saying  he  knew  that  Charles  was  familiar 
[was  he  personal?]  with  the  excellent  counsel  of  Solomon 
writ  in  Proverbs,  xxi.,  9. 

"  And  I  will  say  in  all  peace,"  he  added,  "  that  iron  is 
more  hurtful  to  the  eyes  than  smoke.  Tours  with  its  smoked 
roofs  is  content,  by  divine  permission  and  your  kindness, 
to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace,  whereas  Rome  suffers  from 
fraternal  dissensions  whose  venom  is  still  operative ;  but 
I  trust  that  you,  who  have  left  your  sweet  German  home 
with  a  view  to  destroy  it,  may  be  eminently  successful  in 
eradicating  so  hurtful  a  scourge."  z 

Charles,  by  this  time,  had  doubtless  sounded,  and  others, 
themselves  inspired,  had  inspired  the  pontiff  on  the  provi- 
dential leadings  pointing  so  unmistakably  to  the  necessity 
of  a  revival  or  restoration  of  the  Roman  empire  in  his  per- 
son. There  were  many,  and  excellent  reasons  why  such  a 
restoration  should  take  place.2 

It  was,  moreover,  a  measure  as  familiar  to  the  mind  of 
Leo,  who  on  prudential  grounds  would  hardly  have  origi- 
nated it,  as  to  Angilbert,  Alcuin,  and  Theodulf  of  Orleans, 
with  all  of  whom  Charles  had  just  conferred  in  their  homes. 
The  view  of  Alcuin,  communicated  the  year  before  soon 
after  the  Roman  outrage,  may  have  suggested,  prompted, 
or  justified  the  measure. 

"  The  three  highest  persons  in  the  world,"  he  says,  in 
substance,  "  are,  first,  the  apostolic  sublimity,  wont  to  rule 
the  chair  of  St.  Peter;  second,  the  imperial  dignity  and  the 
secular  power  of  New  Rome ;  third,  the  regal  dignity  to 
which  the  goodness  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  has  advanced 
you,  as  the  governor  of  Christendom. 

"  You  are,"  says  the  Briton,  in  plain  and  suggestive 
speech,  "  superior  to  the  other  dignities  in  power,  wisdom, 
and  the  glory  of  your  kingdom.  On  you  alone  depends  the 
salvation  of  the  Church  ;  you  are  the  righteous  judge  that 
punishes  the  wicked  ;  you  are  the  guide  of  all  that  err  from 

1  Migne,  t.  C,  p.  331.  IV.  lib.  X.  ch.  XIV.  Von  der  Herstel- 

2  They  are  well   argued   by   Luden,      lung  der  Kaiserwurde. 
Geschichte   des   detitschen     Yolks,    vol. 


Chapter  XIII.]  CHARLES  AND   LEO  III.  353 

the  truth  ;  you  are  the  comforter  of  all  that  mourn,  yea, 
you  are  the  exceeding  great  rewarder  of  all  good  people." ' 

Thus  wrote  the  abbot  of  St.  Martin's,  and  the  poetic 
bishop  of  Orleans  echoes  the  sentiment  in  the  following 
lines : 

"  You  are  the  righteous  judge  that  punishes  the  wicked 
and  rewards  the  good.  Whatever  you  do,  may  it  thus 
turn  out  by  the  favor  of  God.  You  are  the  shield  of  the 
pontiff,  the  hope  and  defence  of  the  clergy,  through  you 
the  pontiff  wields  his  sacred  office."1 

Such  language,  from  such  men,  and  at  such  a  juncture, 
was  more  than  oratorical  flourish ;  one  feels  tempted,  in  the 
absence  of  all  authentic  information  on  this  instructing 
theme,  to  read  between  the  lines,  reason,  speculate  and 
even  listen,  for  the  nonce,  to  the  tittle-tattle  of  the  loqua- 
cious Monk  of  St.  Gall.  The  saying  of  children  and  the 
other  folk,  whom  one  must  not  name,  comes  up,  as  one 
reads  the  story  as  it  ran  in  the  monastery,  to  wit,  that  his 
holiness,  deeming  it  to  be  the  will  of  God  that  the  invinci- 
ble Charles,  already  wielding  imperial  power  and  directing 
the  destinies  of  most  of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  ought,  by 
and  under  apostolical  authority,  to  be  likewise  endued  with 
the  names  of  Emperor,  Caesar,  and  Augustus,  bade  him 
come  for  that  purpose  to  the  city  of  Rome.2 

1  Alcuini    Epist.no.  114  (Jaffe).  2  Monach.    Sangall.  apud  Bouquet, 

V.,  p.  1x7. 
23 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE     CORONATION. 

Reception  of  Charles  at  Rome. — Trial  of  Leo. — His  exculpation. — Symbolical 
gifts  from  Jerusalem. — Debate  on  the  restoration  of  the  empire. — The 
Coronation:  Charles  crowned  and  anointed  "emperor;"  Charles  the 
younger  "  king." — Offerings. — Statement  of  Einhard  examined. — Judgment 
on  the  conspirators. — Imperial  prerogatives  at  Rome. 

80©]  It  is  known  that  the  expedition  conducted  by 
Charles  and  his  son  Pepin  made  a  halt  of  only  one  week  at 
Ravenna  and  proceeded  to  Ancona,  whence  Pepin,  by  com- 
mand of  his  father,  led  it  through  the  duchy  of  Spoleto  and 
invaded  Benevento,  while  Charles,  with  whom  we  are  now 
concerned,  continued  the  journey  in  the  direction  of  Rome. 
On  the  twenty-third  day  of  November  he  was  met  at  Nomen- 
tum  (the  modern  Mentana),  situated  at  the  fourteenth1 
mile-stone  from  the  city,  by  Leo  and  the  Roman  Senate, 
who  received  him  with  great  humility  and  honor.  After  a 
joint  meal  the  pope  returned  to  the  city  in  order  to  make 
the  necessary  preparations  for  the  reception  due  to  the  illus- 
trious visitor,  who  spent  the  night  at  Nomentum.2 

On  the  following  day,  all  Rome  hastened  forth  to  greet 
their  potent  patrician  ;  the  road  was  lined  with  eager  and 
enthusiastic  multitudes,  the  native  military,  and  the  foreign 
Schools  with  their  ensigns  and  standards,  singing  the  cus- 
tomary lauds.  The  royal  procession  at  last  drew  near  to 
the  venerable  basilica  of  St.  Peter,  where  Leo  together  with 
the  hierarchy  and  clergy  of  the  city  awaited  the  king  on  the 
platform  of  the  magnificent  marble  staircase. 

Charles  dismounted  and  solemnly  ascended  the  stairs  ; 
Leo  received  him,  offered  a  prayer  of  thanksgiving,  and  con- 
ducted him,  amid  psalms  of  praise,  into  the  church.3 

1  Not  the  twelfth,  as  some  of  the  annals  state. — Nibby  ;  Gregorovius. 

2  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Maxim.;  Chron.  Regin.,  Moiss. 

3  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.;  V.    Leon.  III. 


Chapter  XIV.]  THE  CORONATION.  355 

An  entire  week  was  devoted  to  rest,  and  probably  to  pre- 
liminary work  connected  with  the  impending  trial.  Then 
followed  the  opening  session  of  the  Great  Synod  which  he 
had  convoked  ;  it  consisted  of  the  archbishops,  bishops, 
abbots,  presbyters,  and  deacons,  together  with  the  counts, 
and  other  Frankish  nobles  in  attendance  upon  the  king,  as 
well  as  the  Roman  nobility  and  people.  The  Synod  assem- 
bled in  St.  Peter's,  and  it  is  known  that  the  archbishops  of 
Mayence  and  Salzburg  as  well  as  the  bishops  of  Orleans  and 
Auxerre  were  present.  The  king's  eldest  son  Charles  and 
his  daughters  were  also  in  Rome,  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  they  attended  the  sessions  of  the  Synod.1 

Charles,  arrayed  in  the  Roman  costume  of  the  patrician, 
to  wit,  a  long  tunic,  a  chlamys,  and  Roman  shoes,2  announced 
to  the  Synod  the  objects  which  had  brought  him  to  Rome, 
and  charged  it  to  investigate — doubtless  under  his  own 
direction  and  presidency — the  charges  preferred  against  the 
pontiff.3  The  account  of  the  proceedings  is  confused,  and, 
in  some  respects,  contradictory. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  they  were  protracted,3  for  the 
Synod  met  December  ist,  and  the  solemn  act  of  Leo  did 
not  take  place  until  more  than  three  weeks  after.  It  was  a 
most  difficult  matter;  it  was  taken  up  first,  and  Charles 
entered  into  every  detail  with  the  greatest  diligence.4  There 
is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  Paschalis  and  Campulus,  together 
with  their  accomplices,  were  summoned  to  appear  before 
the  Court ;  that  the  former  had  been  brought  for  the  pur- 
pose from  beyond  the  Alps, — and  were  probably  put  to  tor- 
ture, for  the  ominous  word  quaestio  intimates  as  much.5 

But  they  came  only  as  witnesses  then,  for  their  own  case 
was  not  taken  up  until  after  Christmas.  Charles  discovered 
that  there  was  no  valid,  legal  foundation  for  their  charges, 
but  that  they  sprang  from  envy.6 

On  the  other  hand  it  is  distinctly  stated,  and  probably 

1  Vita  Leonis  III.,  Annal.  Lauresh.,  4  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Maxim. 

Lauriss.,  Einh.  s  Annal.  Einh.  Lauresh. 

=  Vita  Caroli,  c.   23.  6  Annal.  Lauresh. 
3  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Maxim. 


356  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

true,  that  the  witnesses  were  cowed  into  silence;  refused  to 
testify  against  Leo ;  that  none  was  willing  to  assume  the 
burden  of  proof.1 

It  is  also  an  established  fact  that  the  powerful  influence 
of  Alcuin  in  favor  of  the  pontiff  made  itself  felt  in  the  elo- 
quent advocacy  of  his  innocence  by  the  archbishop  of  May- 
ence  (Richulf)  and  the  bishop  of  Orleans  (Theodulf).  And 
lastly,  it  is  alleged,  but  not  credible,  that  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  abbots  present,  in  response  to  the  king's  charge 
to  adjudicate  the  case  put  in  the  plea  of  incompetency  and 
with  one  voice  exclaimed :  "  We  dare  not  sit  in  judgment 
upon  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  which  is  the  head  of  all  the 
churches  of  God  ;  for  that  chair  and  its  vicar  is  our  lawful 
judge.  That  chair  cannot  be  judged  by  any  man,  for  thus 
it  has  been  held  from  of  old,  and  we  are  ready  canonically 
to  obey  the  pontiff,  even  as  he  may  direct."2 

Such  a  declaration,  under  the  circumstances,  and  due 
regard  being  had  to  the  relations  of  Charles  to  the  popes 
and  the  Church  at  large,  is  inconceivable  and  seems  to  justify 
the  conclusion,  that  the  biographer  of  Leo  is  intentionally 
wrong.3 

But  be  that  as  it  may,  the  result  is  unchanged,  for  the 
Synod  did  not  pronounce  a  sentence  ;  the  charges  against 
Leo  were  not  proven,  and  it  was  left  with  him  to  clear  him- 
self of  them  by  oath,  yet  so  that  the  solemn  act  should 
appear  to  be  strictly  voluntary  on  his  part.4 

According  to  Anastasius,  Leo  said  after  the  aforesaid 
declaration  of  incompetency :  "  I  desire  to  tread  in  the  foot- 
steps of  my  predecessors,  and  am  ready  to  purge  myself 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.  Maxim.,  Gesch.  d.  Verh.  zwischen  Kaiserthum 
Enh.  Fuld.  «.     Papstthum     im     Mittelalter,    L, 

2  Vita  Leonis  III.,  Migne,  t.  587  ;  Jacobs,  Qua  via,  etc.  p.  29,  No. 
CXXVIII.,  218.  4.— Cf.  also    Alcuini   ep.    120  (Jaffe) 

3  So  Dollinger,  in  Munch,  n.  Jahrb.  and  Concil.  Sinuess.  303,  Mansi  I., 
fur  1865.     Simson,  /.  c.,H.  229,  n.  1  ;  1257. 

see   also   Baxmann,    Die   Politik  der  4  Annal.     Lauresh. : — "non    tamen 

Papste,  I.,  314   sq.;  and    in  favor   of  per    eorum    judicium    sed    spontanea 

Anastasius,     v.     Reumont,   Geschichte  voluntate  se  purificare  debuisset ;  "  cf. 

der Stadt  Rom.,  II.,  131,  150;  Niehues,  chron.  Moiss. 


Chapter  XIV.]  THE  CORONATION.  357 

from  the  false  accusations  which  have  been  wickedly  brought 

against  me." ' 

And  upon  the  next  day  when  the  king,  all  the  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  abbots,  together  with  the  most  illustrious 
Franks  and  Romans,  were  again  assembled  in  the  same 
church  of  St.  Peter,  the  venerable  pontiff,  in  the  presence  of 
all,  took  into  his  hands  the  Holy  Gospels  of  Christ,  entered 
the  pulpit,  and  after  the  solemn  invocation  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  said  in  a  loud  voice : 

"It  is  notorious,  dearly  beloved  brethren,  that  wicked 
men  have  risen  up  against  me,  and  charged  me  with  the 
commission  of  heinous  crimes. 

"  The  august,  and  most  gracious  lord  King  Charles,  accom- 
panied by  his  priests  and  princes,  has  come  to  this  city  in 
order  to  investigate  these  charges. 

"  On  which  account,  I,  Leo,  pontiff  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Church,  being  neither  condemned  nor  constrained  by  any 
man,  but  of  my  own  free  will,  purify  and  purge  myself,  in 
your  presence,  before  God,  who  knows  the  conscience,  His 
angels,  and  St.  Peter  the  prince  of  the  Apostles,  in  whose 
basilica  we  are  now  assembled  : 

"  I  have  never  perpetrated,  or  commanded  others  to  per- 
petrate, the  criminal  and  wicked  deeds  of  which  I  stand 

accused.2 

"  I  call  God  to  witness,  whose  judgment  we  all  must 
undergo,  and  in  whose  sight  we  are  now  assembled  ;  and 
this  I  do,  being  bound  by  no  law,  nor  wishing  to  impose 
this  custom  or  duty  on  my  successors,  or  on  my  brother 
bishops  in  the  Holy  Church,  but  solely  that  I  may  altogether 
relieve  you   from   any  suspicion  that  may  linger  in  your 

minds." 

Thereupon  all  the  aforesaid  archbishops,  bishops,  and 
abbots,  together  with  all  the  clergy  present,  chanted  a 
solemn  litany,  followed  by  the  ancient  hymn  "  Te  Deum 
laudamus,"  in  which  the  king  himself  took  part,  and  at  its 

,  vita  Leonis,  /.  c.  false  charges,  which  the  Romans  have 

*  Anastasius,  'i.e.,  gives  his  words  wickedly  brought  against  me,  nor  do  I 
thus  :   "  I  have  no  knowledge  of  these      know  that  I  have  done  them." 


358  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

close  united  in  praise  to  God  for  having  preserved  their 
apostolical  bishop  Leo  sound  in  body  and  soul.1 

The  oath,  upon  good  authority,  is  agreeably  to  the 
Roman  ritual,  and  according  to  precedent.  Pope  Pelagius 
I.  thus  purged  himself  from  the  charge  of  having  caused  the 
death  of  Vigilius,  his  predecessor.2 

The  same  day  on  which  Leo  avouched  his  innocence, 
there  arrived  in  Rome  the  presbyter  Zacharias,  one  of  the 
Court  clergy  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  whom  Charles  had  sent 
about  a  year  before  as  bearer  of  his  bounty  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  and  the  other  Holy  Places.  He  now  returned  ac- 
companied by  two  Eastern  monks,  belonging  respectively  to 
the  monasteries  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  and  at  St.  Sabas. 
They  were  sent  by  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  who  in  token 
of  his  high  regard  for  the  king  committed  to  their  care  his 
"  benediction,"  consisting  of  the  keys  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
and  of  Mount  Calvary,  together  with  those  of  the  city  of 
Jerusalem  and  of  Mount  Zion,  as  well  as  of  a  standard, 
called  that  "  of  the  cross,"  and  "  the  silver  standard." 
There  is  no  doubt  that  these  gifts  were  symbolical,  and  be- 
tokened the  subjection  of  all  those  places  to  the  supremacy 
of  Charles.  Their  presentation  on  the  eve  of  his  coronation 
as  Emperor  of  the  West  was  a  happy  and  grateful  omen. 
We  shall  show  on  a  subsequent  page  their  true  import ;  it  is 
sufficient  to  state  here  that  his  supremacy  over  the  Holy 
Places  was  purely  honorary  and  nominal. 

So  distinguished  and  rare  a  compliment,  however,  secured 
to  the  monks  a  warm  reception,  and  munificent  reward.3 

The  impressive  service  connected  with  the  unique  ex- 
culpation of  Leo  took  place  three  days  before  Christmas. 
The  interval  was  devoted  by  him,  the  assembled  hierarchy 
and  clergy,  the  Roman  and  Frankish  nobles,  and  even  the 
Roman  people,  to  the  discussion  of  the  grand  question  of 
the  coronation  of  Charles  as  Roman  emperor. 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.,  Einh.,  Maxim.,  Epist.  Carol.  (Jaffe),  IV.,  378  ;  Baro- 
V.  Leonis,  c.  22  ;  and  for  the  oath  see      nius,  s.  a.  800. 

MG.  SS.,  II.,  15.  3  Annal.    Lauriss.,    Einh.  ;    Chron. 

2  Jaffe,  Regesta  Pontif.  Rom.  p.  83.      Moiss. ;  Alcuini  ep.  159. 


Chapter  XIV.]  THE  CORONATION.  359 

It  took  a  wide  range.  Certain  deputies  waited  upon 
Charles  at  the  time,  that  is,  during  the  interval  between 
his  public  entry  and  Christmas,  representing  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  events  at  Constantinople,  the  name  of 
emperor  had  been  virtually  abolished  ;  they  dwelt  upon  the 
outrageous  conduct  of  the  Empress  Irene,  who,  after  pos- 
sessing herself  of  the  person  of  her  unfortunate  son,  caused 
his  eyes  to  be  put  out,  and,  after  the  example  of  Atalia, 
usurped  the  throne.  It  was  intolerable,  and  against  all 
reason,  that  Charles  should  continue  to  hold  the  office  of 
patrician,  which  implied  subordination  to  the  Byzantine 
sovereign,  under  such  a  woman. 

The  matter  was  communicated  to  Leo,  who  thereupon 
convened  a  General  Council,  or  Synod,  composed  of  all  the 
bishops  and  clergy  then  present  in  Rome,  together  with  the 
Senate  or  councillors  of  the  Franks,  the  Roman  nobility, 
and  representatives  of  universal  Christendom,  and  referred 
the  question  to  their  adjudication. 

Charles,  it  was  argued,  ought  to  be  proclaimed  Emperor, 
because  he  was  Master  of  Rome,  the  mother  of  empire, 
where  the  Caesars  and  emperors  had  always  been  wont  to 
reside  ;  he  was  also  Master  of  Italy,  Gaul  and  Germany ; 
God  had  manifestly  blessed  his  arms,  and  put  all  these  lands 
in  his  power.  Who,  they  asked,  should  defend  the  Church, 
who  could  defend  her  from  the  insults  of  the  pagans,  but 
an  emperor? 

The  Greeks  had  deserted  her,  and  allowed  the  very  name 
of  emperor  to  lapse.  Was  it,  therefore,  not  fit  and  just 
that,  with  the  help  of  God,  the  name  and  title  of  emperor 
should  be  given  to  Charles  P1 

The  Council  decided  that  this  was  the  only  true  and  just 
course,  and  drew  up  a  petition  to  Charles,  in  which  all 
Christendom  besought  him  to  assume  the  style  and  title  of 
emperor. 

He  felt  that  he  durst  not  say  no  to  his  petitioners,  who 
voiced  the  sentiment  of  the  Church  and  the  Christian  world, 

1  Annal.  I.auresh.,  801  ;  Chron.  Moiss.,  cf.  Vita  Willehadi,  c.  5,  in  MG. 
SS.  II.,  381. 


3^0  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

saying  that  it  was  his  duty,  in  all  humility,  to  bow  to  the 
will  of  God,  and  gratify  the  Council. 

The  forthcoming  coronation  was  the  absorbing  theme  of 
Rome  ;  couriers  announced  the  event  to  Pepin,  and  it  seems 
safe  to  conclude  from  the  undoubted  fact  of  his  presence  in 
the  city  before  the  Epiphany,  801,  that  is  January  6th,1  that 
he  spent  Christmas  there,  and  was  in  attendance  upon  his 
father  at  the  solemnities  of  that  day. 

The  feast  of  the  Nativity,  the  most  gladsome  festival  of 
the  Church,  was  near  at  hand.  When  the  Christmas 
chimes  awakened  Rome,  they  fell  upon  the  ears  of  a  vast 
multitude  alive  to  the  fact  that  never  since  the  establish- 
ment of  the  faith  was  the  Bride  of  Christ  more  beauteously 
arrayed  ;  never  before  had  the  Church  militant  here  upon 
earth  had  such  an  antepast  of  the  Church  triumphant  in 
heaven. 

The  glorious  memories  of  departed  greatness  were  awak- 
ened ;  the  dark  shadows  of  the  long  night  of  sorrow,  first 
under  a  race  of  emperors  hostile  to  the  faith,  then  under 
another  which  disgraced  the  purple,  and  yet  under  a  third 
which  from  afar  chained  the  Church  to  an  intolerable  des- 
potism, or  allowed  her  to  groan  under  the  heel  of  Lombard 
oppression,  were  passing  away,  and  the  Christmas  sun  rose 
with  healing  in  his  wings. 

Never  before  had  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter,  the  prince  of 
the  apostles,  and  key-bearer  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  held 
so  extraordinary,  devout,  enthusiastic  and  distinguished  a 
congregation  as  on  that  day. 

The  noble  pile,  but  lately  enriched  with  the  most  costly 
gifts,  placed  by  the  munificence  of  Charles  at  the  disposal 
of  Leo,  was  radiant  in  the  effulgence  of  glory.  The  spoils 
of  the  Avars  had  been  converted  into  the  most  beautiful 
ornaments  consecrated  to  the  worship  of  the  King,  whose 
natal  day  was  then  being  celebrated. 

Before  the  altar  stood  the  golden  censers,  which  weighed 
seventeen  pounds;  three  hundred  and  seven  pounds  of  solid 

'  Annal.  Einh. 


Chapter  XIV.]  THE  CORONATION.  361 

silver  had  been  wrought  into  three  grand  coronas,  ablaze 
with  a  glory  of  waxen  light,  diffusing  its  softness  over  the 
vast  edifice. 

The  shrine  of  St.  Peter  dazzled  the  eye  by  its  "  rugas," ' 
made  of  forty-nine  pounds  of  the  purest  gold,  and  reflecting 
the  light  and  sparkle  of  innumerable  gems.  There  waved 
the  superb  white  silken  curtains,  embroidered  with  roses,  a 
central  cross  in  purple  and  gold,  and  a  rich  border  all 
around ;  and  grander  still,  the  glory  and  crown  of  all  the 
beautiful  paintings,  the  peerless  picture  of  the  Saviour,  sus- 
pended under  the  key-stone  of  the  principal  arch,  fascinated 
every  eye,  and  exalted  the  faith  of  the  worshippers. 

Through  the  wide  portals  of  the  church  filed  the  bronzed 
veterans  of  the  Frankish  host  and  the  body-guard  of 
Charles ;  the  nobility  of  Rome  and  the  flower  of  the  people, 
together  with  the  most  illustrious  counts,  generals,  the 
Court  of  the  monarch,  and  the  pontifical  officers. 

There  were  warriors  from  Septimania  and  Aquitaine, 
from  Austrasia  and  Neustria,  from  Saxony,  Bavaria,  Friuli, 
and  many  a  Lombard  town,  whose  martial  uniforms,  of 
divers  colors,  with  their  corslets  and  winged  helmets  of  glit- 
tering steel,  contrasted  with  the  more  gorgeous  robes  e?f 
civic  functionaries,  the  white  dalmatics  of  the  army  of 
priests  around  the  chancel,  and  the  gorgeous  vestments  of 
the  hierarchy  in  Rome  assembled. 

All  Christendom  was  represented,  and  if  the  oriental 
monks  might  be  regarded  as  messengers  of  Harun-al-Ras- 
chid,  the  commander  of  the  Crescent,  the  great  friend  and 
admirer  of  Charles,  also  witnessed  the  memorable  transac- 
tions of  the  day.  Near  the  shrine  of  St.  Peter,  close  to 
Leo,  were  Charles,  King  of  Austrasia,  Pepin,  King  of  Italy, 
other  members  of  the  royal  family,  and,  overtowering  all 

1  "      .      .      .     Rugas,  sen  Rugulas  atque  inde  vocem  Italicam  Ringhiere, 

nihil   alind   quam    Portas,   porticellas  quae     fenestellas     ciboriorum     hodie 

fenestellasve,  quae  turn  ad  ingressum  quoque  significat,derivatamfuisse." — 

presbyterii   turn    in    vestibulo  altaris,  Du  Cange  s.  v.  Ruga. 

turn  intra  et  extra  Confessioncm  erat,  2   Anast.    Vita   Leon.   III.  —  apud 

turn    denique    cancellis    intermixtae:  Migne,  CXXVIII.,  1210. 


3^2  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

the  rest,  Charles,  probably  clad  in  Roman  costume,  the 
observed  of  all  observers. 

There  were  present  those  who  remembered  him  bidding 
defiance  to  the  Saracens  beyond  the  Pyrenees,  chastising 
the  Saxons,  and  the  dusky  Avars,  or  sweeping  like  a  whirl- 
wind over  the  plains  of  Lombardy  and  the  downs  of  Gaul. 

To  all  he  was  the  embodiment  of  earthly  power,  the 
deliverer,  defender,  and  patron  of  the  Church,  the  avenging 
judge  of  her  enemies,  the  potent  scourge  of  infidel  and 
pagan. 

The  jubilant  strains  of  Christmas  joy  introduced  the  sol- 
emn service.  Mass  was  said,  and  Charles  knelt  in  prayer. 
As  he  rose  from  his  knees,  some  say,  while  he  was  still 
kneeling  before  the  altar,  standing  before  it  and  "  the  Con- 
fession," that  is,  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter,  Leo  took  a  splendid 
golden  crown  from  off  the  altar,  and,  placing  it  upon  his 
brow,  exclaimed : 

"  Long  life  and  victory  to  Charles,  the  most  pious  Augus- 
tus, by  God  crowned  the  Great  and  Pacific  Emperor  of  the 
Romans ! " 

Under  an  impulse,  they  say,  proceeding  from  God  and  St. 
Peter,  the  dome  resounded  with  the  same  acclamation,  thrice 
repeated,  by  the  multitude  of  the  assembled  soldiery,  peo- 
ple, and  clergy. 

As  it  died  away,  the  solemn  chant  of  the  "  laudes,"  or  a 
litany,  arose,  and  at  its  conclusion,  Leo,  after  the  demon- 
strative usage  observed  at  the  coronation  of  the  Byzantine 
emperors,  fell  down  at  the  feet  of  Charles  and  adored  him. 

The  act  of  adoration  was  succeeded  by  that  of  unction, 
the  pontiff  anointing  with  holy  oil,  from  the  head  to  the 
feet,  first  Charles  the  Emperor,  then  his  son  King  Charles,1 
who  had  borne  the  regal  title  since  789,  when  his  father 
assigned  to  him  the  duchy  of  Maine.2 

An  oath  of  office  was  not  administered  ;  at  least,  no  evi- 

1  Vita  Leonis  III.,  Ale.   Epp.  162,  spectable books,  ought  to  be  corrected. 
163  (ed.  Jaffe).     The  slip-shod  state-  Pepin  was  anointed  king  in  7S1. 
ment    that   Pepin   was   crowned   and  2  See  the   authorities  cited  by  Sim- 
anointed,    repeated   in    otherwise   re-  son,  /.  c.  II.,  6. 


Chapter  XIV.]  THE  CORONATION.  363 

dence  to  that  effect  can  be  found  in  contemporary  writers 
Whoever  is  responsible  for  that  given  by  a  Roman  cardinal 
we    cannot   tell,  but   as   it   is   the    form   which,    upon_  his 
authority,  was  afterwards  used  on  similar  occasions,  it  is 
here  presented.     It  reads  thus  :  _ 

«  I  Charles,  emperor,  engage  and  promise,  in  the  name  of 
Chris't  in  the  presence  of  God,  and  St.  Peter  the  apostle,  to 
protect  and  defend  the  Holy  Roman  Church  in  all  things 
profitable  to  the  same,  and,  God  being  my  helper,  to  the 
best  of  my  knowledge  and  ability."  J 

Mass  being  ended,  Charles  made  a  precious  offering  to  St. 
Peter's  and  extended  his  liberality  both  to  that  basilica  and 
other  churches.     Thus  we  read  that  he  presented  imme- 
diately after  the  coronation  a  silver  table,  and,  m  conjunc- 
tion with  his  son  Charles  and  his  daughters,  fivers  golden 
vessels,   belonging   to    the    table,    weighing    five    hundred 
pounds ;  this  he  followed  up  on  the  Feast  of  the  Circum- 
cision, by  a  superb    golden  corona,  ornamented  with   pre- 
cious stones,  which  was  suspended  over  the  altar,  weighing 
fifty  pounds,  and  on   the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany  by  three 
eolden  chalices,   forty-two  pounds  in  weight,  two   for  his 
children  and  one  for  himself,  and  a  golden  paten  twenty-two 
pounds  in  weight.     The  basilica  of  St.  Paul  received  a  silver 
table  fifty-five  pounds  in  weight,  with  sundry  vessels  thereto 
pertaining;  the  basilica  of  Constantine,  a  magnificent  cross 
set  with  sapphires,  an  altar,  and  an  evangclium  of   purest 
gold,  set  with  jewels,  etc.,  etc. ;  the  pope  also  was  made 
the  recipient  of  magnificent  gifts,  and  he  distributed  three 
thousand  pounds  of  silver  among  the  poor.2 

His  biographer  doubtless  thought  of  these  and  previous 
offerings  when  he  wrote:  «  He  cherished  the  Church  of  St. 

-^— 7^— Z^~~  Flodoard,  ^^^28^. 

-Authorities  for  the  coronation,  etc  Theoph.    Chronogr     /.    c .    p.    733  , 

cier!    Annal.    Einh.,    Maxim.,  Const.  Manasses,  Compend.   Chrome. 

Lauriss     V.  Leonis  III.,  Vita  Caroli,  V.  4517  sqq. 

^T-d  the  lesser  authorities  cited  ^f^%^^  £ 

•      c-        „   /  /•   TT     a«   saa      Miihl-  Annal.  Altah.  m   MG.  bb.  XX.,  783, 

a  Snnson,  /.  ,    L,  235   sqq.  Nordhumbr.  a.  8oo,  cf.   Vita  Carol,  c. 
bacher,  /.  c,  p.  147  sq. 

On   the   unction:   V.   Leonis   III.;  27. 


364  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

Peter  the  Apostle  at  Rome,  above  all  other  holy  and  sacred 
places,  and  heaped  its  treasury  with  a  vast  wealth  of  gold, 
silver,  and  precious  stones.  He  sent  great  and  countless 
gifts  to  the  popes  ;  and  throughout  his  whole  reign  the  wish 
he  had  nearest  at  heart  was  to  re-establish  the  ancient 
authority  of  the  city  of  Rome  under  his  care  and  by  his 
influence,  and  to  defend  and  protect  the  Church  of  St. 
Peter,  and  to  beautify  and  enrich  it  out  of  his  own  store 
above  all  other  churches."  * 

Such  are  the  details  of  that  important  act,  so  long, 
laboriously,  and  thoughtfully  prepared,  and  provided  for, 
concerning  which  the  biographer  of  Charles  writes  as  fol- 
lows :  "  It  was  then  that  he  received  the  titles  of  Emperor, 
and  Augustus,  to  which  he  had  at  first  such  an  aversion, 
that  he  declared,  that  had  he  been  able  to  foresee  the  pope's 
intention,  he  would  not  have  set  foot  in  the  church  the  day 
they  were  bestowed,  although  it  was  a  high  festival."2 

This  passage  is  positively  startling ;  it  takes  one's  breath 
away  by  its  flat  contradiction  of  all  that  had  occurred  since 
Leo's  visit  to  Paderborn.  One  shrinks  from  applying  the 
sting  and  stigma  of  hypocrisy  to  the  high  parties  concerned 
in  the  transaction.  Charles  was  certainly  no  hypocrite,  still 
less  the  creature  of  Leo.  Why,  then,  should  he,  how  could 
he,  have  committed  himself  to  so  transparent  an  affectation  ? 

History,  as  read  in  the  Annals,  the  epistles  of  Hadrian 
and  Alcuin,  the  verses  of  Theodulf,  the  Chronicle  of  John 
the  Deacon,  and  the  events  culminating  in  the  coronation, 
as  just  narrated,  would  require  the  absolute  rejection  of 
Einhard's  statement,  if  it  bore  only  one  explanation,  but 
fortunately  for  his  reputation  as  a  trustworthy  historian,  it 
admits  another,  which  does  not  lie  on  the  surface. 

The  impending  coronation,  so  long  and  ardently  desired, 
could  not  have  been  a  surprise  to  anybody,  least  of  all  to 
Charles. 

The  surprise  was  the  unexpected,  unforeseen,  and  auda- 
cious act  of  Leo.     The  crown  lay  on  the  altar ;    Charles 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  27.  3  Ibid.  c.  28. 


Chapter  XIV.]  THE   CORONATION.  365 

had  knelt  in  prayer,  and  was  in  the  act  of  advancing,  on 
bended  knee  and  in  reverential  adoration,  to  the  altar,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  the  crown  and  with  the  intention 
of  placing  it  on  his  head  with  his  own  hands,  when  Leo,  in 
an  access  of  irresistible  impulse,  some  say,  by  inspiration, 
seized  the  diadem,  and  performed  the  coronation.  The 
solemnity  of  the  moment,  and  regard  for  decorum,  moved 
Charles  to  repress  his  indignation,  and  tolerate  the  unwar- 
ranted and  unauthorized  improvisation.  But  he  divined 
the  pontiff's  motive,  and  dreading  the  consequences  of  his 
officious  interference,  as  a  most  dangerous  precedent  which 
might  be  cited  in  support  of  the  papal  claim  to  the  be- 
stowal of  the  imperial  crown,  tried  to  correct  it  on  the 
occasion  of  his  son's  institution  as  his  successor.  Viewed 
in  this  light,  it  is  credible,  and  highly  probable,  that  the 
reception  of  his  imperial  titles,  under  such  circumstances, 
filled  him  at  first  "  with  such  an  aversion  that  he  declared 
that  he  would  not  have  set  foot  in  the  church  the  day  that 
they  were  conferred,  although  it  was  a  great  feast-day,  if  he 
could  have  foreseen  the  design  of  the  pope."  l 

This  construction  is  confirmed  by  the  circumstances 
attending  the  coronation  of  Louis,  when  neither  the  pope 
nor  any  other  ecclesiastic  placed  the  crown  on  his  head  but 
he  himself  commanded  Louis  to  take  it  from  off  the  altar 
and  set  it  on  his  own  head.2  Einhard  says,  that  Charles 
placed  it  on  his  head,  but  he  is  doubtless  inaccurate  in  that 
statement.3 

That  feeble  monarch  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded 
that  the  act  was  not  sufficient,  and  not  only  submitted  to  a 
second  coronation  at  St.  Remi  by  Pope  Stephen  V.  (who 
brought  the  crown  along  with  him,  which  later  writers  said 
was  that  of  the  Emperor  Constantine),  but  to  unction.4 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  Einhard  wrote  the  biog- 
raphy of  Charles  in  the  reign  of  Louis  and  his  own  saga- 
city may  supply  the  rest. 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  28.  4  a.  816. — Thegan.  cc.  16,  17  ;  Erm. 

2  Thegan.  c.  6.  Nig.  /.  c.  II.,  451. 

3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  30,  cf.  Einh.  Annal. 


3&6  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  II. 

The  coronation  of  Charles  as  emperor  of  the  Romans 
necessarily  abolished  his  title  of  "  patrician,"  and  sundered 
the  bond  of  union  which  had  so  long  existed  between  the 
ancient  Rome  of  the  West,  and  the  New  Rome  of  the 
East. 

A  sarcastic  Greek,  in  not  over-complimentary  phrase, 
calls  it  the  separation  of  "  New  Rome,  the  beautiful  maiden, 
from  the  wrinkled  Old  Rome." *  Some  papal  writers  de- 
scribe the  transaction  which  was  manifestly  a  coup  d'etat, 
and  an  act  of  usurpation,  as  a  transfer  of  the  empire,  by 
Leo,  to  Charles. 

But  neither  had  the  Empress  Irene  renounced  her  rights, 
nor  Leo,  her  vassal,  acquired  any,  except  by  the  danger- 
ous and  astounding  fiction  of  the  Vicar  of  St.  Peter's 
title  to  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.  The  notion  of  a 
transfer,  therefore,  is  absurd.  The  Western  empire,  more- 
over, had  practically  ceased  to  exist,  and  this  shows  that 
the  event  of  the  coronation  was  not,  and  could  not  be,  in 
any  sense,  a  transfer,  but  a  renewal  or  restoration,  and  this 
was  manifestly  the  view  taken  at  the  time,  as  attested  by 
commemorative  coins  still  extant,  bearing  the  legend, 
Renovatio  Imperii,  that  is,  the  Restoration  of  the  Empire. 

It  is,  therefore,  more  correct  to  say  that  Leo  restored  the 
title  of  the  imperial  office,  which  more  than  three  centuries 
before  lapsed  with  Momyllus  Augustulus,  the  last  emperor 
of  the  West,  in  order  that  the  Church  of  Rome  might  have 
in  Charles  a  protector  against  the  machinations  of  heretics 
and  tumultuous  persons,  an  office  which  the  emperors  of 
the  East  appeared  to  have  relinquished  long  before.2 

801]  It  remains  to  state  that  a  few  days  after  the  corona- 
tion the  emperor  sat  in  judgment  upon  the  promoters  of  the 
conspiracy  against  Leo.  The  facts  established  against  them 
appear  to  have  been  overwhelming ;  it  is  said  that  during 
the  examination,  which  at  one  time,  at  least,  included  the 
confrontation  of  the  accused,  Campulus  cried  out  to  Pascha- 
lis :  "  It  was  an  evil  hour  in  which  I  saw  thy  face,  for  it  is 

i  Constant.  Manass.  Chron.  Syn.  perii,  I.,  4  ;  Sigonius,  De  regni  Ital , 

2  Baronius  ;  Bellarm.  De  Transl.  im-      ad  a.  801  ;  Pagi,  ad  a.  800,  No.  10. 


Chapter  XIV.]  IMPERIAL   RIGHTS.  367 

thou  who  hast  brought  me  into  this  peril."  x  Their  mutual 
incriminations  established  the  guilt  of  all,  and  under  Roman 
law  they  were  tried  for  the  crime  of  high  treason,  and  sen- 
tenced to  death.  Leo  interceded  for  them  successfully, 
while  the  emperor  granted  them  life,  forbade  their  mutila- 
tion, and  sent  them  into  exile  in  Francia.2 

The  statement  that  only  the  most  distinguished  con- 
spirators had  the  benefit  of  executive  clemency,  and  that 
three  hundred  of  the  rest  were  executed  with  the  sword,  or 
hung,  is  remanded  to  the  realm  of  fable.3 

A  concluding  paragraph  of  this  section  may  be  devoted 
to  a  brief  outline  of  the  imperial  power  at  Rome.  The 
emperor  had  the  prerogative  of  revising  the  election  of  the 
pope,  who  could  not  be  consecrated  without  his  express 
approbation.  It  was  required  "  that  the  decree  of  the  elec- 
tion, duly  furnished  with  the  signatures  of  the  electors, 
should  be  sent  by  the  hands  of  ambassadors  to  the  emperor 
for  his  written  approbation."4  He  had  the  right  of  exact- 
ing the  oath  of  allegiance  from  the  Romans.5  He  had  the 
right  of  sending  his  missi  into  the  papal  possessions,  and 
they  sometimes  discharged  the  duties  of  their  office  in  so 
objectionable  and  injudicious  a  manner  as  to  draw  forth  a 
mild  protest  on  the  part  of  Leo.  They  disregarded  the 
authority  and  feelings  of  the  pontiff  in  the  arbitrary  re- 
moval of  many  people  from  one  place  to  another,  and  the 
imposition  of  onerous  taxes,  even  to  the  extent  that  the 
pontifical  dukes  were  unable  to  collect  and  remit  his  own 
dues.6 

There  is  also  of  record  an  instance  in  which  the  emperor, 
as  was  his  wont  elsewhere,  exercised  supreme  judicial  func- 

1  Vita  Leonis  III.,  Migne,  t.  4  Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  245  and  the 
CXXVIII.,  1218.                                          notes,    containing   all  the  authorities 

2  Annal.    Lauriss.,    Einh.,   Maxim.      in  extenso. 

Vita  Leon.  III.  *  Thegan.    16,    MG.    SS.    II.,   594. 

3  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim.,  Guelf.  a.  Vita  Sergii.  II.,  apud  Murat.  Rer.  It. 
800. — Annal.  Nordhumbr.  a.  800  ;  SS.  III.,  I,  p.  228.  Flodoard.  ib. 
Libell.     de     imper.     pot.    MG.     SS.,  III.,  2,  292. 

III.,  720  ;  Ekkehard.  Chron.  801,   ib.  6  Leon.  ep.  2  (a.  808),  ed.  Jaffe,  IV., 

VI.,  169.  312. 


3^8  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  IL 

tions  in  the  city  of  Rome,  and  at  the  time  immediately 
following  his  coronation. 

He  sat  in  St.  Peter's  where  the  bishop  of  Arezzo  appeared 
as  plaintiff  against  the  bishop  of  Siena  in  the  matter  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  Ansanus  and  other  churches,  of  which  he 
and  his  predecessor  in  the  see  of  Siena  had  unjustly  deprived 
him,  and  now  prayed  for  their  restoration  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  Arezzo.  Charles  taking  cognizance  of  the  sentence,  ren- 
dered at  his  request  by  the  pope  and  other  bishops  present, 
ordered,  according  to  Canon  Law,  the  restoration  of  the 
ancient  possessions  of  the  church  of  Arezzo,  and  issued  his 
diploma  under  date,  March  4,  801. ' 

These  facts  agree  in  all  points  with  the  tenor  of  an  entire 
capitulum,  claiming  on  the  part  of  Charles  supreme  juris- 
diction throughout  those  parts  of  Italy  which  obeyed  his 
sceptre,  and  embraced,  of  course,  the  papal  possessions.2 

1  Bohmer-Miihlbacher,  /.  <-.,  p.  149,  2  Capitulare    Italicum,    apud  Bore- 

No.  363;  Sickel,  K.,  173;  Simson,  tius,  /.  c,  p.  119;  Bohmer-Muhl- 
/.  c,  II.,  248.  bacher,  /.  c.  No.  366. 


BOOK   III. 


THE   IMPERIAL  PERIOD. 


BOOK    III. 

THE   IMPERIAL   PERIOD. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE   DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES. 

The  imperial  »  Title.  "-Forms  of  oath  of  allegiance. -The  Diet  :  times  of 
meeting,  and  method  of  business,  in  Committee,  and  in  Joint  Assembly.— 
Activity  of  the  monarch.-Executive,  and  other  omcers.-Charles,  supreme 
Judge_His  policy  towards  conquered  provinces.-Military  service  :— 
"  Capitularyof  Boulogne. "-Missi. -Despotism  of  the  Caroline  government. 
-A popular  ratification.-The  Capitularies.-Their  classification.-Exam- 
ples  •  Heristal,  779  ;  Frankfort,  794  J  Thionville,  805  or  806. -Legislative 
ability  of  Charles.-The  "  Provincial  Synods  : "  their  work,  and  its  redac- 
tion by  Charles.— Abstract  of  canons. 

801]  ONE  of  the  first  authentic  tokens  of  the  change 
introduced  in  the  administration  of  the  Frankish  realm 
appears  in  the  preamble  to  the  legal  instrument  named  at 
the  close  of  the  preceding  chapter.  The  phraseology  is 
strikingly  peculiar,  and  reads  as  follows  : 

"  Charles,  by  divine  command  crowned,  ruling  the  Roman 
Empire,  Serenissimus  Augustus,  to  all  dukes,  counts,  pre- 
fects and  all  others  of  our  clemency  set  in  authority  through- 
out Italy,  greeting.  In  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  of  our 
Lord  DCCCL,  of  the  Indiction  IX.,  of  our  reign  in  Francia 
XXXIII.,  in  Italy  XXVIII.,  and  of  our  Consulate  I."  J 

It  differs  in  some  respects  from  the  new  title,  found  in 
almost  all  official  documents  of  later  date,  of  the  tenor  here 
set  forth  :  "  Charles  Serenissimus  Augustus  by  God  crowned 

1  Baluzius,   L,  346  ;  Boretius,  /.  c,  119. 


372  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

great  and  pacific  emperor,  ruling  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
by  divine  mercy  King  of  the  Franks  and  Lombards."  * 

A  similar  change  was  introduced  in  the  important  form 
of  the  oath  of  allegiance  so  often  mentioned  in  the  course 
of  this  history. 

The  old  form  ran  thus : 

"  I  declare  and  promise  without  fraud  and  malice  that  I 
am,  and  will  be,  faithful  to  my  lord  King  Charles,  and  his 
sons,  all  the  days  of  my  life."  2 

Its  terrible  simplicity  was  well  understood  throughout 
the  Frankish  dominions,  and  the  consequences  of  its  infrac- 
tion may  be  illustrated  by  the  fate  of  the  Saxons  and  Avars, 
the  fall  of  the  Lombards,  the  degradation  of  Tassilo,  and 
hosts  of  others. 

The  new  oath,  prescribed  to  be  administered  by  special 
missi  throughout  the  realm  to  all  persons,  from  twelve 
years  upward,  was  set  forth  in  two  forms,  one  for  those 
who  took  it  the  first  time,  and  another  for  those  who  had 
taken  it  to  the  king,  and  were  now  required  to  renew  it  to 
the  emperor. 

The  former  swore : 

"  I  promise  on  oath  that  from  this  day  forward  I  am 
faithful  to  lord  Charles,  the  most  pious  emperor,  son  of 
King  Pepin  and  Berthana  his  queen,  with  a  pure  mind, 
without  fraud  or  malice,  of  my  part  to  his  part,  and  to  the 
honor  of  his  government,  as  of  law  a  man  is  bound  to  be 
to  his  master.  So  help  me  God  and  the  patronage  of  the 
Saints,  whose  relics  are  in  this  place,  because  all  the  days 
of  my  life  I  will  thus  attend  and  of  my  own  free  consent, 
according  to  the  light  to  me  vouchsafed." 

The  latter  swore  : 

"  I  repromise  on  oath  to  lord  Charles,  the  most  pious 
emperor,  son  of  King  Pepin  and  Berthana,  that  I  am  faith- 
ful as  of  law  a  man  is  bound  to  be  to  his  master,  both  as 
touching  his  reign  and  his  rights.  And  this  oath,  which  I 
have  taken,  I  will,  and  intend  to  keep,  so  far  as  I  know  and 

1  Sickel,   £/.  Z.,  263.  2  Capitul.   a.   789.— Baluz.   I.,   241, 

243,  c.  2  ;  Boretius,  /.  c,  67. 


Chapter  I.]     THE    DIET    AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  373 

understand,  from  this   day  forth.     So  help   me  God,  who 
made  heaven  and  earth,  and  the  patronage  of  these  Saints.   ■ 
Special  missi  had  instructions  to  administer  this  oath  to 
every  subject,  cleric,  or  layman  and  explain  it  publicly,  in 
order  that  all  persons  might  understand  it  in  all  its  bear- 
ings     They  were  most  comprehensive,  covering  not  only 
fidelity  to  the  emperor   throughout  life,  and    binding  the 
subject  on  no  pretence  to  facilitate  the  ingress  of  enemies; 
aid   in,  abet,  or  conceal  any  act  of  unfaithfulness  on  the 
part  of  others,  but  enjoining  him  to  keep  the  laws  of  God, 
refrain  from  withholding  anything  belonging  to  the  emperor, 
from   acts  of  violence  against  churches,  widows,  and  stran- 
gers, on  the  ground  that  next  to  God  the  emperor  is  bound 
to  hold  such  under  his  immediate  protection.     It  warned 
him,  moreover,  to  refrain   from  the  alienation  of  imperial 
fiefs',  the  neglect  of  the  heerbann,  and,  in  the  case  of  counts, 
from  unlawful  or  corrupt  dispensation  from  the  same,  from 
every  kind  of  disobedience,  and  from  the  corrupt  or  unjust 
administration  of  the  law. 

•  Capitul.  a.  802  ;  Baluz.  I.,  362  ;  Boretius,   71. 

Text  of  the  forms  of  oath. 

I.— Old  Oath. 
"  Sic  promitto  ego  ille  partibus  domini  mei  Caroli  regis,  et  filiorum  eius, 
quia  fidelis  sum  et  ero  diebus  vita?  mese,  sine  fraude  et  malo  ingenio." 

H._New  Oaths. 
1. 
"  Sacramentale  qualiter  promitto  ego  quod  ab  isto  die  inantea  fidelis  sum 
Domno  Karolo  piissimo  Imperatori,  filio  Pippini  Regis  et  Berthanae  Regmse, 
pura  mente.  absque  fraude  et  malo  ingenio  de  mea  parte  ad  suam  partem,  et 
ad  honorem  regni  sui,  sicut  per  drictum  debet  esse  homo  domino  suo.  Sic  me 
adiuvet  Deus,  et  ista  Sanctorum  patrocinia  quae  in  hoc  loco  sunt,  quia  diebus 
vita  mea  per  meam  voluntatem,  in  quantum  mihi  Deus  intellectum  dedent, 
sic  attendam  et  consentiam." 

2. 
"Sacramentale  qualiter  repromitto  ego  Domno  Karolo  piissimo  Imperatori, 
filio  Pippini  Regis  et  Berthanae,  fidelis  sum  sicut  homo  per  drictum  debet  esse 
domino  suo,  ad  suum  regnum  et  ad  suum  rectum.  Et  illud  sacramentum, 
quod  iuratum  habeo,  custodeam  et  custodire  volo,  in  quantum  ego  scio  et 
intelligo,  ab  isto  die  inantea.  Sic  me  adiuvet  Deus  qui  ccelum  et  terram 
creavit,  et  ista  Sanctorum  patrocinia."— Baluz.  I.,  378- 


374  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

It  was  a  most  solemn  and  important  act,  and  left  no  loop- 
hole of  escape  to  any  tempted  to  take  it  lightly,  unadvis- 
edly, or  with  mental  reservation.1 

Before  passing  to  the  consideration  of  the  legislation  of 
Charles,  as  the  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  imperial 
period  of  his  reign,  it  seems  appropriate  to  glance  at  the 
constitution,  method,  and  rules  of  order  observed  at  the 
Diets,  placita,  or  Annual  Assemblies,  at  which  the  laws 
were  made  and  promulgated. 

Our  sketch  follows  the  account  of  Adalhard,  abbot  of 
Corbie,  the  cousin-german  of  Charles,  his  trusted,  loved, 
and  highly-honored  confidential  adviser  and  friend.  It  was 
originally  in  the  form  of  a  treatise  unfortunately  lost.  But 
Hincmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  who  in  early  youth  was 
personally  acquainted  with  Adalhard,  fortunately  read  and 
copied  the  lost  treatise,  and  was  able  to  reproduce  it  about 
the  close  of  the  ninth  century  for  the  guidance  of  certain 
nobles  seeking  his  advice  with  respect  to  the  government  of 
Carloman,  son  of  Louis  the  Stammerer.2 

It  specified  among  other  matters  that  the  status  of  the 
whole  empire  consisted  of  two  grand  divisions,  one  contain- 
ing the  fixed  and  permanent  constitution  of  the  Court,  the 
other  defining  the  policy  to  be  followed  in  the  government 
of  the  entire  monarchy.  Among  the  provisions  laid  down 
for  the  holding  of  the  Diet  are  these  : 

"  It  was  customary  at  this  time  to  hold  two  Assemblies 
every  year,  one  in  spring,  of  a  general  character,  and 
another  in  autumn,  attended  only  by  the  most  prominent 
seniors  and  counsellors.     .     .     . 

"  In  both,  that  they  might  not  seem  to  have  been  con- 
voked without  motive,  there  were  submitted,  ...  by 
virtue  of  royal  order,  the  fragments  of  law,  called  capitula, 
which  the  king  himself  had  drawn  up  under  the  inspiration 
of  God,  or  the  necessity  for  which  had  been  manifested  to 
him  in  the  intervals  between  the  meetings.     .     .     . 

"  On  these  communications  they  deliberated  two  or  three 

1  Capit.  missorum  generale,  1-9,  //.  2  Ep.  Hincmar.  de  ord.  et  ojffic.  palat 

cc.  apud  Duchesne,  II.,  p.  490  sqq. 


Chapter  I.]     THE  DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  375 

days  more  according  to  the  importance  of  the  business. 
Palace  messengers,  going  and  coming,  took  their  questions 
and  carried  back  the  answers.  No  stranger  came  near  the 
place  of  their  meeting  until  the  result  of  their  deliberations 
had  been  submitted  to  the  scrutiny  of  the  great  prince,  who 
then,  with  the  wisdom  he  had  received  from  God,  adopted  a 
resolution  which  all  obeyed.     .     .     . 

"  Thus  things  went  on  for  one  or  two  capitularies,  or  a 
greater  number,  until,  with  God's  help,  all  the  necessities  of 
the  occasion  were  regulated. 

"  Whilst  these  matters  were  thus  proceeding  out  of  the 
king's  presence,  the  prince  himself,  in  the  midst  of  the  multi- 
tude, came  to  the  General  Assembly,  was  occupied  in  receiv- 
ing the  presents,  saluting  the  men  of  most  note,  conversing 
with  those  he  saw  seldom,  showing  towards  the  elder  a 
tender  interest,  disporting  himself  with  the  youngsters,  and 
doing  the  same  thing,  or  something  like  it,  with  the  ecclesi- 
astics as  well  as  the  seculars.  However,  if  those  who  were 
deliberating  about  the  matter  submitted  to  their  examina- 
tion, showed  a  desire  for  it,  the  king  repaired  to  them  and 
remained  with  them  as  long  as  they  wished  ;  and  then  they 
reported  to  him  with  perfect  familiarity  what  they  thought 
about  all  matters,  and  what  were  the  friendly  discussions 
that  had  arisen  amongst  them. 

"  I  must  not  forget  to  say  that,  if  the  weather  were  fine, 
everything  took  place  in  the  open  air ;  otherwise,  in  several 
distinct  buildings,  where  those  who  had  to  deliberate  on  the 
king's  proposals  were  separated  from  the  multitude  of  per- 
sons come  to  the  Assembly,  and  then  the  men  of  greater 
note  were  admitted. 

"  The  places  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  lords  were 
divided  into  two  parts,  in  such  sort  that  the  bishops,  the 
abbots,  and  the  clerics  of  high  rank  might  meet  without 
mixture  with  the  laity. 

"  In  the  same  way  the  counts  and  other  chiefs  of  the 
State  underwent  separation,  in  the  morning,  until,  whether 
the  king  was  present  or  absent,  all  were  gathered  together ; 
then  the  lords  above  specified,  the  clerics  on  their  side,  and 


37^  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

the  laics  on  theirs,  repaired  to  the  hall  which  had  been 
assigned  to  them,  and  where  seats  had  been  with  due  honor 
prepared  for  them. 

"  When  the  lords,  laical  and  ecclesiastical,  were  thus 
separated  from  the  multitude,  it  remained  in  their  power  to 
sit  separately  or  together,  according  to  the  nature  of  the 
business  they  had  to  deal  with,  ecclesiastical,  secular,  or 
mixed.  In  the  same  way,  if  they  wished  to  send  for  one, 
either  to  demand  refreshment,  or  to  put  any  question  and 
to  dismiss  him  after  getting  what  they  wanted,  it  was  at 
their  option.  Thus  took  place  the  examination  of  affairs 
proposed  to  them  by  the  king  for  deliberation. 

"  The  second  business  of  the  king  was  to  ask  of  each  what 
there  was  to  report  to  him,  or  enlighten  him  touching  the 
part  of  the  kingdom  each  had  come  from.  Not  only  was 
this  permitted  to  all,  but  they  were  strictly  enjoined  to 
make  inquiries,  during  the  interval  between  the  Assemblies, 
about  what  happened  within  or  without  the  kingdom  ; 
and  they  were  bound  to  seek  knowledge  from  foreigners  as 
well  as  natives,  enemies  as  well  as  friends,  sometimes  by 
employing  emissaries,  and  without  troubling  themselves 
much  about  the  manner  in  which  they  acquired  their  in- 
formation. The  king  wished  to  know  whether  in  any  part, 
in  any  corner  of  the  kingdom,  the  people  were  restless,  and 
what  was  the  cause  of  their  restlessness  ;  or  whether  there 
had  happened  any  disturbance  to  which  it  was  necessary  to 
draw  the  attention  of  the  Council-General,  and  other  similar 
matters. 

"  He  sought  also  to  know  whether  any  of  the  subjugated 
nations  were  inclined  to  revolt  ;  whether  any  of  those  that 
had  revolted  seemed  disposed  towards  submission,  and 
whether  those  that  were  still  independent  were  threatening 
the  kingdom  with  any  attack.  On  all  these  subjects,  when- 
ever there  was  any  manifestation  of  disorder  or  danger,  he 
demanded  chiefly  what  were  the  motives  or  occasion  of 
them." 

The  decisions,  resolutions,  decrees,  precepts,  and  capitu- 
laries  enacted  by  the  Annual   Assembly  passed   into   the 


Chapter  I.]     THE   DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  377 

hands  of  the  Executive,  always  in  attendance  upon  the  per- 
son, or  within  call  of  the  monarch,  in  the  palace,  which, 
during  the  last  years  of  his  reign,  was  established  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle. 

Although  an  autocracy,  pure  and  simple,  the  government 
of  Charles  was  patriarchal,  paternal,  and  even  domestic. 
The  whole  realm  was  his  family  and  household,  over  which 
he  presided  as  father,  and  his  queen  as  mother. 

All  matters  of  etiquette  and  ceremony,  the  annual  gifts  of 
the  soldiers,  and  the  general  conduct  of  palatial  and  domes- 
tic affairs  devolved  officially  upon  the  queen.1 

The  military  estate  was  the  foundation  of  the  Caroline 
government ;  it  was  the  avenue  to  preferment,  and,  with  few 
exceptions,  all  civil  officers  were  also  soldiers  ;  those  who 
were  not  soldiers  were  ecclesiastics. 

The  chief  officers,  few  in  number,  will  be  considered 
separately ;  of  the  rest  it  may  suffice  to  indicate  the  name 
and  nature  of  their  functions. 

The  Arch-Chaplain,  also  called  Custodian  of  the  Palace, 
and  apocrisiarius,  literally  the  answer-giver,  was  the  sover- 
eign's eye,  ear,  and  mouth,  his  privy  councillor,  notary,  and 
secretary.  All  matters  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical  passed 
through  his  hands,  and  as  these,  in  the  reign  of  Charles, 
were  of  supreme  importance,  it  follows  that  his  office  was 
first  in  dignity  and  influence.  The  Arch-Chaplain  was 
also  clothed  with  judiciary  powers  second  only  to  those  of 
the  monarch.  This  high  office  was  held  successively  by 
Folrad,  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  Angilram,  bishop  of  Metz,  and 
Hildibald,  archbishop  of  Cologne. 

Among  other  functions  which  he  held  was  that  of  Dean  of 
the  Royal,  or  Imperial  Chapel,  an  establishment  to  which 
quite  a  number  of  distinguished  men  were  permanently 
attached.  It  was  of  a  collegiate  character,  and  Maginarius, 
Angilbert,  the  presbyter  Zacharias  and  others  belonged  to  it. 

The  Arch-Chaplain  seems  to  have  shared  the  vast  burden 
of  his  portfolio  with  the  Chancellor,  whose  duties  appear  to 

1  Hincmar,  /.  c,  c.  XIII. 


378  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

have  been  of  a  similar  character.  He  stood  in  near  personal 
relations  to  the  sovereign,  and  held  a  post  answering  to 
that  of  a  modern  Prime-Minister,  or  Secretary  of  State. 

It  is  known  that  Hitherius,  Rado,  Ercanbald,  Jeremias, 
and  Einhard,  successively  discharged  the  duties  of  the  chan- 
cellorship. 

Next  in  importance  and  influence  was  the  office  of  the 
Count  Palatine,  which  seems  to  have  combined  the  functions 
of  a  supreme  judge  and  those  of  a  minister  of  police. 

"Among  the  countless  other  matters  pertaining  to  his 
department  were  all  law  suits,  no  matter  where  they  might 
have  originated,  which  came  up  for  final  adjudication,  in 
order  that  justice  and  equity  might  prevail,  and  all  false  or 
unjust  decisions  undergo  correction  conformably  to  the  law 
of  God  and  that  of  established  usage.  Cases  not  provided 
for  in  the  Codes,  or  belonging  to  laws  in  conflict  with  the 
spirit  and  genius  of  Christianity,  the  Count  Palatine  was 
obliged  to  refer  to  the  king.  The  latter,  on  such  occasions, 
took  the  opinion  of  good  and  learned  lawyers,  fearing  God 
more  than  man,  with  a  view  to  determining  the  true  merits 
of  such  cases,  and  deciding  them,  if  possible,  by  the  law  of 
God  or  of  man ;  but  if  that  could  not  be  done,  the  human 
code  had  to  yield  to  the  divine,  in  order  that  the  justice  of 
God  might  prevail."  * 

Modern  lawyers  may  smile  or  tremble  at  the  thought  of 
such  herculean  labor.  Perhaps  it  sounds  more  tremendous 
than  it  really  was,  for  we  learn,  on  the  same  authority,  that 
the  Executive  was  supplied  with  a  numerous  corps  of 
prudent,  intelligent,  and  honest  men,  who  wrote  the  royal 
precepts  "  without  exorbitant  venality  of  cupidity,  and  faith- 
fully kept  the  confidential  matters  therein  contained."2 

Such  exemplary  fidelity,  trustworthiness,  and  purity 
would  deserve  to  be  held  up  to  the  admiration  and  imita- 
tion of  all  government  officers,  if  the  picture  were  only  true. 

We  may  believe,  or  doubt,  if  the  saintly  Adalhard  thought 
so.     The  good  archbishop  of  Rheims  doubtless  cited  him  as 

1  Hincmar,  /.  c,  c.  XXI.  2  Ibid.  c.  XVI.   Annal.   Lauresh.  a. 

802. 


Chapter  I.]     THE  DIET   AND   THE  CAPITULARIES.  379 

his  authority,  but  unfortunately  his  good  opinion  is  flatly 
contradicted  by  numerous  Capitularies  and  the  Annals. 

The  other  officers  were :  the  Chamberlain  or  Custodian  of 
the  Treasury ;  the  Seneschal,  or  Marshal  set  over  the  rest 
of  the  servants,  and  over  the  table  ;  the  Constable  was 
Master  of  the  Horse ;  the  buticularius,  or  Chief  Butler,  had 
charge  of  the  cellar ;  the  mansionarius,  or  Quarter-master 
General  had  the  duty  of  providing  "  mansions  "  or  quarters 
for  the  Court  and  strangers.  There  were  four  Masters  of 
the  Hunt;  a  Chief  Falconer;  a  Chief  Door-keeper;  a  sacel- 
larius,  or  Custodian  of  the  Fiscus,  was  probably  only  a 
janitor  ;  a  Master  of  the  Wardrobe  ;  there  were  likewise 
Masters  of  the  wicker  enclosures  of  the  Game,  Masters  of 
the  Hounds,  and  Masters  of  the  Beavers.1 

The  policy  of  Charles  towards  the  conquered  provinces 
bore  harder  on  the  deposed  princes  than  on  their  subjects  ; 
the  Lombards  and  Bavarians  fared  as  well  under  his  rule  as 
under  that  of  their  former  masters  ;  perhaps,  on  the  whole, 
their  absorption  into  the  Frankish  dominion  made  life  less 
burdensome  and  more  enjoyable. 

As  to  the  princes,  they  were  made  harmless  by  the  simple 
expedient  of  sending  them  to  the  cells  of  monasteries  out- 
side their  dominions,  where,  free  from  the  perplexing  cares 
and  distractions  of  this  naughty  world,  they  might  repent 
them  of  their  sins,  and  make  their  peace  with  God.  There 
they  found  peace,  and  ultimately — a  grave. 

Their  places,  shorn  of  the  attributes  of  sovereignty, 
Charles  gave  to  loyal  Franks,  who  under  the  title  of  Duke 
administered  the  provinces  as  local  governors,  and  at  his 
pleasure.  The  term  "  duke  "  in  his  reign  lost  its  political 
significance,  and  designated  not  a  sovereign  or  prince,  but  a 
military  leader. 

The  Counts,  centenarii  or    Hundreders,   as  well  as  the 

1  For  full   details   on   these  several  buticularius  ;  comes  stabuli ;  mansio- 

officers,  their  functions,  etc.,  see   Du-  nanus;  venator ;  falconarius ;  ostiar- 

cange,  and  the  older  glossaries  under:  ius ;  sacellarius  ;  dispensator  scapoar- 

Apocrisiarius  ;    cancellarius  ;     comes  dus  /  ber sarins  ;   veltrarius ;   beverar- 

palatii ;      camerarius ;     senescalcus ;  ius. 


380  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

ihungini  retained  the  status  they  had  held  in  Merovingian 
times  ;  but  the  power  of  the  first,  as  well  as  their  dignity, 
became  greater.  They  were  directly  responsible  to  the 
crown,  and  often  in  their  respective  cantons,  "  counties," 
or  gauen  the  highest  functionaries  in  a  military,  judicial,  and 
administrative  capacity. 

The  other  judicial  officers  named  were  petty  judges,  in- 
ferior to  the  Counts,  with  functions  restricted  to  trifling 
matters,  for  as  they  lacked  the  competence  of  taking  cogni- 
zance of  cases  of  life  and  death,  liberty  and  property,  it  is 
evident  that  they  were  only  police  magistrates. 

By  far  the  most  onerous  duty  devolving  upon  the  people 
and  flowing  from  the  iron-clad  oath  of  allegiance  was  the 
obligation  to  military  service. 

This  topic  has  already  engaged  our  attention  in  another 
connection  ;  *  but  additional  interesting  details,  drawn  from 
one  of  the  capitularies  relating  to  it,  are  now  in  place. 

The  bill  recites  : 

1.  That  every  freeman  is  liable  to  military  service  and,  in 
the  event  of  failure,  subject  to  a  fine  of  sixty  solidi,  called 
the  heerbann,  or  the  loss  of  his  liberty,  if  he  cannot  pay  the 
fine ;  the  payment  of  the  fine  restores  him  to  freedom ; 
death  alone  annuls  the  obligation. 

2.  Two-thirds  of  the  heerbann  are  payable  to  the  sover- 
eign, one-third  to  the  count.  Gold,  silver,  clothes,  arms, 
game,  and  serviceable  cattle  are  legal  tender,  but  land  and 
slaves  are  not  legal  tender,  in  payment  of  the  bann. 

3.  Delinquent  beneficed  persons,  tardy  in  responding  to 
the  call  for  field  service,  are  to  undergo  the  punishment  of 
subsisting  on  bread  and  water  only  for  as  many  days  as 
they  are  late. 

4.  The  crime  of  herisliz,  or  desertion  from  before  the 
enemy,  to  be  a  capital  offence. 

5.  Refusal  of  a  beneficed  person  to  serve  with  his  equal, 
to  be  punished  with  the  loss  of  his  benefice. 

6.  Absolute  defence  of  a  demand  for  drink  before  the 
enemy.     Inebriates  in  the  army  to  be  put  on  water.     .    .    . 

1  See  p.  103. 


Chapter  I.]     THE   DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  38 1 

The  eighth  article  is  given  in  full : 

"  Ordered,  that  preparation  for  war  follow  ancient  usage, 
as  here  set  forth,  to  wit,  '  victuals  from  the  marche  '  for 
three  months,  arms  and  clothing  for  half  a  year.  Which  is 
to  be  understood  as  follows  :  For  soldiers  marching  from 
the  Rhine  to  the  Loire,  the  Loire  is  the  point  where  their 
victualling  begins,  but  those  marching  from  the  Loire  to 
the  Rhine  must  have  their  three  months'  supply  from  the 
Rhine,  while  those  living  beyond  the  Rhine  and  marching 
through  Saxony  to  the  Elbe  will  understand  that  the  Elbe 
is  their  '  marche ; '  and  lastly  those  living  beyond  the  Loire 
and  under  orders  to  march  into  Spain,  will  understand  that 
the  Pyrenees  are  their  '  marche.'  "  * 

It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  explain  that  as  the  victual- 
ling had  to  be  supplied  by  the  soldier,  and  the  three  months 
counted  from  the  "  marche,"  it  follows  that  he  had  likewise 
to  provide  for  his  support  to  and  from  the  "  marche,"  which 
sometimes  amounted  to  many  days  beside. 

As  a  rule  the  people  were  guaranteed  the  benefit  of 
established  usage  and  judgment  under  their  own  laws,  pro- 
vided they  did  not  conflict  with  the  numerous  capitularies, 
promulgated  at  an  alarming  but  doubtless  necessary  rate, 
for  the  laudable  purpose  of  furthering  the  ends  of  justice 
and  equity,  and  of  correcting  the  defects  and  errors  of  the 
national  laws.  But  as  these  were  not  only  uncodified2 
throughout  the  greater  period  of  this  reign,  but  most 
loosely  and  shamefully  administered,  it  stands  to  reason  that 
such  a  system  was  open  to  the  gravest  objections,  and  far 
too  complicated  to  work  smoothly. 

Even  the  institution  of  missi,  or  special  commissioners, 
clothed  with  extraordinary  visitatory  powers,  and  chosen — 
at  least  during  the  imperial  period — from  the  purest,  most 
affluent  and  able  of  dignitaries,  secular  and  ecclesiastic,  was 
inadequate   to   the   correction   of    abuses   arising   from   the 

1  Capitul.  Bonon.  apud  Boretius  I.,  exercit.  in  placito  tractanda,  a.  811, 
166  sqq.     Cf.   the  Capitulary  named      Boretius,  I.,  164. 

in  n.  1,  p.  104  ;  and  Capitula  de  rebus         2  The  first  codification  was  made  in 

803. 


382  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

avarice,  arrogance,  and  incompetence  of  many  counts  and 
their  subordinates. 

The  despotism  of  the  whole  government  of  Charles  was 
opposed  to  popular  co-operation  and  decentralization.  Lib- 
erty, as  understood,  say  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  was  not  only  unknown,  but  inconceivable  to  Charles, 
who  was  undoubtedly  the  most  liberal  and  intelligent  man 
of  his  age,  and  in  many  of  his  views  about  five  centuries  in 
advance  of  his  servants  in  or  out  of  the  Church.  The 
reports  of  the  missi  led  to  new  acts  of  legislation,  as  they 
occurred  to  the  father  of  the  vast  Frankish  fatherland,  and 
explain  the  singular  repetitions  found  in  the  capitularies. 

A  good  illustration  of  the  insufficiency  of  the  Old  Codes 
and  their  attempted  amelioration  by  means  of  additions, 
together  with  the  method  observed  for  their  ratification,  is 
found  in  the  brief  preamble  to  the  so-called  Supplementary 
Capitula  to  the  Salian  Code,  which  are  also  embodied  in 
the  Ripuarian,  Bavarian  and  Lombard  Codes.  It  reads  as 
follows  : 

"  In  the  name  of  Christ  here  begin  the  capitula  of  the 
803]  law  of  the  emperor  Charles  lately  set  forth  [inventa) 
in  the  third  year  of  our  most  clement  lord  Charles  Augustus. 

"  In  the  said  year  these  capitula  were  made  and  com- 
mitted to  Count  Stephen  for  proclamation  in  the  City  of 
Paris  at  a  public  mall,  and  reading  therein  before  the 
scabini.  This  having  been  done,  all  with  one  consent 
assented  thereto,  promising  to  observe  them  from  that  day 
forth  for  all  time  to  come ;  and  this  all  the  scabini,  bishops, 
abbots  and  counts  confirmed  under  their  own  hand."  ' 

In  Italy  they  were  simply  "  proclaimed  "  without  a  popu- 
lar ratification,  and  this  arbitrary  act  gave  rise  to  consider- 
able trouble.2 

The  ratification,  of  course,  was  a  transparent  farce,  for 
since  the  missi  chose  the  scabini,  and  the  bishops,  abbots 
and  counts  present  were  bound  to  say  "  yea  "  to  whatever 
came  to  them  by  imperial  command,  the  unanimous  accep- 

1  MG.  Leges,  I.,  2,  p.  112.  2  Epist.  Carol.  27  (Jaffe)  ;  cf.  capp. 

I.,  1,  apud  Boretius. 


Chapter  I.]     THE   DIET  AND   THE  CAPITULARIES.  383 

tation  and  confirmation  of  the  said  laws  by  the  mall  was  a 
foregone  conclusion  ;  even  if  the  public,  in  a  much  wider 
sense,  was  present  in  the  mall,  and  voted  upon  the  laws, 
their  vote  doubtless  confirmed  that  of  the  scabini,  etc.,  for 
the  Latin  language,  in  which  they  were  written,  was  unin- 
telligible to  them,  the  whole  mall  was  made  up  of  Jamanner, 
i.  e.,  of  men  who  said  "  yea  "  to  whatever  the  missus,  and 
after  him  the  scabini,  might  propose. 

The  whole  proceeding  strikingly  resembles  the  famous 
plebiscites  of  Napoleon  III.,  and  the  cut-and-dried  business 
at  the  public  meetings  of  political  parties. 

The  Capitularies  open  so  vast,  diversified,  and  instructive 
a  range  of  topics  that  it  is  difficult  to  drop  them,  after  they 
have  been  taken  up.  They  contain  by  far  the  truest  history 
of  the  times,  and  shed  light  on  matters  which  the  Annals, 
Chronicles,  and  Letters  of  the  period  touch  only  slightly,  or 
wholly  conceal.  They  are  indispensable  to  this  history,  and, 
in  fact,  no  person  can  write  intelligently  of  Charles  and  his 
reign,  or  essay  the  portraiture  of  his  age,  without  studying 
them  in  the  light  of  the  magnificent  help  provided  by  the 
laborious  zeal  of  recent  German  investigators.1 

They  are  very  numerous,2  and  touch  almost  every  con- 
ceivable subject  in  the  realm  of  religion  and  the  daily  life  of 
the  period.  They  contain,  according  to  one  enumeration, 
eleven  hundred  and  fifty-one  articles  or  capitula,  of  which 
eighty-seven  belong  to  morals,  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
three  to  politics,  one  hundred  and  thirty  to  penal  provisions, 
one  hundred  and  ten  to  civil  subjects,  eighty-five  to  religion, 
three  hundred  and  five  to  Canon  Law,  seventy-three  to 
domestic  matters,  and  twelve  to  miscellaneous  themes,  or 
topics  of  circumstance.3 

This  enumeration  with  analysis,  may  pass  for  general  pur- 
poses, but  the  new  material  recovered  will  yield  very  differ- 
ent results.4 


1  I  refer    more   particularly    to  the  2  See  the  list,  Appendix  G. 

works    of    Boretius,     Ficker,    Sickel,  3  Guizot,     Hist,  de    la     Civiliz.    en 

Bohmer-Muhlbacher.    and    Abel-Sim-  France,  t.  II.,  p.  146  sqq. 

son,  so  frequently  cited  in  this  volume.  4  See  the  list,  Appendix  G. 


384  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Space  fails  us  to  enter  fully  into  the  subject,  and  the 
synopsis,  without  comment,  of  three  capitularies,  belonging 
to  the  three  separate  periods  of  the  reign  of  Charles,  must 
suffice  in  evidence  of  the  statements  made. 

I.  Capitulary  set  forth  in  the  Diet  holden  at  Heristal  in 
the  month  of  March,  779. 

1.  Enjoins  Suffragan  Bishops  to  obey  the  Metropolitan 
as  the  Canons  provide. 

2.  Enjoins  the  immediate  consecration  of  Bishops  not 
yet  consecrated. 

3.  Enjoins  the  inmates  of  monasteries  and  convents  to 
live  according  to  the  Rule. 

4.  Confirms  the  canonical  jurisdiction  of  diocesans  over 
their  clergy. 

5.  Grants  to  Bishops  executive  power  over  incestuous 
persons,  and  widows. 

6.  Forbids  the  reception  or  ordination  of  stranger  clerics. 

7.  Enjoins  tithes  and  their  use  as  the  Bishop  directs. 

8.  Denies  the  right  of  asylum  and  support  to  murderers 
and  criminals  under  sentence  of  death  who  have  taken 
sanctuary  in  a  church. 

9.  Enjoins  the  extradition  of  robbers  from  places  of  im- 
munity to  the  Count's  Court  on  pain  of  loss  of  fief  or 
payment  of  the  bann. 

IO.  Adjudges  a  perjurer  to  the  loss  of  his  hand,  accords  to 
the  plaintiff  the  privilege  of  proof  by  the  Ordeal  of 
the  Cross,  but  enjoins  the  use  of  lawful  means  in  more 
important  cases  and  especially  in  cases  relating  to 
liberty. 

II.  Treats  of  the  punishment  of  robbers,  and  of  unjust 
sentences. 

12.  Enjoins  the  observance  of  the  laws  set  forth  by  his 
father  Pepin. 

13.  Enjoins  the  payment  of  tithe  and  the  ninth,  with  in- 
terest, on  rented  ecclesiastical  possessions,  the  renewal 
and  recording  of  precarious  possessions  [precarice], 
and  discriminates  between  precarice  de  verbo  nostro 
and  those  voluntarily  entered  into. 


Chapter  L]     THE   DIET  AND   THE  CAPITULARIES.  385 

14.  Prohibits  trustes. 

15.  Enjoins  the  observance  of  established  regulations  con- 
cerning tributarii  ecclesiarum. 

16.  Prohibits  guilds  requiring  members  to  take  an  oath, 
but  freely  permits  associations  for  mutual  aid  in  fire 
and  shipwreck  not  requiring  the  taking  of  an  oath. 

17.  Accords  to  travellers  protection  from  bands  [of  rob- 
bers?], and  limits  the  supply  of  provender  to  the 
military  and  missi. 

18.  Forbids  the  levying  of  tolls  previously  forbidden. 

19.  Forbids  the  sale  of  serfs  except  in  presence  of  a  Bishop, 
Count,  Arch-deacon,  Hundreder,  etc.,  or  other  persons 
of  good  repute,  and  not  beyond  the  marche. 

20.  Forbids  the  export  of  corslets  \brunia  =  lorica]. 

21.  Regulates  the  process  of  such  to  whom  justice  has 
been  denied. 

22.  Regulates  the  process  in  cases  where  the  penalty  for 
feud  is  refused  to  be  received  or  paid. 

23.  Prescribes  the  punishment  of  robbers.1 

II.  Capitulare,  set  forth  in  the  Synod  of  Frankfort,  con- 
vened by  papal  authority  and  royal  command,  in  the  twenty- 
sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Charles. 

1.  Condemnation  of  the  Adoptian  heresy  of  Elipandus, 
Bishop  of  Toledo,  and  Felix,  Bishop  of  Urgel. 

2.  Condemnation  of  the  Constantinopolitan  decree  on 
Image  Worship. 

3.  Proceedings  in  the  matter  of  Tassilo. 

4.  Tariff  on  cereals  and  bread ;  injunction  to  the  royal 
lieges,  or  beneficiaries,  not  to  allow  any  of  their  serfs2 
to  die  of  starvation,  and  to  sell  first  the  stored  sur- 
plus. 

5.  Legalization  of  the  new  denarii,  with  fines. 

6.  Jurisdiction  of  bishops  over  their  clergy  ;  co-operation 
of  the  counts ;  metropolitans  and  their  suffragans  to 

1  Boretius,     Capit.     57  ;     Bohmer-  born,    and  without  any   right    to    go 
Mtihlbacher,  no.  213.  elsewhere     without    the    consent     of 

2  Serfs,  that  is,  persons  compelled  to  their  lord,  or  master, 
labor   on    the    soil   where   they   were 

25 


386  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III 

be  a  Court  of  Appeal  in  the  second  instance,  the  king 
in  the  last  instance. 

7.  Residence  enjoined  upon  bishops  and  the  parochial 
clergy. 

8.  Decision  of  the  difference  between  Bishop  Ursio  of 
Vienne,  and  the  advocate  of  Bishop  Elifant  of  Aries, 
etc. 

9.  Decree  concerning  the  purgation  of  Bishop  Peter 
(Petrus)  of  Verdun,  etc. 

10.  Deposition  of  Bishop  Gaerbod,  upon  his  own  confes- 
sion of  not  having  been  ordained  deacon  or  priest. 

11.  Of  the  exclusion  of  monks  from  secular  affairs,  and 
judicial  proceedings. 

12.  Reclnsi  must  have  the  approbation  of  the  bishop  and 
the  abbot. 

13.  The  abbot  to  sleep  with  his  monks. 

14.  Qualification  of  cellarists  in  monasteries. 

15.  Of  monasteries  containing  the  bodies  of  saints. 

16.  No  money  to  be  exacted  from  persons  entering  a 
monastery. 

17.  No  abbot  to  be  elected  without  the  bishop's  consent. 

18.  Abbots  prohibited  to  blind  or  mutilate  monks. 

19.  Clerics  forbidden  to  frequent  taverns. 

20.  Bishops  required  to  know  the  Canons  and  the  Rule. 

21.  Sunday  observance. 

22.  Bishops  not  to  be  appointed  in  small  towns  and 
villages. 

23.  Stranger  serfs  not  to  be  ordained  or  received  without 
the  approbation  of  their  masters. 

24.  Of  clerics  and  monks  retaining  their  vocation. 

25.  Ecclesiastical  beneficiaries  bound  to  pay  the  ninth, 
tithe,  and  rent ;  payment  of  tithe  on  personal  property, 
with  reference  to  the  experience  during  the  year  of 
the  great  famine  (a.  793)  of  vacnas  annonas  a  daemoni- 
bus  devoratas} 

26.  Beneficiaries  bound  to  keep  their  churches  in  repair. 

1  See  p.  30S. 


Chapter  I.]     THE   DIET  AND   THE  CAPITULARIES.  387 

27.  Clerics  forbidden  to  take  a  new  cure,  etc.,  without 
episcopal  approbation. 

28.  Absolute  ordinations  forbidden. 

29.  Bishops  enjoined  to  provide  for  the  education  of  well- 
qualified  successors. 

30.  Disputes  betwixt  clerics  to  be  decided  by  Canon  Law, 
those  betwixt  clerics  and  laics  by  the  joint  action  of 
the  bishop  and  the  count. 

31.  Prohibition  and  dissolution  of  conjurationes  et  conspi- 
rationes. 

32.  Of  the  conservation  of  monasteries. 

33.  Of  preaching  on  the  Catholic  dogma  of  the  Trinity, 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Creed. 

34.  Against  cupidity  and  covetousness. 

35.  Of  hospitality. 

36.  Of  the  disqualification  of  vicious  persons  as  plaintiffs 
against  nobles  and  bishops. 

37.  Of  ecclesiastical  reconciliation  in  times  of  distress. 

38.  Clerics  of  the  Chapel  Royal  forbidden  conversation 
with  refractory  priests,  to  prevent  their  falling  under 
the  ban. 

39.  Of  legal  proceedings  against  priests  seized  in  criminal 
acts. 

40.  Female  orphans  to  be  educated  by  honorable  matrons 
under  the  supervision  of  the  clergy. 

41.  Of  the  residence  of  the  bishop  in  his  see  ;  his  absence 
from  the  see  on  private  business  not  to  exceed  three 
weeks ;  personal  property  acquired  by  him  during  his 
episcopate  to  go  upon  his  decease  to  the  Church,  not 
to  his  relatives. 

42.  Prohibition  of  the  adoration  of  new  saints. 

43.  Of  the  continuance  of  the  ecclesiastical  injunction 
touching  the  destruction  of  holy  trees  and  groves. 

44.  Of  the  recognition  of  umpires  chosen  by  both  parties. 

45.  Validity  of  church  usage  concerning  witnesses ;  the 
exclusion  of  children  as  witnesses  sicut  Gantbadingi 
faciunt. 

46.  Observance  of  the  Canonical  Rule  as  to  the  time  when 


388  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

virgins  may  take  the  veil,  and  of  their  occupation  to 
the  twenty-fifth  year  of  their  life. 

47.  Abbesses  living  contrary  to  their  Rule  to  be  denounced 
by  the  bishop  to  the  king  with  a  view  to  their  deposi- 
tion. 

48.  Of  the  application  of  alms  to  the  Church  and  the 
poor,  agreeably  to  ecclesiastical  statute. 

49.  Ordination  to  the  priesthood  forbidden  to  take  place 
before  the  thirtieth  year. 

50.  General  pax  after  Mass ;  participation  in  the  Mass  to 
be  the  token  of  mutual  peace. 

51.  The  reading  from  the  Diptychs  not  to  take  place 
until  after  the  Oblation.1 

52.  Let  no  man  believe  that  God  may  be  prayed  to  in 
three  languages  only. 

53.  Bishops  and  priests  are  required  to  know  the  Canons 
(cf.  No.  20). 

54.  Churches  erected  by  free  persons  may  be  donated  or 
sold,  provided  that  they  be  not  desecrated  or  destroyed. 

55.  Address  of  the  king,  reciting  that  as  with  the  appro- 
bation of  Pope  Hadrian,  the  archbishop  Angilram 
was  permitted  propter  utilitatcs  ecclesiasticas  perma- 
nently to  reside  at  Court,  so,  with  the  like  papal 
approbation  already  obtained,  he  desired  the  Synod 
to  sanction  a  similar  arrangement  on  behalf  of  Bishop 
Hildibald  (of  Cologne). — Consent  of  the  Synod. 

56.  Request  of  the  king  that  the  Synod  would  on  account 
of  his  ecclesiastical  erudition  receive  Alcuin  into 
their  communion,  and  include  him  in  their  prayers. — 
Consent  of  the  Synod.2 

1  According  to  ancient  usage  there  dead.     The  deacons  rehearsed  all  the 

were   in    every    church    two    written  names   in    both    tables,    at  the  altar, 

tables,    "  whereof   one  contained  the  whenever    the     Eucharist    was    cele- 

names   of    all   eminent   bishops    and  brated.       Those  tables   were   by   the 

clergymen  then  living,  with  whom  the  Greeks  called  Diptycha,  and  by  some 

Church  held    communion   and   corre-  English  writers  diptychs." — Johnson, 

spondence  ;  the  other  the  names  of  all  Vade  Mecum. 

eminent   bishops   and    other   men    of  2  Miihlbacher,  /.  c,  No.  316. 
their    own    or    other    churches    then 


Chapter  I.J     THE   DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  389 

III.   Instruction   for   the  Missi,   set   forth   at   Thionville, 
either  in  805  or  806. 

1.  Punishment  of  breakers  of  the  peace. 

2.  Legal  protection  for  churches,  widows,  and  orphans. 

3.  Due  regard  to  the  royal  immunity. 

4.  Directs  public  prayers  to  be  said  in  seasons  of  famine, 
pestilence,  and  other  public  calamity  without  special 
command  of  the  king;  the  relief  of  the  poor  during 
the  prevailing  famine ;  the  cheap  price  of  grain  ;  and 
forbids  the  exportation  of  necessaries  of  life. 

5.  Forbids  the  use  of  arms  at  home,  in  order  to  check 
avengement  of  blood. 

6.  Equipment  for  war  as  formerly  directed,  together 
with  a  corselet  for  every  twelve  mansi  on  pain  of  loss 
of  the  fief  and  of  the  corselet,  if  it  is  left  behind. 

7.  Defines  commercial  limits  against  the  Sclavonians, 
and  Saxons  on  the  line  of  Bardowick,  Schessel,  Magde- 
burg, Erfurt,  Hallstadt,  Forchheim,  Bremberg,  Ratis- 
bon,  and  Lorch,  and  forbids  the  exportation  of  arms 
on  pain  of  confiscation. 

8.  Directs  the  maintenance  of  the  old  regulation  requir- 
ing the  incarceration  of  litigants  refusing  to  respect 
or  denounce  the  sentence  of  a  judge. 

9.  Enjoins  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor  to  be 
administered  to  those  who  could  not  take  it  before 
because  disqualified  by  age. 

10.  Directs  the  severe  punishment  of  oath-bound  con- 
spiracies. 

1 1.  Of  the  evidence  of  witnesses  ;  perjury  to  be  punished 
with  the  loss  of  the  hand. 

12.  Directs  the  removal  of  bad  judges  {vogte)  and  officers, 
the  choice  of  others  able  and  willing  to  render  jus- 
tice, and  the  denunciation  of  bad  ones  to  the  em- 
peror. 

13.  Treats  of  the  levying  of  only  established  and  lawful 
tolls,  etc. 

14.  Treats  of  the  process  with  regard  to  fugitives,  etc. 

15.  Forbids  freemen  to  enter  the  clerical  vocation  without 


390  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

the  emperor's  permission,  because  men  frequently  did 
so  in  order  to  evade  the  heerbann  and  the  royal  ser- 
vice, or  to  escape  from  covetous  oppression. 

1 6.  Forbids  the  oppression  of  poor  freemen,  etc. 

17.  Forbids  the  worship  of  new  saints  and  [erection  of 
new]  churches,  unless  by  episcopal  permission,  etc. 

18.  Forbids  the  stamping  of  coin  in  all  places  other  than 
the  royal  palace  until  the  capitulum  is  countermanded, 
because  of  the  frequent  occurrence  of  counterfeit 
money,  etc. 

19.  Enjoins  the  conscientious  collection  of  the  forfeited 
heerbann. 

20.  Enjoins  the  payment  of  the  royal  tax  (Konigszins)  on 
the  person,  and  property,  where  it  has  been  in  use. 

21.  Process  against  robbers  as  formerly  directed.1 

22.  Treats  of  the  security  of  patrimony,  defence  of  one's 
own  cause,  and  the  competence  to  testify  on  the  part 
of  freemen  marrying  female  serfs  attached  to  domanial 
estates,  as  an  honor  due  the  emperor  and  his  ances- 
tors.2 

It  is  almost  certain  that  all  the  Capitularies,  down  to  the 
minutest  detail  of  each  title,  were  drawn  up  under  the  dic- 
tate or  eye  of  Charles,  and  express  his  mind  far  better  than 
anything  else  which  has  come  down  to  us.  His  legislative 
and  administrative  capacity  was  marvellous.3  The  diffi- 
culties in  the  way  of  harmonizing  the  several  national  codes 
seemed  to  him  much  greater  than  the  reconciliation  of 
church  laws,  and  the  framing  into  one  general  Capitulary  of 
the  legislation  necessary  for  the  correction  of  abuses  which 
had  crept  into  the  Church.  The  year  before  his  death  he 
directed,  with  a  view  to  this  grand  reformation,  the  holding 
813]  of  five  Provincial  Synods  at  Mayence,  Rheims,  Tours, 

1  The  process  was  brief  but  very  Capit.  I.,  423.  Bohmer-Miihlbacher, 
emphatic  ;  a  robber  was  punished  with  /.  c,  no.  406.  Such  serfs  were  called 
the  loss  of  his  limbs  for  the  first  two      fiscalinen. 

offences,  and  of  his  life  for  the  third.  3  See  the  number  of  Capitularies  set 

Capit.   779,  c.  23,  ed.  Baluz.,  /.  c,  t.  forth  after  800,  as  plainly  stated  in  the 

I.,  p.  195.  list,  Appendix  G. 

2  Boretius,  /.  c,  Capit.  87.      Baluz., 


Chapter  I.]    THE   DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  391 

Chalons-sur-Saone  and  Aries.  They  were  directed,  most 
probably  in  a  General  Admonition,  to  give  their  attention 
to  particular  points,  legislate  upon  them,  and  submit  their 
resolutions  for  examination  and  final  action  to  the  emperor. 
The  Councils  met,  adopted  altogether  two  hundred  and 
forty-three  Canons,  and  presented  them  to  the  emperor. 
The  Council  of  Aries  which  adopted  twenty-six  Canons,  of 
which  only  the  first  related  to  the  Catholic  Faith,  the  rest 
to  discipline,  accompanied  them  by  a  brief  clause  addressed 
to  the  emperor  personally,  in  which  the  fathers  desired  his 
prudence  to  supply  any  deficiency,  his  judgment  to  correct 
any  error,  and  his  clemency,  with  the  aid  of  God,  to  confirm 
whatever  was  reasonable  in  their  legislation.1 

The  other  Councils  added  similar  clauses,  and  all  the 
Canons  after  examination  in  Committee,  probably  under  the 
immediate  presidency  of  Charles  (who  was  the  best  canonist 
of  the  age),  were  reported  to  the  Diet,  in  the  form  of  a  digest 
or  collation,  from  which  he  selected  twenty-six  brief  capitula 
which  were  set  forth  for  the  whole  empire.  Copies  might 
be  had  in  the  several  episcopal  cities,  as  well  as  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  where  they  were  placed  in  the  Archives.2 

It  would  lead  too  far  to  open  the  questions  under  discus- 
sion, but  the  method  followed  in  the  Synod  of  Mayence, 
which  conformed  to  the  example  set  in  the  Diet  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,3  is  instructive  and  interesting.  It  was  composed 
of  thirty  bishops,  twenty-five  abbots,  a  number  of  the 
clergy,  monks,  counts  and  laymen.  The  arch-chaplain 
and  archbishop  of  Cologne,  the  archbishops  of  Mayence 
and  Salzburg,  and  the  bishop  of  Worms  were  present  in 
the  character  of  imperial  missi.  They  deliberated  not 
conjointly,  but  in  three  sections:  in  the  first  were  the 
bishops  and  clergy  ;  in  the  second  the  abbots  and  monks  ;  in 
the  third  the  counts  and  other  laics.     The  bishops  discussed 

1  This  was  not  empty  verbiage,  but  Muhlbacher,  /.  c,  no.  468  ;  Abel-Sim- 
profound  conviction.  son,  /.  c,   II.,    p.   502    sqq.— Annal. 

2  Labbe,  Condi,  ed.  Coleti  IX.,  Einh.,  Chron.  Moiss.,  a.  813.— Cf.  also 
375  ;  Mansi,  XIV.  b  343  ;  Sirmond.  Fragm.  Vitse  S.  Barnardi,  apud  Bou- 
Concil.  II.,   323  ;  Le  Cointe,   Annal.  quet,  V.,  481. 

Ecd.  Franc.  VII..  a.   S13.— Bohmer-  3  Held  October,  802. 


392  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

church  matters  with  reference  to  the  Gospels,  Epistles,  and 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Canons,  and  certain  works  of  the 
Fathers,  especially  the  pastoral  book  of  Gregory,  and  other 
dogmatical  works ;  the  abbots  and  approved  monks  deliber- 
ated on  the  amelioration  of  the  monastic  estate  with  special 
reference  to  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict ;  lastly,  the  counts 
and  laics  took  cognizance  of  legal  points  and  settled  knotty 
questions  which  came  before  them.  The  results  were  fifty- 
six  Canons.1 

Those  which  the  emperor  set  forth  were  the  following : 
Abstract  of  the  Canons.3 
i.   Enjoins  archbishops  to  exhort  their  bishops  to  stop  the 
abuses  concerning  baptism  of  which  presbyters  were 
guilty. 

2.  Forbids  the  laity  to  eject  their  ministers. 

3.  Forbids  the  laity  to  sell  livings. 

4.  Enjoins  the  strict  observance  of  the  Canons  and  the 
Rule. 

5.  Authorizes  the  clergy  to  say  Mass  in  convents,  but 
enjoins  them  to  leave  immediately  after  Mass. 

6.  Forbids    the    unnecessary    crowding    of    conventual 
establishments. 

7.  Enjoins  the  payment  of  tithes. 

8.  Enjoins  the  purification  of  the  Church  from  incest. 

9.  Enjoins  bishops  and  counts,  the  clergy,  monks,  and 
the  laity  generally  to  live  peaceably  with  one  another. 

10.  Enjoins  counts,  judges,  and  the  people  generally  to 
obey  the  bishop,  and  all  concerned  to  render  justice, 
refusing  bribes  and  false  witnesses. 

11.  Enjoins  the  care  of  servants  and  serfs  because  of  the 
famine. 

1  Concil.  Mogunt.  prsef   col.  64,  65.  the  alleged  charge  against  Austrasian 

2  Capitula  e  Canonibus  excerpta.  a.  priests  of  extorting  money  from  per- 
813,  apud  Boretius,  /.  c,  p.  173  sqq.  sons  known  to  them  through  the  Con- 
Mtthlbacher,  /.  c,  No.  46S.  Cod.  fessional  as  robbers,  and  severe  meas- 
Gandav.  contains  four  additional  capit-  ures  against  homines  faidosi  addicted 
ula,  of  which  the  last  two  are  expan-  to  causing  disturbance  on  Sundays  and 
sions  of  cc.  4,  5,  but  the  first  two  are  Holy  Days. 

new,  enjoining  the    investigation    of 


Chapter  I.]     THE   DIET   AND   THE   CAPITULARIES.  393 

12.  Authorizes  bishops  to  sustain  the  poor  from  church 

funds. 

13.  Commands  just  and  equal  weights  and  measures. 

14.  Enjoins  preachers  to  preach  intelligently. 

15.  Enjoins  the  sanctity  of  the  Lord's  Day. 

16.  Enjoins  bishops  to  visit  their  dioceses. 

17.  Interdicts  presbyters,  on  pain  of  deprivation,  to  give 
chrism  as  medicine,  or  against  witchcraft. 

18.  Enjoins  sponsors  to  do  their  duty. 

19.  Interdicts  the  practice  of    depriving  old  churches  of 
tithes  or  property  in  order  to  benefit  new  ones. 

20.  Interdicts  sepulture  in  churches  except  in  the  case  of 
bishops,  abbots,  and  good  presbyters. 

21.  Interdicts  placita  to  be  held  in  houses  or  churchyards. 

22.  Prohibits    counts  and  the  judiciary  generally  to  buy 
or  seize  the  property  of  the  poor. 

23.  Enjoins  bishops  to  remand  fugitive  priests  to  their 
own  bishops. 

24.  Enjoins  the  beneficed  clergy  to  be  at  the  charge  of 
repairing  churches. 

25.  Enjoins  that  public  criminals  be  sentenced  in  public 
and  required  to  do  penance  in  public. 

26.  Enjoins  presbyters  to  lead  good  lives  and  teach  the 
people  so  to  do. 


CHAPTER    II. 

ADMINISTRATION. 

Finances  and  Revenue. — Contributions  in  kind  for  the  army,  the  missi,  and 
the  Court. — Taxes. — Tolls. — Pilgrimage. — The  Villas  :  their  government ; 
Capitulary  concerning  them  ;  Inventories. — Commerce. — Coinage. 

THE  finances  and  revenue  of  the  Frankish  empire  were 
peculiar.  Under  the  ancient  unwritten  laws  taxation  was 
incompatible  with  liberty  ;  the  payment  of  any  tax  whatso- 
ever was  denounced  as  a  token  of  subordination.  This 
principle  remained  in  force  long  after  the  establishment  of 
royalty.  The  revenue  of  the  sovereign  was  derived  from 
the  income  of  his  own  possessions,  from  dues  payable  by 
vassals,  from  tolls,  from  fiscal  fines,  and  from  the  yield  of 
the  law  of  inheritance,  by  which  the  fiscus  fell  heir  to  the 
possessions  of  childless  freemen  to  the  third  generation,  and 
the  estates  of  disfranchised  freemen. 

Charles  had  no  public  exchequer  or  treasury  in  the  modern 
acceptation  of  the  term ;  his  exchequer  was  only  the  receiver, 
not  the  dispenser,  of  the  public  revenue,  except  for  purposes 
of  war  as  he  saw  fit. 

He  had  no  salaried  officers.  The  counts,  and  their  subal- 
terns, charged  with  the  administration  of  the  public  business 
in  districts  smaller  than  the  "  Gau,"  or  county,  received  cer- 
tain benefices  in  landed  estate,  royal  or  fiscal. 

The  counts  were  in  things  temporal  what  the  bishops  and 
abbots  were  in  things  spiritual.  They  were  either  large 
land-owners  in  fee  simple,  or  royal  beneficiaries,  privileged  to 
levy  banns  or  fines  for  offences  of  every  kind  or  degree. 
These  pecuniary  compositions  were  their  income.  The  sys- 
tem worked  well  enough  for  them,  but  most  disastrously  to 
the  morals,  as  well  as  to  the  secular  and  eternal  welfare  of 
the  people,  who  groaned  under  their  extortions,  suffered, 


Chapter  II.]  ADMINISTRATION.  395 

wept,  entered  into  involuntary  slavery,  praying  for  better 
times  which  came  not  for  many  long  and  dreadful  centuries. 

Although  the  ordinary  revenue  of  Charles  was  insufficient 
for  the  cost  of  his  many  wars,  his  armies  entailed  neither  on 
him,  nor  on  the  State  proper,  an  expense  proportionate  to 
that  incurred  in  military  countries  at  the  present. 

The  burden  fell  wholly  on  the  people,  who  as  the  vassals, 
feudaries,  and  lieges  of  their  several  lords,  were  bound  to 
march  against  the  enemy,  or,  as  freemen,  expected  to  come 
cheerfully  when  commanded  so  to  do. 

The  count  or  lord  was,  in  theory,  supposed  to  be  at  the 
charge  of  arming  and  supporting  his  men,  but  the  capitu- 
laries show  that  the  supposition  was  generally  at  fault. 

The  soldiers  on  their  journey  to  and  from  the  "  marche," 
or  rendezvous,  lived  at  the  cost  of  the  several  districts 
through  which  they  passed. 

The  sovereign's  treasurer  had  to  provide  for  such  expen- 
ditures as  the  cost  of  ammunition  and  transportation  ;  the 
cost  of  the  schaar,  or  household-troops  ;  that  of  embassies  ; 
that  of  the  missi,  together  with  the  expenditure  necessary 
for  the  support  of  the  entire  Court.  The  first  and  third  of 
these  items  were  nominal,  for  the  counts  were  bound  to  fur- 
nish a  pro  rata  contribution  in  ammunition  and  transporta- 
tion, while  the  missi  were  privileged  to  receive  relays  of 
horses,  free  quarters  and  entertainment. 

But  the  wants  of  a  missus  were  neither  few  nor  small.  If 
he  was  a  bishop  he  might  feast  upon  a  daily  allowance  of 
forty  rolls,  three  fresh  hams,  three  modii  of  drink  [wine, 
brandy,  or  beer,  it  is  not  clear  which],  a  young  pig,  three 
chickens,  fifteen  eggs,  and  four  modii  of  horse-feed ;  if  he 
was  an  abbot,  count,  or  other  ministerial  officer,  he. had  to 
content  himself  with  only  thirty  rolls,  two  fresh  hams,  two 
modii  of  drink,  a  young  pig,  three  chickens,  fifteen  eggs,  and 
three  modii  of  horse-feed  ;  and  if  he  was  only  a  common 
vassal  his  claim  must  not  rise  higher  than  seventeen  rolls,  a 
fresh  ham,  a  young  pig,  one  modius  of  drink,  two  chickens, 
ten  eggs,  and  two  modii  of  horse-feed.  These  were  only 
the    major   constituents  of   the   daily  rations  of  a  missus, 


39^  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

which  consisted  altogether  of  about  forty  articles,  duly  pre- 
scribed, down  to  the  requisite  quantities  of  pepper,  salt,  and 
cinnamon.1 

Even  the  monarch  and  his  Court  received,  and  was  entitled 
to  receive,  such  entertainment  on  his  journeys.  The  hospi- 
tality of  his  lieges  was  compulsory,  not  voluntary ;  it  is  not 
surprising  to  read  that  some  were  ungracious  enough  to 
petition  for  relief.2 

In  spite  of  such  uncommon  facilities  for  the  conduct  of 
war,  the  expenditure  exceeded  the  income,  and  the  deficit 
was  made  up  by  extraordinary  extortions,  such  as  contribu- 
tions in  kind  of  provisions  and  necessaries  for  the  use  of 
the  Court  and  of  the  army  on  a  march.3 

These  unpleasant  and  ruinous  innovations  soon  became 
established.  The  old  Merovingian  custom  of  so-called  vol- 
untary gifts  presented  by  the  Franks  to  their  king  at  the 
annual  May-Field  was  converted  into  a  regular  tax;4  and 
there  is  hardly  room  to  doubt  the  existence  of  a  general 
tax,  a  tax  on  real  estate,  and  a  capitation  tax.5 

Little  is  known  of  the  means  resorted  to  for  the  collection 
of  those  obnoxious  taxes,  which  were  thorns  in  the  side  of 
the  poorer  freemen  and  almost  drove  them  to  despair.  As 
for  the  bishops,  abbots,  counts,  and  magnates  generally, 
they  understood  how  to  secure  immunities  and  avoid  pay- 
ment by  other  expedients. 

The  tolls  were  a  terrible  institution  to  all  classes  and  con- 
ditions of  men  except  the  privileged.  They  took  root  in  the 
principle  that  every  man,  as  lord  absolute  of  his  own  posses- 
sions, is  endowed  with  the  inalienable  right  of  dictating  and 
enforcing  his  own  terms  upon  all  who  set  foot  thereon, 
or  seek  in  any  other  way  to  use  it  for  their  own  benefit. 
The  whole  country,  with   its  roads  and  rivers,  belonged  to 

1  Hludovici  Pii  Capit.     Missor.    a.  4  Hincmar,  /.  c.  c.  XXX. 

819.  Cf.  Marculf. ,  Form  1.    I.,  c.  XI.  s  See  above,  the  Instruction,  etc.,  c. 

2  Hiillmann,  Deutsche  Finanz-ge-  20,  p.  390,  and  cf.  Luden,  /.  c,  V., 
schichte.  560. 

3  Capitulare     a.    813.    c.     10.    MG. 
LL.,  I.,  18S. 


Chapter  II.]  ADMINISTRATION.  397 

the  sovereign  and  his  vassals.  Landed  estates  were  royal 
domains,  or  benefices,  granted  to  the  lords  spiritual  and 
temporal,  or  allodial  possessions  belonging  to  freemen.  The 
sovereign  was  lord  and  master  on  the  royal  villas,  the  vassal 
held  that  position  on  benefices,  but  on  the  allodial  or  free- 
hold estates  the  nation,  or  the  king  as  its  representative, 
claimed  and  held  sovereign  rule. 

All  these  several  lords  and  masters  established  dues  or 
tolls  for  the  use  of  their  meadows,  woods,  gates,  bridges, 
rivers,  streams,  canals,  etc.,  etc. ;  the  whole  country  was  filled 
with  toll-gates  and  toll-gatherers  ;  no  trader  might  enter  with 
his  commodities  a  village  or  castle  and  attempt  their  sale 
without  paying  toll  for  the  privilege.  The  robber-knights 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  whose  romantic  strongholds,  now  mostly 
in  ruins,  enchant  the  eye  of  travellers,  were  the  bane  of  their 
contemporaries,  and  their  prototype,  as  well  as  the  proto- 
type of  the  army  of  modern  tax-gatherers  who  are  the  bane 
of  modern  travellers,  flourished  under  the  bishops,  counts, 
and  nobles  in  the  glorious  reign  of  the  invincible  Charles. 

In  that  halcyon  epoch  of  the  minions  and  proteges  of  the 
conqueror  of  Europe  the  only  persons  or  things  exempt 
from  toll  were  the  royal  missi  and  officers  on  their  journeys 
to  and  from  the  Court,  commodities  in  course  of  transporta- 
tion to  the  same  place,  conscripts  called  out  for  military  ser- 
vice, pilgrims,  and  travellers  for  pleasure.  The  latter  were 
few,  but  the  pilgrims  most  numerous.1 

One  hardly  knows,  without  hurting  the  sensibilities  of 
some,  how  to  denominate  this  singular  movement  which  was 
quite  general  in  the  reign  of  Pepin.2  Numbers  of  Frankish 
pilgrims  interfered  with  the  monastic  repose  of  Carloman  on 
Mount  Soracte.3  Ansa,  the  queen  of  the  hapless  Desiderius, 
had  the,  merit  of  providing  for  the  wants  of  pilgrims  in  such 
wise  that  such  as  hailed  from  the  West  and  undertook  the 
pilgrimage  to  St.  Peter's,  or  to  the  sanctuary  of  the  arch-angel 
Michael  on  Mount  Gargano,  might  quietly  and  safely  march 

1  See  Luden,  /.  c.   t.  V.,  1.  XI.,  cc.  2  Oelsner,  Jahrb.  d.  frank.  Reichs 

7-10,  p.  109  sqq.  unter  K.  Pippin,  p.  106. 

3  Vita  Caroli.,  c.  2. 


398  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

along,  for  thanks  to  her  liberality  they  need  fear  in  the  dark- 
ness of  night,  neither  the  arms  of  robbers,  nor  frost  and  rain, 
but  find  ample  accommodation  of  food  and  shelter  under 
the  hospitable  roof,  presumably  of  some  hospice  which  she 
had  founded.1  Besides  Rome,  the  cities  of  Tours,  Paris  (St. 
Denis  and  St.  Germain  des  Pr£s),  St.  Quentin  and  Rheims, 
and  Echternach,  were  frequented  by  multitudes  of  pilgrims. 
The  Anglo-Saxons  were  wont  to  go  in  large  numbers. 
Charles  himself  not  only  visited  the  Holy  Places,  as  has  been 
stated  before,  but  took  them,  and  the  pilgrims,  under  his 
peculiar  protection.2  He  granted  them  privileges,  and  pro- 
vided for  their  wants,  but  the  numbers  of  the  pilgrims  were 
so  great  and  led  to  so  many  abuses,3  that  it  became  neces- 
sary to  take  legislative  measures  for  their  correction.  It 
not  unfrequently  happened  that  the  rich  undertook  pilgrim- 
ages as  a  pretext  for  extortion,  and  vagabonds  pretended  to 
be  pilgrims  in  order  to  beg.4  Negligent  clergymen,  more- 
over, and  peccant  laics  saw  in  a  pilgrimage  the  atonement 
for  their  sins  of  omission  and  commission.5  The  matter 
came  up  in  the  Provincial  Council  of  Chalons,  and  the 
fathers  unanimously  resolved  that  the  clergy,  without  the 
express  permission  of  the  bishop,  were  forbidden  to  make 
the  pilgrimage  of  Rome  or  Tours,6  citing  the  words  of 
Jerome,  that  "  it  was  more  praiseworthy  to  have  lived  well 
in  Jerusalem,  than  to  have  seen  Jerusalem." 7  Theodulf 
also  adverts  to  the  matter,  and  expounds  the  Hieronymian 
idea  into  the  sentiment  that  "  not  the  way  of  the  feet,  but 
that  of  pure  morals  conducts  men  to  heaven."  8 

After  this  digression,   we   resume   the  topic    of    internal 
government. 

1  Pauli   diacon.    Carm.  8,  in    Poet.  5  Ibid. 

Lat.  aevi  Carol.  I.,  45,  46  ;  cf.  Simson,  6  Ibid.  c.  44. 

/.  c.  II.,  p.  505  sqq.  7  Ibid.  c.  46. 

Capit.  missor.  generale  a.   802  c.  8  Theodulf.     Carm.    67.       See    the 

27  ;  Pippini  regis   capit.    782-786,   c.  whole   subject   in    Simson,  /.  c. ,   II., 

10.  505  sqq.,  to  whom   I  am  indebted  for 

See  the  epistle  to  Offa,  p.  335.  the  collection  of  the  facts. 
4  Concil.  Cabilon.   813.     c.  46  apud 
Mansi,  XIV.,  102  sq. 


Chapter  II]  ADMINISTRATION.  399 

The  royal  villas  were  much  better  managed,  and  their 
administration  may  now  be  briefly  considered.  They  were 
quite  numerous,  and  unlike  anything  to  be  found  in  lands  of 
modern  culture.  More  vast  and  primitive  than  the  castles 
of  the  next  ages,  they  were  not  cities  or  villages  ;  but  the 
modern  German,  Flemish,  or  French  village  with  a  mansion 
house  in  the  centre,  a  large  number  of  houses  in  the  streets 
and  lanes  radiating  from  it,  and  terminating  in  the  open 
field  or  forest,  is  perhaps  the  nearest  picture  to  be  had  of 
villas  as  they  existed  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  (before  the  cathedral 
and  palace  were  built),  at  Attigny,  Chasseneuil,  Compiegne, 
Corbeny,  Douzy,  Duren,  Frankfort,  Heristal,  Ingelheim, 
Liege,  Mayence,  Nimeguen,  Paderborn,  Quierzy,  Ratisbon, 
Salz,  Schlettstadt,  Thionville,  and  many  other  places. 

We  have  interesting  and  contemporary  documents  de- 
scriptive of  their  construction,  the  number  of  their  dwell- 
ings, and  their  general  conduct. 

One  of  the  best  known  of  the  Capitularies  states  in  the 
opening  article  the  general  sentiment  of  Charles  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  villas. 

"  We  desire,"  he  says,  "  that  our  villas  which  we  have 
founded  for  our  own  use,  should  wholly  minister  to  our  own 
wants,  not  to  those  of  others. 

"  We  desire  that  our  family  be  well  cared  for,  and  none 
thereto  belonging  be  reduced  to  want. 

"We  desire  that  our  judges  presume  not  to  bring  our 
family  into  their  service,  or  compel  them  to  render  villein 
socage,  hew  wood,  or  do  any  other  kind  of  work,  or  accept 
of  them  any  gift,  neither  horse,  steer,  cow,  pig,  ram,  shoat 
or  lamb,  except  bottles  and  fruit  of  the  garden,  apples, 
chickens,  eggs,"  etc.,  etc.1 

The  government  of  the  villas  resembled  that  of  the  em- 
pire. The  sovereign  gave  his  general  directions,  and  his 
consort  her  special  orders  through  the  seneschal  or  butler, 
to  the  judge  or  director  of  the  villa.  This  judge  had  under 
him  a  superintendent  set  over  managers  in  charge  of  the 

1  Capit.  de  Villis,  /.  c,  p.  83. — The  bottles  were  not  empty. 


400  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

several  estates,  and  the  managers  directed  the  stewards 
placed  over  each  estate. 

The  stewards  were  chosen  from  persons  not  freemen  but 
attached  to  the  place,  and  had  under  them  the  foremen  of 
the  numerous  institutions  of  the  villa  establishment.  All 
these  officers  were  beneficed,  and  the  judge,  the  head  of  all, 
held  a  very  responsible  position.  He  issued  general  orders 
to  those  in  inferior  appointments,  held  them  accountable 
for  their  execution,  received  their  reports,  and  sent  his  own 
to  the  sovereign.  He  was,  moreover,  clothed  with  the 
authority  and  power  of  a  judge  in  the  composition  of  differ- 
ences, and  the  infliction  of  punishment  on  those  convicted 
of  minor  offences. 

All  the  directions  emanated  in  the  first  instance  from 
Charles  and  were  drawn  up  with  an  almost  incredible  mi- 
nuteness of  detail ;  they  specified  everything  essential  to 
the  prosperity  of  the  establishment. 

The  farm  and  the  forest  were  model  establishments  for 
thrift  and  cleanliness,  as  well  as  for  the  variety  and  quality  of 
the  produce.  The  aim  was  to  have  the  best  of  everything  in 
large  quantities  and  with  a  provident  anticipation  of  the  future. 

In  this  respect  Charles  was  another  Joseph.  The  royal 
villas  supplied  each  other's  wants  by  an  interchange  of  com- 
modities ;  the  fields  and  meadows,  forests,  mountains,  rivers, 
and  ponds  were  planted  and  stocked  with  the  very  best  vari- 
eties suitable  to  the  climate  and  capabilities  of  the  domain. 

All  the  cereals  grown  in  the  country  were  cultivated  ;  the 
flower  gardens  were  furnished  with  the  choicest  specimens 
for  beauty  and  fragrance,  the  orchards  and  kitchen  gardens 
produced  the  richest  and  best  varieties  of  fruit  and  vegeta- 
bles. Charles  specified  by  name  not  less  than  seventy-four 
varieties  of  herbs  which  he  commanded  to  be  cultivated  ; 
all  the  vegetables  still  raised  in  Central  Europe,  together 
with  many  herbs  now  found  in  Botanical  Gardens  only, 
bloomed  on  his  villas  ;  his  orchards  yielded  a  rich  harvest  in 
cherries,  apples,  pears,  prunes,  peaches,  figs,  chestnuts,  and 
mulberries.  The  hill-sides  were  vineyards  laden  with  the 
finest  varieties  of  grapes. 


Chapter  II.]  ADMINISTRATION.  401 

His  cattle  was  thoroughbred  throughout ;  his  stables  con- 
tained only  the  most  superb  and  purest  breeds;  the  lineage 
of  all  his  animals  was  accurately  traced.  Domestic  animals 
of  every  kind  were  kept,  and  every  villa  had  a  stock-farm  ; 
multitudinous  herds  of  swine  were  driven  to  mast  in  the 
woods,  while  flocks  of  geese,  chickens,  and  pigeons  were 
kept  in  appropriate  yards.  Peacocks,  pheasants,  guinea- 
fowl,  ducks,  pigeons  and  turtle-doves  were  not  forgotten  for 
ornamental  or  gastronomical  purposes  ;  hawks  and  falcons 
might  be  seen,  together  with  every  variety  of  canine  for 
domestic  use  or  the  chase.  The  utmost  care  was  given  to 
the  preservation  of  game  and  of  the  woods.  Not  even  the 
culture  of  fish  and  bees  was  neglected.  Very  careful  book- 
keeping of  the  yield,  consumption,  and  disposal  of  every- 
thing, together  with  the  stock  on  hand,  was  maintained,  and 
the  tenth  of  the  yield  religiously  given  to  the  Church. 

The  choicest  of  everything  went  to  the  royal  table  and 
the  tables  of  the  Court ;  a  large  share  was  prepared  and  set 
aside  for  unforeseen  emergencies ;  whatever  was  in  excess 
of  present  or  future  use  was  duly  catalogued,  sold  in  the 
market,  and  accounted  for  at  Christmas. 

Attached  to  the  royal  villa,  in  the  centre  of  which  stood 
the  palace  or  manse,  were  numerous  dependent  and  humbler 
dwellings,  occupied  by  mechanics,  artisans,  and  tradesmen, 
or  rather  manufacturers  and  craftsmen,  in  great  numbers. 
The  dairy,  the  bakery,  the  butchery,  the  brewery,  the  flour- 
mill  were  there. 

Almost  everything  was  "  home-made  ;  "  the  "  semmel," 
loaf,  sausages,  cheese,  beer,  mead,  wine,  in  fact  everything 
belonging  to  the  kitchen  and  the  table  came  from  the  villa. 
But  whatever  pertained  to  the  household  in  a  much  wider 
sense  was  made  on  the  villa.  The  finest  of  wool  and  flax 
was  spun  by  the  women,  while  others  of  their  sex  wove  the 
thread  into  linen  and  cloth.  Dyers  were  at  hand  to  dye  the 
fabrics  ;  tailors,  tailoresses  and  seamstresses  made  them  up 
into  garments.  Furriers,  tanners,  saddlers,  and  shoemakers 
plied  their  trades  with  material  raised  on  the  villa ;  there 
were  also  carpenters,  joiners,  cabinet-makers,  masons,  smiths 
26 


402  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

of  high  and  low  degree,  from  the  blacksmith  to  the  gold- 
smith, together  with  armorers  and  turners — and  on  some  of 
the  villas  even  mints  were  kept  busy. 

It  was  the  judge's  duty  to  see  that  all  these  multifarious 
trades  and  pursuits  should  be  plied  and  followed  by  those 
skilled  in  them. 

The  villa  was  a  city  in  embryo,  and  in  due  course  grew 
into  one,  for  as  it  supplied  in  many  respects  the  wants  of 
the  surrounding  country,  so  it  attracted  population  and 
became  a  centre  of  commerce. 

This  cursory  sketch  may  be  illustrated  by  a  paragraph 
from  the  capitulary  cited,  setting  forth  the  royal  directions, 
with  respect  to  the  "judge." 

It  ordains  that  "  each  judge  shall  make  an  annual  state- 
ment of  all  the  work  done  by  our  ploughmen  with  oxen  ; 
of  the  number  of  mansi  under  cultivation  ;  of  the  revenue 
from  the  fields  and  rents  ;  of  payment  from  credits  and  fines 
for  breaches  of  the  peace  ;  of  the  number  of  animals  in  our 
forests  caught  without  our  leave ;  of  receipts  from  legal 
fines,  mills,  forests,  fields,  bridges,  and  vessels ;  from  free- 
men and  hundreders  attending  to  our  fiscal  business ;  from 
markets,  vineyards,  and  vendors  of  wine ;  from  hay,  wood, 
and  torches  ;  returns  of  the  stock  of  axes  and  other  mate- 
rial ;  of  peat  ;  of  the  yield,  consumption,  and  stock  of  millet 
and  fennel-millet  ;  of  wool  ;  of  flax,  linen,  and  canvas  ;  of 
orchard-fruit,  large  and  small  nuts,  grafted  fruit  ;  of  turnips  ; 
of  fish-ponds  ;  of  hides,  skins  and  horns  ;  of  honey  and  wax  ; 
of  fat,  tallow,  and  soap  ;  of  mulberry  wine,  cooked  wine, 
mead,  vinegar,  beer,  new  and  old  wine  ;  of  new  and  old 
crops  ;  of  chickens,  eggs,  and  cheese ;  returns  from  fisher- 
men, armorers,  smiths,  and  shoemakers  ;  of  bake-houses, 
safes,  and  closets ;  from  saddlers,  turners,  and  blacksmiths  ; 
of  iron  and  lead-mines ;  of  royalties  ;  of  fillies  and  other 
young  animals — such  statement  to  be  presented  to  us  sepa- 
rately, distinctly,  and  in  proper  order,  at  Christmas,  that  we 
may  know  how  much  we  are  worth,  and  the  exact  quantity 
of  these  several  things."  x 

1  Capit  de  Villis,  ed.   Boret.,  /.  c,  I.,  SS,  sq. 


Chapter  II.]  ADMINISTRATION.  403 

The  foregoing  blank,  or  form,  of  the  judge's  report  con- 
veys  an  animated  though  not  exhaustive  view  of  the  royal 
villas.  The  law,  of  which  it  forms  part,  consists  of  seventy 
sections,  or  capitula,  specifying  in  addition  to  the  items 
named,  that  the  villas  were  used  as  prisons  or  places  for  the 
safe-keeping  of  hostages,  and  stations  for  the  manufacture 
and  storage  of  material  of  war.  Great  attention  was  paid 
to  forestry,  not  only  with  respect  to  the  felling  of  trees  for 
fuel  and  other  purposes,  but  the  culture  of  new  plantations, 
the  supervision  of  game,  and  especially  the  destruction  of 
wolves,  whose  skins  were  sent  to  headquarters,  while  the 
foresters  were  required  to  devote  the  month  of  May  to  the 
extermination  of  young  wolves. 

Christmas  was  the  set  time  for  the  reports  from  all  the 
villas,  and  Lent  the  season  for  the  transmission  of  the  sur- 
plus in  money.  Charles,  doubtless  with  the  assistance  of  a 
corps  of  expert  accountants,  found  time  for  the  personal 
examination  of  the  reports,  and  provided  for  the  systematic 
visitation  of  the  villas  by  comptrollers  charged  with  the 
duty  of  inventorying  any  and  everything  belonging  to  them, 
and  in  due  time  forwarding  their  reports  to  him. 

Examples  of  such  reports  have  escaped  the  gnawing  tooth 
of  time,  and  one  relating  to  the  status  of  the  fiscal  villa  of 
Asnapium,  supposed  to  be  identical  with  Gennapium,  near 
Cleves,  unfolds  the  nature  of  the  investigation.  The  com- 
missioners went  over  the  whole  territorial  extent  of  the 
establishment,  which  appears  to  have  belonged  to  the  prim- 
itive order  in  vogue  in  Merovingian  times.  They  traversed 
the  fields  and  woods,  entered  every  dwelling,  hut,  barn,  and 
stable,  visited  every  room  from  the  garret  to  the  cellar, 
opened  every  cupboard,  closet,  and  drawer,  inventorying 
not  only  all  they  found,  but  certain  things  or  persons,  called 
for  in  their  blanks,  they  did  not  find. 

A  few  paragraphs  from  that  instructive  and  entertaining 
return,  presented  without  further  comment,  show  how  the 
royal  instructions  were  carried  out. 

"  In  the  domanial  fiscus  of  Asnapium  we  found  :  a  royal 
hall,    built    of   stone    in    the  best   manner;  3    rooms;    the 


404  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

house  entirely  surrounded  by  balconies  ;  1 1  female  apart- 
ments. 

"  Below :   i  cellar,  2  porticoes. 

"  Other  houses  below  the  yard  :  17  frame  dwellings,  with 
as  many  chambers  and  other  attachments,  all  well  con- 
structed ;   i  stable  ;   I  kitchen  ;   I  mill  ;  2  granaries  ;  3  barns. 

"  [We  found]  the  yard  well  protected  by  a  fence  with  a 
stone  gate,  and  above,  a  balcony  for  offices  ;  the  inner  yard 
likewise  set  off  by  a  fence,  laid  out  in  the  usual  manner, 
and  planted  with  a  variety  of  trees. 

"  Vestments  :   1  bed,  ready  ;   I  table-cloth  ;   I  towel. 

"  Utensils :  2  ore  dishes  ;  2  drinking  cups  ;  2  ore  caul- 
drons ;  1  iron  cauldron ;  1  brewing  pan  .  .  ;  1  pair  of 
andirons ;  I  lamp  ;  2  hatchets ;  1  stone-chisel ;  2  braces ;  I 
axe  ;  1  fire  basket ;  1  large  plane  ;  1  small  plane  ;  2  scythes  ; 
2  sickles  ;  2  spades. — Wooden  vessels  for  household  use  in 
sufficient  quantity. 

"  [We  found]  of  farm  produce  :  Old  spelt,  last  year's  crop, 
90  baskets,  equal  to  a  yield  of  450  pensas  of  flour  ;  100 
modii  of  corn. 

"This  year's  spelt:  yield,  HO  baskets;  planted,  60 
baskets  ;  the  remainder  found. 

"  Wheat :  yield,  100  modii ;  planted,  60  modii ;  the  re- 
mainder found. 

"  Rye :  yield,  98  modii  ;  planted  as  many. 

"Barley:  yield,  1800  modii;  planted,  1500;  the  re- 
mainder found. 

"  Oats,  430  modii ;  beans,  1  modius  ;  peas,  12  modii. 

"  [We  found]  5  mills  ;  800  modii,  small  measure  ;  given  to 
the  prebendaries,  240;  the  remainder  found; — 2  bridges. 

"Salt:  60  modii,  and  2  solidos  [I.e.,  valued  at  so  much]. 

"  Gardens,  4  ;    11  solidos  ;  honey,  3  modii. 

"  Census  :  Butter,  1  modius  ;  lard,  —  last  year's  bacon  10 
[sides?],  new  bacon,  200,  together  with  sausages  and  ren- 
dered lard  ;  this  year's  cheese,  43  pensas. 

"  Stock:  Old  draught  cattle,  51  head  ;  of  the  third  year, 
5  ;  of  the  second  year,  7 ;  of  this  year,  7 ;  fillies  of  the  sec- 
ond year,  10  ;  of  this  year,  8  ;  stallions,  3  ;  oxen,  16  ;  asses,  2  ; 


Chapter  II.]  ADMINISTRATION.  405 

cows  with  calf,  50;  young  bullocks,  20;  yearling  calves,  38; 
bulls,  3  ;  pigs  :  old,  260  ;  young,  100  ;  boar-pigs,  5  ;  sheep  with 
lamb,  150;  yearling  lambs,  200;  rams,  120;  goats  with  kid, 
30;  yearling  kids,  30 ;  bucks,  3.  Geese,  30;  chickens,  80; 
peacocks,  22." 

The  inventory  of  one  of  the  dependencies  states : 

"  We  found  all  the  dry  and  liquid  measures  even  as  in 
the  palace. 

"  Of  handicraft-men  we  found  neither  goldsmiths,  nor 
silversmiths,  nor  blacksmiths  ;  nor  were  there  any  huntsmen 
and  other  attendants. 

"  We  found  of  garden  produce  :  lilies,  cost-wort,  mint, 
parsley,  rue,  celery,  small  beans,  sage,  hyssop,  savina,  leek, 
garlick,  wormwort,  heart's-ease,  coriander,  shallots,  onions, 
cabbage,  cauliflower,  betonica  officinalis. 

"  Trees :  pear,  apple,  mispil,  peach,  walnut,  filbert,  mul- 
berry, and  cotton-mulberry." ' 

Commerce,  in  the  Caroline  age,  moved  in  narrow  chan- 
nels. Anglo-Saxons,  Frisians,  and  Sclavonians  are  often 
named  in  connection  with  the  foreign  trade  of  Central 
Europe. 

Boulogne,  Ghent,  Malines,  Paris,  Poitiers,  Quentowic  on 
the  Canche,  Duurstede,  and  Sluis  were  commercial  centres, 
and  sea-ports,  in  Central  Europe  ;  Venice  maintained  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  the  Levant,  and  Ancona,  together 
with  Porto  Venere,  in  the  Genoese  territory,  had  a  sea-trade. 

The  fair  of  St.  Denis  (Paris)  was  much  frequented  in 
Merovingian  times ;  on  the  Rhine,  Worms  and  Mayence, 
were  the  oldest  and  most  important  commercial  cities. 

Frisians,  the  progenitors  of  the  Dutch,  were  famous 
traders  and  wont,  on  the  Rhine,  to  exchange  cloth,  gar- 
ments, and  pottery  for  wine,  cereals,  and  wood. 

The  Sclavonians  also  excelled  in  trade ;  an  old  commer- 
cial road  connected  Thuringia  with  Mayence  ;  it  ran  through 
the  great  Buchonian  forest,  and  was  much  frequented  by 
Sclavonians. 

1  "  Brevium  exempla,  etc.,"  Bore-  Fiscor.  Regal.  describ.  Form.," 
tius,  /.  c.  p.  254,  sq. — "  Beneficiorum      Pertz.,  /.  c.  p.  178  sqq. 


406  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Abbot  Sturmi,  wandering  through  that  forest,  in  search 
of  a  suitable  locality  for  the  establishment  of  a  monastery, 
came  to  the  valley  of  the  Fulda,  and  finding  great  numbers 
of  Sclavonians  bathing  in  the  river,  near  the  spot  where  the 
said  commercial  road  crossed  it,  made  choice  of  that  place 
as  best  suited  to  his  purpose. 

In  later  time=  a  chain  of  commercial  points,  running  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Elbe  to  the  confluence  of  the  Enns  with 
the  Danube,  was  established  for  the  regulation  of  the 
frontier-trade  with  foreign  nations.  Such  establishments, 
under  government  supervision,  existed  at  Bardowick,  Schles- 
sel,  Magdeburg,  Erfurt,  Hallstadt,  Forchheim,  Ratisbon, 
and  Lorch,  and  foreign  traders  were  not  permitted  to  carry 
their  commodities  beyond  them.1 

The  old  standard  of  the  coinage  extant  at  the  accession 
of  Charles  was  the  Roman  pound  of  325  grams,  divided  into 
240  denarii  of  1.35  grams.  The  gold  solidus  of  the  Gauls, 
Franks,  Anglians,  etc.,  of  40  denarii  had  an  approximate 
value  of  about  $3.50.  Charles  introduced  a  heavier  stand- 
ard, based  on  a  pound  of  about  367  grams,  which  for  centu- 
ries later  was  known  as  "  Karles  lot,"  ox  pondus  Caroli,  that 
is,  Charles's  weight. 

Much  of  the  silver,  used  for  coinage,  came  from  Poitou, 
and  the  locality  which  from  that  circumstance  received  the 
name  of  "  Metallum,"  the  modern  Melle,  was  surrounded 
with  the  halo  of  secrecy ;  at  any  rate  the  approaches  to  the 
mines  were  religiously  concealed. 

Counterfeiting  prevailed  to  a  large  extent  and  led  to 
special  legislation,  restricting  the  issue  of  coin  to  mints 
established  in  the  imperial  palaces,  and  certain  villas.' 


1  Vita  Sturmii,  c.   7  ;  Einh.   Trans-      II.,  9  ;— Miihlbacher,  /.  c,  p.  167,  no. 
latio     SS.     Marcell.   et     Petri,    IV.,      406.     See  p.  389. 
39    (Jaffe)  ;    Mirac.     S.,    Goar,     cc,  2  Beverin.   Be  Pond,  et  Mens.,    p. 

20,    27,    28  ;  Ermold.   Nigell.    1.    V,      51;  Soetbeer,  Forschnngenz.  deutschen 
107,  sqq.;  Monach.   Sangall.  I.,    34;      Geschichte,     IV.,    293,    sqq.— See   p. 

39°- 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE     NEW     ERA. 

"Pacific"?  policy— The  Empress  Irene.— War  with  Benevento.— War  with 
the  Saracens.— Siege  of  Barcelona.— Capture  of  Zeid—  Surrender  of  the 
city.— Intercourse  with  Harun  al  Raschid.— The  elephant  Abul- Abbas.— 
Fortunatus.— Venetian  affairs— Discovery  of  the  blood  of  Christ.— Leo 
visits  Charles.— Death  of  Alcuin  —  Christmas  celebration  cum  gaudio  at 
Thionville. — Partition  of  the  empire. 

THE  familiar  announcement  that  "  the  empire  is  peace  " 
was  a  coincidence  or  an  adaptation,  and  as  true  as  the  epi- 
thet "  pacific  "  imbedded  in  the  title  of  the  new  Emperor 
of  the  West.  At  the  time  of  its  bestowal  it  was  glaringly 
inapt,  for  he  had  in  hand  the  wars  in  Benevento  and  Spain, 
and  his  mind  was  bent  on  war  with  the  Saxons  and  Scla- 
vonians  until  he  could  have  peace  on  his  own  terms.  Per- 
haps it  was  intended  as  a  manifesto  to  the  Byzantine  Court, 
which  would  not  view  the  Coronation  in  the  same  light  in 
which  it  was  regarded  at  Rome  and  throughout  the  Frank- 
ish  dominion.  There  his  motives  were  certainly  suspected  ; 
it  was  even  rumored  at  Constantinople  that  he  had  hostile 
designs  upon  Sicily,  and  the  flight  of  the  spatharius  Leo, 
a  Sicilian,  to  the  emperor,  seemed  to  give  color  to  the  sus- 
picion.1 The  biographer  of  Charles  intimates  as  much  when 
he  writes  that  "  the  Greeks  suspected  him  of  designing  to 
wrest  the  empire  from  them,  because  of  his  assumption  of 
the  title  of  emperor.  ...  In  fact,  the  power  of  the 
Franks  was  always  viewed  by  the  Greeks  and  Romans  with 
a  jealous  eye,  whence  the  Greek  proverb,  '  Have  the  Frank 
for  your  friend,  but  not  for  your  neighbor.'  "  2 

The  Empress  Irene,  whose  name  was  peace,  took  the  ini- 

1  Theophan.  Chronogr.  (ed.  Bonn),  2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  16. 

p.  736  sq. ;  Annal.  Einh.  a.  8iT. 


408  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

tiative  in  the  direction  of  amity,  and  despatched  an  ambas- 
sador to  Charles  in  the  person  of  another  spatharius?  also 
called  Leo,  while  the  emperor  returned  the  attention  by  an 
embassy  of  his  own  composed  of  Jesse,  Bishop  of  Amiens, 
and  count  Helmgaud,  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  nego- 
tiations looking  to  the  conclusion  of  a  definite  treaty  of 
peace.2  They  were  accompanied,  if  the  Greek  historians 
state  correctly,  by  papal  legates,  and  instructed  to  propose 
to  the  Empress  of  the  East  a  matrimonial  union  with  the 
new  Emperor  of  the  West.  The  statement,  though  unsup- 
ported by  the  Frankish  records,  is  not  incredible.  The 
grandiose  scheme  was  favorably  entertained  by  the  lady, 
but  sternly  and  violently  opposed  by  the  patrician  Aetius, 
who  made  it  the  pretext  for  the  execution  of  a  long-cher- 
ished and  deeply-laid  plot  looking  to  the  dethronement  of 
Irene  and  the  elevation  of  Nicephorus,  his  brother.  The 
palace  revolution  was  entirely  successful,  terminated  in  the 
fall  of  Irene,  and  entailed  of  course  the  utter  failure  of  the 
projected  matrimonial  alliance.  The  conspirators  arrested 
and  deposed  Irene,  proclaimed  Nicephorus  emperor  during 
the  night,  and  crowned  him  in  the  morning.  She  bore  her 
misfortune  with  dignity,  and  the  ambassadors  of  Charles 
saw  her  on  her  way  to  the  exile  chosen  for  her  in  the  mon- 
astery on  Prince's  Island,  which  she  herself  had  founded. 
This  happened  October  31st,  802. 

Nicephorus,  a  man  of  low  origin,  and  distinguished  only 
by  his  vices,  dreading  a  popular  movement  in  favor  of  his 
benefactress,  who,  in  spite  of  the  crimes  by  which  she  had 
procured  the  purple,  was  a  good  sovereign,  much  beloved 
by  the  clergy  and  people,  took  advantage  of  a  fierce  Novem- 
ber gale,  sent  her  to  the  island  of  Lesbos,  and  placed  her  in 
close  confinement.  No  person  was  permitted  to  see  her, 
and  it  is  said  that  the  ingrate  emperor  withheld  from  her 
even  the  necessaries  of  life  and  compelled  her  to  spin  for  a 

1  The  coincidence  is  peculiar,   but  scaramangium,  a  sword,  and  a  chain. 

established ;  see  Miihlbacher,  /.  c,  p.  — Zanetti.  apud    Pertz,  MG.    SS.,   14 

140.      Spatharius   is   a   term    almost  n.  49. 

equivalent  to   "knight."       The   spa-  2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  802. 
t/iaiii   wore    a   peculiar    dress   called 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW  ERA.  409 

living.  She  fell  sick,  died  August  9th,  803,  and  was  buried 
on  Prince's  Island.  Her  unfortunate  son  survived  her,  but 
died  in  the  same  obscurity  and  distress.1 

The  Frankish  ambassadors  left  Constantinople,  and, 
accompanied  by  those  of  Nicephorus,  in  due  time  were 
received  by  Charles  at  Salz.  The  mission  of  the  Byzantines 
v/as  pacific,  and  negotiations  looking  to  a  treaty  of  peace 
and  amity  were  opened.  A  preliminary  treaty  was  drawn 
up  and  given  to  them  ;  it  seems  also  that  they  were  directed 
to  return  by  way  of  Rome,  where  they  doubtless  conferred, 
at  the  instance  of  Charles,  with  the  pope,  who  invariably 
appears  in  negotiations  with  the  Byzantine  Court.  They 
also  carried  an  epistle  of  Charles  to  Nicephorus,  in  which, 
as  is  inferred  from  one  of  later  date,2  he  specified  the 
terms  essential  to  his  acceptance  of  a  formal  and  definite 
treaty  of  peace,  among  which  his  recognition  as  Emperor 
of  the  West  was  doubtless  the  conditio  sine  qua  non. 
Nicephorus,  however,  was  not  in  a  hurry  to  commit  him- 
self on  that  point,  and  years  elapsed  before  the  proposed 
peace  became  reality.3 

The  Beneventan  war,  which  was  resumed  immediately 
after  the  coronation,  lasted  throughout  the  summer,  but 
did  not  result  in  much.  We  only  read  of  the  customary 
devastation  of  the  country,  the  capture  and  burning  of  Chi- 
eti,  and  the  taking  of  Roselmus,  its  governor,  as  prisoner 
of  war.  Pepin  sent  him  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  where  he  arrived 
on  the  same  day  with  Zeid,  the  captive  governor  of  Barce- 
lona, and  like  him  was  sent  into  exile.4  Pepin  returned  to 
Benevento  the  next  year,  and  scored  new  successes  in  the 
subjugation  of  Ortona  and  Luceria  (not  Nocera) ;  to  the  lat- 
ter place,  which  had  successfully  resisted  several   previous 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim.,  Guelph. —  2  Epistol.  Carol.,  /.  c,  29. 

Theophan.    Chronogr.    ap.    Bouquet,  3  See  on  the  whole  subject  the  au- 

V.,  188;  Andr.   Dandul.    Chron.   ap.  thorities  adduced  by  Muhlbacher,  /.  c, 

Murat.   Rer.  It.   SS.   XII.,  150  D. —  p.   160,  and  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  p.  289 

Cf.    Harnak,  Das  Karol.   u.  Byzant.  sqq. 

Reich,  etc.,  43  ;  Dollinger,  in  Miinch-  *  Annal.   Einh.,  a.    801,    Erchemp. 

ner  Jahrb.    f.    1865,  p.  355,  380,  no.  Hist.  Langob.  c.  6.     See  p.  413. 
33- 


410  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

sieges  and  was  very  strong,  he  gave  a  Frankish  garrison, 
commanded  by  Winigisus,  duke  of  Spoleto,  and  left.  Soon 
after  he  had  gone  the  duke  succumbed  to  sickness,  induced 
probably  by  the  unhealthy  climate,1  and  the  matter  becom- 
ing known  to  Grimoald,  the  latter  appeared  in  force,  recon- 
quered the  city  and  took  Winigisus  and  the  whole  garrison 
prisoners  of  war.  He  held  him  for  an  entire  year  in  honor- 
able captivity  and  then  set  him  free.2  Beyond  these  mea- 
gre data  nothing  is  known  of  the  condition  of  Benevento 
during  the  next  few  years,  except  that  it  continued  in  a  state 
of  chronic  resistance  to  the  Franks,  and  experienced  the 
periodical  visitations  of  Pepin.3 

Meanwhile  his  brother  Louis  had  not  been  inactive,  and 
pushed  the  progress  of  Frankish  enterprise  in  Spain.  Zeid, 
the  wali  of  Barcelona,  it  will  be  remembered,4  submitted 
himself  and  his  city  to  Charles  as  far  back  as  797.  Louis, 
however,  found  that  Zeid  could  not  be  depended  on,  for  on 
his  coming  to  the  vicinity  of  Barcelona,  the  wali  hastened 
forth  to  greet  him,  but  did  not  surrender  the  city.  Since 
then  Frankish  troops,  for  the  space  of  two  years,  maintained 
a  desultory  siege  of  the  place,  which,  according  to  the  panegy- 
rist of  Louis,  was  always  inimical  to  the  Franks,  the  rendez- 
vous and  hiding-place  of  enemies,  wont  to  sally  forth  from 
thence  on  destructive  and  tantalizing  raids  into  the  Frank- 
ish territory. 

The  Franks  retaliated  by  similar  visitations,  generally 
about  harvest-time,  when  they  reaped  the  crops  the  Moors 
had  planted,  and  removed  them  to  their  own  country. 

But  as  Barcelona  succeeded  in  drawing  supplies  by  the 
sea,  an  investment  in  good  earnest,  and  not  by  fits  and 
starts,  was  now  undertaken. 

A  strong  army,  divided  into  three  corps,  was  despatched 
for  that  purpose.  The  corps,  under  command  of  the  king, 
remained  at  Roussilon,  north  of  the  Pyrenees ;  the  second 
corps,   commanded  by   Rostagnus,  Count   of   Gerona,   had 

1  Cf.  Alcuini  ep.  165.  3  See  p.  309. 

2  Anna!.    Einh.,    Maxim,    a.     802;  4  See  p.  295. 
Erchemp.  /.  c.  c.  5. 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW  ERA.  41 1 

orders  to  invest  the  city,  while  the  third,  commanded  by 
William,  Duke  of  Toulouse,  and  Hademar,  was  directed,  as 
an  army  of  observation,  and  support  of  the  second  army,  to 
take  up  a  position  west  of  the  beleaguered  city. 

Barcelona  invoked  the  aid  of  the  emir  of  Cordova.  He 
sent  an  army  of  relief  which  proceeded  to  Caesar-Augusta, 
i.  e.,  Saragossa,  but,  finding  the  corps  of  Rostagnus  in  the 
way,  turned  in  the  direction  of  Asturia,  surprised  and  de- 
feated the  Christians,  but  was  in  turn  defeated  with  greater 
loss.  Rostagnus  then  marched  upon  Barcelona  and  effected 
a  junction  with  the  investing  force. 

The  siege  lasted  seven  months,  and,  by  a  fortunate  cir- 
cumstance, the  wali  Zeid  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Franks. 

It  happened,  according  to  the  poet,  as  follows :  Zeid,  in 
the  extremity  of  the  distress  occasioned  by  famine  and 
disease,  essayed  the  desperate  expedient  of  repairing  in  per- 
son to  Cordova,  in  order  to  obtain  the  necessary  succors. 
Having  espied  from  the  ramparts  a  point  in  the  enemy's 
line  less  protected  than  the  rest,  at  which  he  believed  him- 
self able  to  make  his  escape  into  the  open  country  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  Franks,  he  announced  his  purpose, 
charging  his  friends  to  hold  out  until  his  return,  and  even, 
in  the  event  of  his  capture,  refuse  to  capitulate. 

He  chose  a  very  dark  night  for  the  execution  of  his  pur- 
pose ;  silently  a  sally-port  was  opened,  and  Zeid,  mounted 
on  his  swiftest  horse,  rode  at  its  softest  tread  into  the 
Frankish  lines.  He  had  almost  cleared  the  camp  unob- 
served, when  the  horse  unfortunately  neighed  ;  the  tell-tale 
sound  was  heard  and  the  enemy  in  great  numbers  flew  to 
the  point  whence  it  proceeded.  Zeid  would  fain  have  made 
good  his  escape,  but  failed  ;  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  led 
to  the  royal  (?)  tent.  Great  was  the  excitement  in  the 
Frankish  camp  when  in  the  morning  the  quality  of  the 
prisoner  became  known. 

The  king,  whom  the  poet  places  in  command,  sought  to 
turn  the  capture  to  good  account,  ordered  William  of  Tou- 
louse to  take  Zeid  close  to  the  walls,  and  compel  him  to 
demand  the  surrender  of  the  city.     The  duke  accordingly 


412  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

conducted  him,  the  one  hand  in  gyves,  but  the  other  free, 
to  a  spot  adapted  to  a  parley. 

"  Open  the  gates,  friends  !  "  shouted  Zeid  to  the  soldiers 
on  the  rampart,  "  surrender  the  city ;  it  has  held  out  long 
enough." 

The  soldiers  heard  his  words,  but  observed  that  he  con- 
tradicted the  command  by  a  sign  with  his  free  hand,  consist- 
ing in  a  nervous  movement  of  the  fingers  by  which  he  closed 
the  opened  hand.  The  sign,  though  quickly  and  adroitly 
made,  did  not  escape  the  eagle  eye  of  William ;  he  flew  into 
a  rage  at  the  ruse  and  struck  Zeid  with  his  fist,  saying,  that 
but  for  his  duty  to  the  king,  he  would  take  his  life. 

The  besieged  took  the  manual  direction,  and  maintained 
the  defence,  while  the  Franks,  with  redoubled  energy,  made 
the  most  desperate  efforts  for  taking  the  city  by  storm.  All 
their  engines  were  set  in  motion  and  they  breached  the 
walls.  But  the  Saracens  still  held  out,  until  according  to 
the  poetic  biographer  of  Louis,  a  miracle  took  place. 

Among  the  volleys  of  arrows,  which  flew  into  the  city, 
they  noticed  one  which  rose  higher  than  all  the  rest,  and  in 
its  downward  course  entered  and  disappeared  in  a  block  of 
marble.  That  arrow  came  from  a  bow  of  prodigious  strength 
and  was  sped  on  its  way  by  no  less  a  person  than  the  king 
(who  was,  however,  far  away  at  Roussilon).  The  Saracens 
beheld  their  doom  in  that  arrow  and  capitulated  on  honor- 
able terms,  etc.,  etc.1 

But  to  return  to  history.  The  wali  became  a  prisoner  of 
war  and  famine  broke  out  in  the  city  ;  it  is  said  that  the 
poor  people  ate  old  leather  curtains,2  and  cast  themselves 
headlong  from  the  ramparts ;  the  surrender  of  the  city 
could  not  be  long  delayed  ;  the  king  was  sent  for  that  the 
glory  of  the  capitulation  might  belong  to  him  ; 3  and  so  the 
city  surrendered  on  honorable  terms,  the  garrison  was  ac- 
corded the  privilege  of  free  retreat,  but  many  of  the  citizens 
became  prisoners  of  war.     It  is  added,  that  at  the  time  of 

1  Ermold.  Nigell.  1.  I.,  in  sqq.  3  Chron.  Moiss.  a.  803. 

2  I  read  "  ostiis  detrahere  coria  ;  "  cf. 
Vita  Caroli,  c.  33. 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW   ERA.  4*3 

the  surrender  a  temporary  garrison  was  placed  into  the  city, 
and  that  on  the  next  day  Louis  made  his  solemn  entry  with 
military  and  religious  pomp  ;  he  proceeded  amid  hymns  of 
praise  to  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Cross '  where  a  solemn  act 
of  thanksgiving  was  celebrated.  The  city  was  permanently 
garrisoned  by  a  body  of  Gothic  troops  under  Count  Bera, 
and  Louis  returned  in  peace  and  triumph  into  Aquitaine. 
A  special  messenger  hastened  to  inform  Charles  of  the  fall 
of  Barcelona ;  Louis  also  sent  to  him  a  share  of  the  spoil  as 
well  as  the  wali  Zeid  in  chains.  His  fate  is  known  to  the 
reader.2  The  emperor,  at  the  first  intelligence  of  impending 
peril  in  Spain,  directed  his  son  King  Charles  to  proceed  with 
an  auxiliary  force  to  the  seat  of  war ;  he  had  advanced  as 
far  as  Lyons,  when  a  messenger  from  his  brother  brought 
the  news  of  the  fall  of  Barcelona  and  that  consequently  the 
succors  were  not  required  ;  so  he  retraced  his  steps  and 
returned  to  his  father.3 

Apart  from  the  military  events  of  this  period  certain 
matters  relating  to  foreign  politics  remain  to  be  narrated. 
First  among  these  in  point  of  time,  and  in  logical  connec- 
tion with  the  Moslems  of  Spain,  was  the  arrival  of  an  em- 
bassy from  the  khalif  Harun  al  Raschid,  of  whom  Einhard 
writes  that  such  were  the  relations  of  Charles  to  him,  that 
"  that  prince  preferred  his  favor  to  that  of  all  the  kings  and 
potentates  of  the  earth  and  considered  that  to  him  alone 
marks  of  honor  and  munificence  were  due.  .  .  ."  Further 
on  he  states  that  "  Charles  had  asked  for  an  elephant,  and 
he  sent  the  only  one  that  he  had."4  If  the  reader  asks, 
"  whence  this  strong  bond  of  amity  between  the  Defender 
of  the  Cross,  and  the  Head  of  Islam?"  the  simple  answer  is, 

1  See  on  the  probability  of  the  exist-  Annal.  S.  Amandi  a.   801.     Lembke, 

ence  of  that  church  after  ninety  years'  Gesch.  v.  Spanien,  I.,  377,  n.  3.  Funck, 

occupation  of  Barcelona  by  the  Sara-  Ludwig  d.    Fromme,    288    sq. ;    308, 

cens,  the  authorities  pro  and  contra  in  312. 

Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  p.  267,  n.  1.  4  Vita  Caroli,  c.  16.     It  is  singular 

-  See  p.  409.  that  the  Arab   authorities  contain  no 

1  Annal.   Einh.    Maxim.  ;  cf.    Bou-  reference  to  intercourse    between  the 

quet,  V.,  386. — For  full  accounts  see  khalif  and  Charles.     See  Weil,  Gesch. 

Vita  Hlud.  c.  13  ;  Ermold  Nig.  /.  c,  d.  Khali/en,  II.,  162,  no.  2. 


4H  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

"  Cordova."  On  this  point  these  two  great  men  were  cer- 
tainly united,  although  the  fact  should  not  be  forgotten  that 
Charles  was  as  ready  to  fight  the  emir  of  Cordova,  as  those 
who  revolted  from  his  rule. 

The  embassy  was  purely  one  of  amity,  and  informed  him 
that  the  Jew  Isaac,  whom  he  had  sent  with  two  ambassa- 
dors to  Harun,  was  on  the  home  journey  and  the  bearer  of 
great  presents,  especially  an  elephant,  but  that  his  ambassa- 
dors had  died.1  Isaac  was  still  in  Africa,2  awaiting  a  vessel 
suitable  to  the  transportation  of  his  charge,  and  the  imperial 
chancellor  Ercanbald  received  orders  to  proceed  to  Liguria, 
prepare,  and  despatch  a  ship  to  Africa  for  the  conveyance 
of  the  presents.  In  due  course  Isaac  arrived  in  Porto 
Oct.,  801]  Venere,  but  finding  that  snow  rendered  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Alps  impracticable,  spent  the  winter  at  Vercelli, 
and  reached  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  July  of  the  next  year. 

This  was  the  first  elephant  ever  seen  in  Francia,  and  its 
coming  created  universal  excitement,  and  intense  curiosity. 
It  bore  the  name  of  Abul-Abbas,  which  is  that  of  the 
ancestral  head  of  the  Abbassides.3  The  elephant  did  not 
take  kindly  to  Germany,  and  died  in  810. 

Charles  acknowledged  the  courtesy  by  a  personal  embassy 
to  Harun,  headed  by  Radbertus,  who  returned,  as  was  then 
usual,  after  the  lapse  of  about  four  years.4 

Pending  negotiations  for  peace  with  the  Byzantines,  some 
matters  came  up  of  an  opposite  tendency. 

Soon  after  the  Greek  ambassadors  had  left,  Fortunatus, 
Patriarch  of  Grado,  commended  himself  to  Charles  with  the 
usual  presents,  and  sought  his  protection.  He  came  as 
a  fugitive  from  the  indignation  of  the  doges,  in  conse- 
quence of  their  discovery  of  his  participation  in  a  plot 
against  them.  Being  personally  and  favorably  known  to 
Charles,  for  some  service  in  the  past,  he  accomplished  the 
objects  of  his  visit  and  was  confirmed  by  the  emperor  in 
the  metropolitical  jurisdiction  of  his  see  over  all  its  posses- 

1  Annal.  Einh.  801.  3  Annal.  Einh.,  Lauresh.,  Lauriss., 

2  See  Simson,  /.  c.  II.,  255  sqq.  Chron.  Moiss. 

4  Annal.  Einh.,  a.  Soi,  806,  807. 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW    ERA.  415 

sions  in  Istria,  Romagna,  and  Lombardy.  The  details  need 
not  detain  us,1  but  his  visit  is  doubtless  connected  with  the 
history  of  Venetia,  and  indicates  the  source  of  the  emperor's 
information  as  to  the  strong  leaning  of  the  doges  to  the 
Byzantines.2 

The  affairs  of  Venice  were  hopelessly  distracting ;  there 
was  great  rivalry  ;  and  about  this  time  the  tribune  Obelie- 
805]  rius,  together  with  his  brother  Beatus,  controlled  the 
government.  Impatient  of  Byzantine  supremacy,  they  sud- 
denly evinced  or  affected  great  devotion  to  Charles,  and 
jointly  with  Paulus,  Duke  of  Dalmatia,  and  Donatus,  Bishop 
of  Zara,  waited  upon  him  at  Thionville,  laid  their  offerings 
at  his  feet,  and  formally  gave  in  their  submission  to  his 
authority. 

Charles  received  it,  and  forthwith  took  order  for  the  regu- 
lation of  the  political  status  of  his  new  vassals,  and  the 
people  of  Venetia  and  Dalmatia.3 

His  action  caused  great  dissatisfaction  at  Constantinople, 
and  indefinitely  postponed  negotiations  for  peace. 

A  most  curious  circumstance  became  the  occasion  of  a 
pontifical  visit  to  Charles.  In  the  summer  of  804  the 
emperor  was  informed  that  some  of  the  blood  of  Christ  had 
been  discovered  in  the  city  of  Mantua.  The  announcement 
appeared  to  him  so  surprising  and  important  that  he  wrote 
to  Leo  about  it,  requesting  him  to  investigate  the  matter, 
and  ascertain  if  the  miracles  reported  to  have  been  wrought 
by  it  were  true. 

The  pope,  it  seems,  thought  it  best  to  repair  in  person  to 
Mantua,  and  made  the  inquiry  the  pretext  of  a  journey  to 
Charles.  The  phraseology  of  the  record  is  suggestive ; 
snatching  at  the  opportunity  of  leaving  the  city,  he  went 
first,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  necessary 
inquiry,  to  Lombardy,  and  then  by  a  sudden  movement, 
hastened  to  visit  the  emperor.     It  is  not  hazardous  to  infer 

1  See    Muhlbacher,    /.   c,    no.  392;  3  Chron.  Venet.,  MG.  SS.,  VII.,  14. 
and  Simson.  /.  c,  II. ,  2^3.                           Annal.      Einh.,      Maxim.,      cf.      Vita 

2  Andr.    Dand.   Chron.,    /.  c,  150,      Caroli,  c.  15. 
154. 


416  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

that  Rome  was  beginning  to  grow  uncomfortable  for  him, 
and  that  he  sought  the  benefit  of  imperial  advice.  The 
Saxon  poet  says  that  his  love  of  Charles  prompted  the 
impulse.1 

At  any  rate  the  unexpected  announcement  of  his  coming 
was  not  displeasing  to  the  emperor,  who  sent  King  Charles 
to  meet  him  as  far  as  St.  Maurice,  and  for  the  same  purpose 
travelled  in  person  to  Rheims.  He  received  Leo  in  the 
basilica  of  St.  Remigius,  proceeded  with  him  to  the  imperial 
villa  at  Quierzy,  and  after  Christmas,  to  the  monastery  of 
St.  Medard  near  Soissons.  There  he  left  the  pontiff  for  a 
short  space  (devoted  to  a  visit  to  his  beloved  sister  Gisla, 
the  abbess  of  Chelles,  who  was  sick),  and  rejoining  him  at 
Quiercy,  conducted  him  to  Aix-la-Chapelle.  The  pontifical 
visit  extended  to  about  a  week  after  the  Epiphany,2  and 
during  its  continuance  ecclesiastical  matters  were  discussed, 
among  which  the  affairs  of  the  patriarchical  see  of  Aquileia 
appear  to  have  been  prominent.  It  is  also  stated,  though 
only  on  legendary  authority,  that  Leo  consecrated  on  that 
occasion  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin  at  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle.3 The  emperor  made  the  pontiff  the  recipient  of 
magnificent  gifts,  and  at  his  request,  caused  him  to  be 
escorted  through  Bavaria  to  Ravenna.4  The  pontifical  re- 
port on  the  invention  of  the  blood  of  Christ  at  Mantua  must 
have  been  verbal  and  unsatisfactory,  for  the  records  main- 
tain profoundest  silence. 

About  this  time,  Charles  deplored,  and  most  sorrowfully, 
the  loss  of  his  loved  preceptor,  counsellor,  and  friend,  the 
good  Alcuin.  He  died  on  the  14  Kalends  of  June,  804, 
under  circumstances,  which,  if  not  strictly  true,  reflect  never- 
theless the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  the  estimate  in  which  he 
was  held. 

Throughout  the  night  preceding  his  death  the  archbishop 
Joseph,  and  others,  saw  over  the  spot  where  he  lay  in  great 

1  Annal.  Einh.  Poeta  Saxo.,  iv.,  140  3  Annal.  Tiliens  ;  Epist.  Leonis, 
(Jaffe).                                                                apud.  Jaffe,  IV.,  321. 

2  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim.,  Mett.  4  Annal.    Einh.,   Maxim.,  Lauriss., 

minor. 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW  ERA.  417 

weakness,  a  globe  of  fire  of  singular  brightness,  which  dis- 
appeared at  dawn  of  Whitsun  Day,  at  the  precise  moment 
when  Alcuin's  soul,  attended  by  celestial  ministrants,  was 
conducted  to  heaven. 

At  that  identical  instant  of  time,  a  hermit,  in  far-away 
Italy,  was  privileged  to  witness  the  same  wonderful  transla- 
tion ;  he  saw  the  host  of  the  heavenly  Levites,  and  heard 
their  ineffable  hymns  of  praise,  as  they  conducted  Alcuin, 
arrayed  in  a  dalmatic  of  dazzling  white,  to  heaven,  to  enter 
upon  the  perennial  joys  of  his  celestial  ministry  in  presence 
of  the  Great  High-priest  above.1 

805]  One  of  the  most  striking  features,  common  to  all  the 
Annals,  is  the  constant  record  of  the  place  at  which  Charles 
spent  Christmas  and  Easter  of  each  year  of  his  long  reign. 
Christmas  in  particular  was  then  as  now  the  most  gladsome 
of  all  the  Christian  feasts,  and  the  occasion  of  family  gather- 
ings ;  that  was  the  rule  in  the  home  of  Charles,  but  among 
all  the  Christmas  festivities,  those  of  the  year  805  appear  to 
have  been  among  the  most  joyous.  They  took  place  at 
Thionville  and,  presuming  that  King  Charles  was  as  usual 
present  with  his  father,  the  undoubted  arrival  of  the  kings 
of  Italy  and  Aquitaine  justifies  the  affirmation  of  one  of 
the  Annals  that  Charles  celebrated  that  Christmas  with  "  all 
his  sons,"  2  and  the  literal  acceptation  of  the  phrase,  that  he 
did  so  with  exultant  rejoicing.3 

The  meeting  was  doubtless  of  set  purpose,  and  at  his 
special  request  ;  he  was  now  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his 
age,  and,  true  to  the  traditions  of  his  house,  desired  to 
make  an  equitable  and  lawful  division  among  his  sons  of  his 
vast  dominions.  Taking  it  for  granted  that,  with  his  estab- 
lished caution,  every  point  had  been  well  considered  before 
806]  his  sons  came,  and  freely  discussed  in  all  its  bearings 
after  their  arrival,  it  is  only  .necessary  to  state  that  the 
emperor  convened  a  Diet  of  the  most  distinguished  estates 

1  Vita  B.  Alcuini,  c.  XV.,  Monum.  Pepin,  the  Hunchback,  of  course,  is 
Alcuin.  p.  32,  and  note,  p.  31.  excluded. 

2  Annal.  Maxim.,  "Cum  omnibus  3  Annal.  Mett.  "Cum  gaudio  et 
filiis  suis,"  i.  c,  those  of  Hildegard  ;      exultacione." 

27 


41 8  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

of  the  Franks  at  Thionville,  and  announced  his  purpose  to 
the  effect  that  the  proposed  partition  of  the  empire  into 
three  parts  should  subserve  the  ends  of  peace,  so  that  each 
of  his  sons  might  be  certified  beforehand  as  to  the  portion 
of  the  empire  over  which  he  was  to  reign.1 

800]  The  extreme  importance  of  this  well-attested  instru- 
ment cannot  be  overrated.  The  division,  it  is  true,  was 
frustrated  by  the  early  deaths  of  Charles  and  Pepin,  but 
the  principles  laid  down  in  it  have  had  an  important  bear- 
ing on  the  subsequent  history  of  Germany,  France,  and 
Italy,  and  their  frontiers.  Indeed  it  may  be  viewed  in  the 
light  of  a  veiled  history  of  the  reign  of  Charles,  and  a 
revelation  of  his  secret  thoughts  and  feelings  on  matters 
which  Einhard  and  other  annalists  pass  over  in  silence. 
For  these  reasons  it  is  given  entire. 

"  In  the  Name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.  Serenissimus  Charles  Augustus  of  God 
crowned  Great  and  Pacific  Emperor,  ruling  the  Roman 
empire,  and  by  Divine  mercy  King  of  the  Franks,  and  of 
the  Lombards,  to  all  the  faithful  of  the  Church  of  God,  and 
to  all  our  loyal  subjects,  present  or  future,  greeting. 

"  We  believe  that  all  of  you  know  that  God,  who  of  His 
mercy  is  wont  to  check  for  generations  to  come  the  inevi- 
table tendency  of  all  earthly  things  to  fall  into  decay,  has  in 
the  gift  of  three  sons,  enriched  us  with  His  singular  blessing 
and  mercy ;  for  through  them  He  confirms  our  vows  as  to 
the  perpetuity  of  this  government,  and  makes  us  hope  that 
our  memory  will  be  preserved  to  distant  generations. 

"  Be  it  therefore  known  to  you  that  it  is  our  will,  by 
Divine  permission,  to  constitute  these  our  sons,  our  asso- 
ciates in  the  throne  while  we  continue  to  live,  and  heirs  of 
our  government  and  empire  after  our  decease,  and  that  loth 
to  transmit  this  inheritance  to  them  in  confusion  and  dis- 
order, so  as  to  provoke  strife  and  dispute,  we  purpose  to 
divide  the  entire  body  of  the  empire  into  three  parts,  and 
assign  to  each  of  their  number  the   part  he  is  to  rule  and 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim. 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW   ERA.  419 

defend  ;  and  agreeably  thereto,  that  each,  we  hope,  will  be 
satisfied  with  the  lot  we  appoint  to  him,  and  by  the  help  of 
God  give  all  diligence  to  defend  the  frontiers  of  such  part 
against  enemies  without,  but  maintain  peace  and  love  with 
his  brothers. 

"I.  It  has  pleased  us  to  make  the  division  of  our  king- 
dom and  empire  as  here  follows :  To  our  beloved  son  Louis 
we  have  assigned  the  whole  of  Aquitaine  and  Vasconia, 
except  the  canton  of  Tours  [Touraine]  ;  and  whatever  lieth 
beyond  that  point  looking  westward  and  towards  Spain  ; 
the  city  of  Nevers  on  the  Loire  with  its  canton,  as  well  as 
the  cantons  of  Avalon,  Auxois,  Chalon-sur-Saone,  Macon, 
Lyons,  Savoy,  Maurienne,  Tarentaise,  Mount  Cenis,  the 
valley  of  Susa  to  the  Cluses  [clansas]  ;  thence  following  the 
mountains  bordering  upon  Italy  to  the  sea  ;  these  cantons 
with  their  cities,  and  whatsoever  beyond  them  lieth  to  the 
westward  unto  the  sea,  and  unto  Spain  ;  that  is  to  say,  this 
part  of  Burgundy,  Provence,  Septimania,  and  Gothia. 

"  2.  To  our  beloved  son  Pepin  we  have  apportioned  Italy, 
which  is  also  called  Lombardy,  and  Bavaria,  such  as  Tassilo 
had  it,  excepting  only  the  two  villas  of  Ingolstadt  and 
Lutrahahof,  which  we  have  given  in  benefice  to  Tassilo  and 
which  belong  to  the  Northgau,  together  with  that  part  of 
Alemannia  situated  upon  the  southern  bank  of  the  river 
Danube,  and  from  the  sources  of  the  Danube  to  the  Rhine, 
within  the  confines  of  the  Chletgau,  and  the  Hegau,  to  a 
point  called  Engi,  and  thence  following  the  course  of  the 
Upper  Rhine  even  unto  the  Alps  ;  whatsoever  is  con- 
tained within  these  limits  looking  southward  and  eastward 
together  with  the  duchy  of  Chur  [Coire],  and  the  canton  of 
Torgau. 

"  3.  To  our  beloved  son  Charles  we  have  assigned  what- 
ever of  our  dominion  lieth  outside  of  the  limits  aforesaid, 
that  is,  France  and  Burgundy,  except  that  part  which  we 
have  given  to  Louis ;  and  Alemannia,  except  that  part  which 
we  have  assigned  to  Pepin ;  Austria  and  Neustria,  Thurin- 
gia,  Saxonia,  Frisia,  and  that  part  of  Bavaria  which  is 
called  the  Northgau  ;  so  that  Charles  and  Louis  may  go  into 


420  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Italy  to  carry  aid  to  Pepin,  should  the  necessity  arise, 
Charles,  by  the  valley  of  Aosta,  which  belongs  to  his  king- 
dom, and  Louis  by  the  valley  of  Susa  ;  and  that  Pepin  like; 
wise  may  come  or  go  by  the  Norican  Alps  and  Chur. 

"4.  In  making  these  dispositions,  we  provide  that  if 
Charles,  our  first-born,  should  die  before  his  brothers,  the 
portion  of  the  empire  which  belonged  to  him  shall  be 
divided  between  Pepin  and  Louis,  as  aforetime  such  divi- 
sion was  made  between  us  and  our  brother  Carloman,  in 
such  wise  that  Pepin  shall  receive  the  share  once  had  by 
our  brother  Carloman,  and  Louis  the  share  which  in  the 
same  apportionment  fell  unto  ourself. 

"  But  should  Pepin  during  the  lifetime  of  Charles  and 
Louis  pay  the  debt  of  nature,  then  Charles  and  Louis  are  to 
divide  among  themselves  his  kingdom,  and  effect  such  divi- 
sion as  follows  :  entering  Italy  by  the  city  of  Aosta,  Charles 
is  to  receive  Yoree,  Verceil,  Pavia,  and  the  country  along  the 
river  Po  to  the  territory  of  Reggio  ;  the  city  of  Reggio,  the 
New  City,  and  Modena,  even  unto  the  territory  of  St.  Peter. 
These  cities  with  their  suburbs  and  territories,  and  the  coun- 
ties thereunto  belonging,  and  whatever  on  the  way  to  Rome 
is  situated  on  the  left,  together  with  the  duchy  of  Spoleto, 
shall  be  the  kingdom  of  Pepin  to  be  given  to  Charles,  as 
aforesaid  ;  but  that  part  of  the  said  kingdom  which  on  the 
way  to  Rome  is  situated  to  the  right  of  the  aforesaid  cities 
and  counties,  that  is,  the  remaining  part  of  the  country 
beyond  the  Po  [Transpadana],  together  with  the  duchy  of 
Toscana,  unto  the  Southern  Sea,  and  unto  the  Provence, 
shall  go  to  the  augmentation  of  the  kingdom  of  Louis. 

"  In  the  event  of  Louis  dying  during  the  lifetime  of  his 
brothers,  Pepin  is  to  receive  that  part  of  Burgundy  which  we 
have  added  to  his  kingdom  together  with  the  Provence, 
Septimania  or  Gothia,  as  far  as  Spain  ;  but  Aquitaine  and 
Vasconia  are  to  go  to  Charles. 

"  5.  If  there  be  born  to  any  of  these  three  brothers  a  son 
whom  the  people  wish  to  choose  as  his  father's  successor  in 
the  throne,  it  is  our  will  that  the  uncles  of  such  child  shall 
give  their  consent  to  their  choice,  and  permit  the  son  of 


Chapter  III.]  THE  NEW  ERA.  42 1 

their  brother  to  rule  in  that  portion  of  the  kingdom  over 
which  his  father,  their  brother,  did  rule.1 

"  6.  After  these  dispositions  by  our  authority  set  forth,  it 
has  pleased  us  to  establish  and  ordain  as  betwixt  our  sons, 
that  in  view  of  the  peace  which  we  desire  to  establish  forever 
amongst  them,  none  of  them  presume  to  invade  his  brother's 
frontiers,  or  fraudulently  enter  them  with  intent  to  trouble 
his  kingdom,  or  diminish  his  territory ;  but  that  each  shall 
help  his  brother  and,  so  far  as  reason,  or  his  ability,  may 
permit,  aid  him  against  enemies,  either  at  home,  or  against 
foreign  nations. 

"  7.  That  none  of  the  brothers  shall  receive  any  subject 
of  his  brother,  who  for  whatsoever  cause  or  crime  shall  fly 
to  him  for  refuge,  or  make  intercession  for  him,  because 
it  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  a  man  at  fault  and  stand- 
ing in  need  of  intercession,  shall  seek  refuge  within  his 
own  master's  kingdom,  either  by  taking  sanctuary  at  the 
Holy  Places  or  with  honorable  persons,  and  there  shall  ren- 
der himself  worthy  of  such  intercession.     .     .     . 

"  8.  Likewise  we  ordain  that  any  free  man  who  against 
the  wishes  of  his  lord  leaves  him  and  passes  from  one  king- 
dom to  another,  shall  not  be  received  by  the  king,  nor  shall 
the  king  allow  him  to  be  received  by  his  subjects,  or  by 
them  unjustly  be  detained.     .     .     . 

"  9.  For  which  cause  it  seems  expedient  to  us  to  ordain 
that  after  our  decease,  a  subject  of  any  one  of  our  sons  shall 
hold  benefice  only  in  the  kingdom  of  his  own  lord,  but  not 
in  that  of  another,  lest  such  practice  give  occasion  to  trouble. 
Nevertheless  such  a  subject  may  with  impunity  enjoy  an 
inheritance  in  that  kingdom  where  of  right  he  may  possess 
the  same. 

"  10.  A  freeman  may,  after  his  master's  death,  commend 

1  Schmidt,  /.  c.  t.  III.,  p.  44,  ob-  preferred  him,  and  that  settled  the 
serves  on  this  clause  that  it  explains  matter.  The  grounds  of  their  prefer- 
the  principle  on  which  Charles  ex-  ence  are  not  stated,  but  doubtless  pre- 
cluded the  children  of  his  deceased  ceeded  from  the  argumentum  ad 
brother  Carloman  from  the  succession.  hastam. 
The    nobles   of   Carloman's   kingdom 


422  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

himself  [that  is,  become  vassal]  to  any  one  within  the  three 
kingdoms  ;  the  same  to  apply  to  persons  who  have  not  yet 
commended  themselves. 

"  ii.  Concerning  cessions,  bequests,  or  purchases,  betwixt 
several  parties,  it  is  ordered  that  none  of  the  three  brothers 
shall  receive  or  acquire  by  title  of  cession,  bequest,  or  pur- 
chase, any  real  estate  within  his  brother's  kingdom,  such  as 
lands,  vineyards,  forests,  serfs  \servi\  and  slaves  [casati], 
and  all  other  things  in  the  name  of  inheritance  comprised, 
except  gold,  silver,  gems,  arms,  vestments,  emancipated 
slaves,  and  all  other  things  which  are  properly  negotiable. 
But  this  shall  not  apply  to  other  freemen. 

"  12.  If  women,  as  is  usual,  are  lawfully  asked  in  marriage 
from  one  of  the  three  kingdoms,  such  just  demand  is  not 
forbidden,  but  expressly  allowed,  and  such  marriages  may 
be  contracted,  seeing  that  by  such  affinities  the  several 
nations  may  be  the  closer  bound  together.  Women,  more- 
over, may  freely  dispose  of  their  possessions  within  the 
kingdom  of  their  nativity,  although  because,  and  in  con- 
sequence, of  their  marriage  they  should  live  in  another  king- 
dom. 

"  13.  Concerning  hostages  given  in  pledge,  and  by  us  sent 
for  safe  keeping  to  sundry  places,  it  is  our  will  that  the  king 
in  whose  kingdom  they  happen  to  be,  shall  not,  without  the 
express  consent  of  the  king  from  whose  kingdom  they  were 
taken,  suffer  them  to  return  to  the  land  of  their  birth.  Con- 
trariwise it  is  enjoined  that  the  brothers  shall  hereafter 
mutually  aid  and  protect  each  other  in  the  custody  of  host- 
ages whensoever  one  of  their  number  shall  make  of  the 
other  a  reasonable  demand  of  this  kind.  It  is  ordered  that 
the  same  principle  apply  to  persons  now  in  exile,  or  to  be 
exiled,  because  of  crimes  by  them  committed. 

"  14.  In  the  event  of  differences  and  disputes  respecting 
the  frontiers  and  confines  of  the  several  kingdoms  which 
cannot  be  settled  by  evidence,  it  is  our  will  that  the  dec- 
laration of  the  matter  in  doubt,  the  will  of  God,  and  the 
truth  of  the  facts  be  ascertained  by  the  judgment  of  the 
cross  [ordeal],   and  that  such  cause    be  never  decided  by 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW   ERA.  423 

war,  or  any  kind  of  combat.  And  if  a  subject  of  one  king- 
dom appear  before  his  own  lord  charging  the  subject  of 
another  kingdom  with  disloyalty  to  his  lord's  brother,  his 
lord  shall  send  such  plaintiff  to  his  brother,  that  he  may 
there  prove  his  charge. 

"  15.  Above  all  things  we  command  and  enjoin  that  the 
three  brothers  unite  in  undertaking  the  care  and  protection 
of  the  Church  of  St.  Peter,  even  as  aforetime  was  done  by 
our  grandfather  Charles,  by  our  father  Pepin,  of  blessed 
memory,  and  afterwards  by  ourself  ;  that  with  the  help  of 
God  they  will  exert  themselves  in  protecting  her  from 
enemies,  and  so  far  as  they  are  bound,  and  reason  may 
require,  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  her  rights.  We  enjoin  the 
same  with  respect  to  all  other  churches  placed  under  their 
care  ;  in  order  that  they  may  enjoy  their  rights  and  honors, 
and  that  the  pastors  and  rectors  of  all  venerable  places  may 
have  power  over  all  things  to  them  pertaining,  no  matter  in 
which  of  the  three  kingdoms  the  possessions  of  such  churches 
may  be  situated. 

"  16.  If,  contrary  to  our  expectation,  these  our  statutes 
and  conventions  shall  through  ignorance  or  inadvertence  be 
infringed  upon,  we  command  that  such  infringement  be  at 
once  corrected,  lest  through  delay  still  greater  mischief 
should  ensue. 

"  17.  As  to  our  daughters,  the  sisters  of  our  sons  afore- 
said, we  command  that  after  our  decease  any  of  them  shall 
be  at  liberty  to  choose  the  brother  in  whose  kingdom,  and 
under  whose  care,  she  desires  to  make  her  home.  If  any 
of  them  makes  choice  of  the  monastic  profession,  she  shall 
be  at  liberty  to  live  honorably  under  that  brother's  protec- 
tion whose  kingdom  she  shall  choose.  If  any  of  them  be 
justly  and  reasonably  asked  in  marriage  of  a  man  worthy  of 
her,  and  she  prefer  the  married  estate,  her  brothers  shall 
not  oppose  her  wishes,  provided  that  the  intentions  both  of 
the  suitor  and  of  her  who  accepts  his  suit,  be  honest  and 
reasonable. 

"  18.  As  to  our  grandsons,  the  sons  of  our  aforesaid  sons, 
born  or  to  be  born,  it  has  pleased  us  to  command  that  none 


424  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

of  our  sons,  upon  any  pretext  whatever,  shall  cause  any  of 
our  grandsons,  who  to  any  of  them  may  be  accused  of  crime, 
to  be  put  to  death,  mutilated,  blinded,  or  forcibly  shaved 
[i.  e.  sent  to  a  monastery],  without  a  just  trial  and  examina- 
tion previously  had  ;  and  to  notify  our  will  that  they  may 
be  honored  near  their  fathers  and  uncles,  and  likewise  that 
they  be  obedient  unto  them  in  all  subjection  as  pertaining 
to  such  degree  of  consanguinity. 

"  19.  Finally  it  is  ordained  that  should  we  see  fit  hereafter 
to  add  unto  these  present  decrees  and  constitutions,  other 
provisions  profitable  and  useful  to  our  beloved  sons  afore- 
said, such  additions  shall  be  kept  and  observed  as  we  enjoin 
that  these  present  decrees  and  statutes  shall  be  kept,  and 
observed. 

"  20.  All  these  things,  moreover,  are  here  in  order  set 
forth  and  established  with  the  proviso,  that  so  long  as  it 
may  please  the  Majesty  of  God  to  preserve  our  life,  our 
power  over  this  government  and  empire  shall  remain  un- 
changed and  unimpaired,  as  heretofore  it  has  been,  in  every 
attribute  of  royal  or  imperial  prerogative,  and  that  we  may 
have  the  full  obedience  both  of  our  beloved  sons,  and  of  our 
people  beloved  of  God,  with  all  the  submission  due  a  father 
from  his  sons,  and  an  emperor  and  king  from  his  subjects. 
Amen."  l 

Reading  this  remarkable  instrument,  the  transcript  of  the 
hidden  purpose  of  the  heart  of  Charles,  in  the  light  of  the 
history  unfolded  in  this  volume,  it  is  difficult  to  resist  the 
conviction  that  Article  5  not  only  seeks  to  justify  his  usurpa- 
tion of  the  inheritance  of  right  belonging  to  the  children  of 
Carloman,  but  that  it  expresses  remorse,  or  the  workings  of 
a  conscience  not  at  ease.2 

The  several  points  enumerated  in  the  next  nine  articles 
illustrate  the  working  of  the  feudal  system  and  the  rude 
state  of  society  and  morals. 

1  My  translation  follows  the  text  of  Leibnitz,  Anna!,  imp.  I.,  239-242  ; 
Boretius,  /.  c,  p.    126  sqq.  Muratori,   Annali  a' Italia,   IV.,  2,  p. 

2  Boretius,  /.  c;  Simson,  De  statu  240  sqq.;  Luden,  /.  c.  V.,  218-221, 
qutzstionis,  etc.,  p.  32,  No.  I.;   Mani-  572  sq. ;  Waitz,  IV.,  554  sqq. 

tius,    Neues  Archiv.    VII.,    564 ;    cf. 


Chapter  III.]  THE   NEW   ERA.  425 

Article  17  seems  to  imply  the  injurious  reports  current 
as  to  the  daughters  of  the  imperial  family,  and  Article  19 
as  plainly  intimates  that  Charles  thought  the  brothers  capa- 
ble of  such  atrocity  as  therein  described.  Nor  was  he  mis- 
taken, for  Louis,  their  sole  survivor,  meted  it  out  to  Bern- 
hard,  the  lawful  son  and  heir  of  Pepin. 

If  the  document  is  genuine,  as  not  generally  admitted  by 
competent  critics,  it  settles  the  point  of  the  legitimacy  of 
his  other  sons,  for  he  recognizes  only  three. 

The  document  was  adopted  and  sworn  to  by  the  nobility 
assembled,  and  sent  by  the  hands  of  Einhard  to  the  pope  for 
his  cognizance  and  written  approbation.1 

1  The  date  of  this  document  is  fixed  38  regnante  Karolo  imperatore,  8.   Id. 

by  an  entry  in  Cod.  No.  272,  Biblioth.  Febr.  die  Veneris,  divisum  est  regnum 

Sangall.     p.     272,    of     contemporary  illius  inter  filiis  suis,  quantum  unus- 

origin,  reading:    "  Anno  S06  ab  incar-  quis  post   ilium  habet,  et  ego  alia  die 

natione  Domini,  indictione  14.     anno  hoc  opus.     .     .     . 


CHAPTER   IV. 

EVENTS     FROM     THE    DIVISION    OF    THE    EMPIRE    TO    THE 
DEATH    OF   PEPIN. 

In  Italy  :  Piratical  descents  of  the  Saracens. — Grimoald  Storesaiz,  duke  of 
Benevento. — Relations  of  Pepin  to  Leo,  and  to  the  Byzantines. — Submis- 
sion of  Venetia. 

In  Spain  :  Struggle  for  Tortosa  ;  two  ineffectual  investments  of  the  place. 

In  the  Empire:  Embassies  to  and  from  Bagdad. — Presents. — Restoration  of 
the  fugitive  king  of  Northumbria. — Danish  invasion  by  Gottfried,  of 
Northalbingia. — Fortresses. — Commissioners  of  peace. — Assassination  of 
Thrasco,  an  ally  of  Charles. — Danish  descent  upon  Frisia. — Charles 
marches  against  Gottfried. — His  fate. — Camp  at  Verden-on-the-Aller. — 
Death  of  Pepin. — Domestic  sorrows. — The  epizooty. — A  prodigy. — The 
Filioque. 

806]  After  the  adjournment  of  the  Diet  Charles  sailed 
down  the  Moselle  and  the  Rhine  to  Nimeguen,  while  his 
royal  sons,  Pepin  and  Louis,  returned  to  their  distant 
dominions.1 

An  interval  of  about  five  years  lies  between  the  partition 
of  the  empire,  or  the  first  and  public  testament  of  Charles, 
and  his  second  testament  concerning  his  personal  estate. 
In  tracing  the  course  of  events  belonging  to  that  period,  we 
propose  to  take  up  first  the  affairs  of  Italy,  then  those  of 
Aquitaine  and  Spain,  and  lastly  those  of  the  empire  at 
large. 

The  frequent  piratical  descents,  by  the  Moors  of  Spain, 
upon  Corsica,  Sardinia,  and  other  islands  were  most  vexa- 
tious and  needed  chastisement.  King  Pepin  accordingly 
fitted  out  a  fleet  against  them  and  ordered  it  to  Corsica ;  at 
its  unexpected  approach  the  pirates  made  for  their  fast  ves- 
sels and  sailed  away,  not  however  without  a  fight,  impru- 

1  Annal.  Einh. 


CHAPTER  IV.]  ^ACIES-    '  427 

dently  brought   on   by  the   Genoese  count    Hadumar    in 
which   he  lost   his   life.     Otherwise  the  Franks  scored  an 
almost   bloodless  victory,  and,  under  the  law  of  conquest, 
c  aimed  the  island  of  Corsica,  which  the  Moors,  by  the  same 
^T  had  snatched  from  the  Greeks.-     The  pnates    how- 
ever, did  not  return  empty;  besides  the  Corsican  plunder 
hey  carried  off  sixty  monks  from  the  small  island  of  Pa  e- 
laria    between  Sicily  and  Africa,  and  sold  them  m  Spam. 
Thei'r   misfortune  excited  the  sympathy  of   the  emperor, 
who   generously   ransomed,   and    restored    them    to   then 
home"    By  direct  command  of  Charles,  an  imperial  fleet, 
under'  the  constable  Burchard,  was  despatched  into  Corsican 
807]  waters  in  anticipation  of  another  visit  of  the  pirates 
in    the    year   following.     They   came    in  due   course,   and 
began  operations  with  a  descent  upon  Sardinia ;  the  inhabi- 
tants  oave  them  a  warm  reception  and  s.gnally  defeated 
them  in  an  engagement  with  a  loss  to  the  pirates  of  three 

thousand.  ,        .        , 

Still  enough  of  their  number  survived  to  undertake  the 
unfinished  part  of  their  enterprise  Sailing  straight  for 
Corsica,  they  ran  into  the  jaws  of  the  Frankish  fleet,  Bur- 
chard compelled  them  to  fight,  defeated  them  took  thirteen 
of  their  vessels,  killed  a  large  number  of  their  men,  and 
drove  the  rest  to  flight.* 

Leo    took  a  peculiar    interest    in    the    conquest   of    that 
island  by  the  Franks  as  included  in  the  alleged  grants  to 
St   Peter  made  by  certain  patricians,  emperors,  and  other 
God-fearing  men   for  the  salvation  of   their   souls,  and  in 
atonement  of  their  sins.*     Having  received  several  communi- 
cations on  the  subject  from  Charles,  alluding  to  the  restora- 
tion to  St.  Peter,  of  divers  papal  possessions  on  the  island, 
he  notifies  the  emperor,  in  reply,  of  his  willingness  of  leav- 
ing the  final  adjustment  of  the  said  claims,  based  on  deeds 
</ donation    and   promises,   with    him,    and    after   advert- 
ing  toce*ain_o™^ 

-  Annal.  Einh.,  "  aliqui ;"  Maxim.  4   Cod.  Carol.,  ep.  61  (Jaffe). 

a.  807  ;  "multi.' 


428  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Count  Helmgaud,  expresses  the  confident  and  prayerful 
expectation  that  the  imperial  donation  may  be  permanent, 
and  through  the  joint  intercession  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and 
the  apostles  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  as  well  as  the  emperor's 
most  valiant  arm,  safe  from  the  insidious  malice  of  enemies.1 

The  last  especially  was  needed,  for  the  Moors  returned 
two  years  later,  and  on  Easter  Even,  when  the  Christians 
were  preparing  for  the  high  festival  of  the  Resurrection,  fell 
upon  a  city  in  Corsica,  plundered  it,  and,  with  the  exception 
of  the  bishop  and  a  few  infirm  and  aged  people,  dragged 
the  entire  population  into  captivity.2 

810]  This  they  followed  up,  in  the  following  year,  on  a 
much  larger  scale,  with  a  powerful  fleet  from  all  parts  of 
Spain,  which,  after  touching  in  Sardinia,  sailed  for  Corsica, 
and  finding  the  island  utterly  unprotected,  devastated  and 
almost  wholly  subdued  it.  Then  they  sailed  away,  but  re- 
turned in  the  autumn  and  consummated  the  conquest.3 

In  Italy  proper  the  duke  of  Benevento  successfully  main- 
tained his  independence  to  the  last.  He  died  in  806,  and 
was  succeeded  by  another  Grimoald,  surnamed  Storesaiz,  a 
Lombard  word  signifying  "  the  treasurer,"  in  allusion  to  his 
official  position  in  the  reign  of  his  predecessor.  He  was  a 
man  of  a  pacific  turn  of  mind,  but  his  policy  towards  the 
Franks  was  unfriendly  throughout  this  period.4 

The  personal  relations  of  Leo  and  Pepin  were  not  good. 
This  appears  from  the  pontiff's  epistle  to  Charles,5  protest- 
ing that  "  while  his  feelings  for  Pepin  were  sincerely  cordial, 
bad  men  were  ever  sowing  zizania  [that  is,  tares],  and 
making  mischief ;  "  continuing  "  that  he  had  received  the 
presents  and  letters  with  which  Charles  had  honored  him 
and  been  much  gratified  by  the  announcement  of  a  prom- 
ised visit,  at  mid-Lent,  of  King  Pepin  ;  that  he  had  made 
the  necessary  preparations,  but  on  the  day  before  the  ap- 

1  Leonis  III.,  ep.  I.,  Jaffe,  IV.,  310  l.c .,  c.  7  Chron.  S.  Bened.  Cas.;  Ago- 
sqq.  bard,  De  grandine,  etc.,  in  Bibl.  Patr. 

2  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim,  a.  809.  Lugd    XIV.,  74;  Pasch.   Radb.  MG. 

3  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim,  a.  810.  SS.,  II.,  527. 

4  Annal.   Laur.    min. — Erchempert,  5  The  same  as  in  note  1. 


Chapter  IV.]  LEO  AND  PEPIN.  429 

pointed  meeting  Pepin  sent  messengers  saying  that  he  could 
not  come  till  after  Easter  ;  that  the  imperial  missi,  moreover, 
had  informed  him,  the  pope,  that  their  imperial  master  had 
commanded  them  to  proceed  to  Pepin,  enjoining  him,  in  his 
father's  name,  to  consent  to  a  personal  interview  with  him- 
self, at  a  convenient  point,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
peace  and  concord  between  the  king  and  himself ;  that  he 
was  truly  grateful  for  these,  the  emperor's  good  offices,  who 
justly  bore  the  title  oipacificus,  and  illustrated  the  biblical  de- 
scription of  an  evangelist  of  peace,1  assuring  him  of  his  ready 
co-operation  towards  promoting  the  rights  of  the  churches 
of  God  and  placing  the  coasts  in  a  proper  state  of  defence 
against  pagan  and  inimical  assaults,  adding  that  both  he,  the 
pope,  and  Pepin  needed  the  emperor's  counsel  and  help."2 

It  is  not  known  how  the  matter  ended,  but  it  appears 
from  a  second  epistle  of  Leo's  to  Charles,  written  after  Eas- 
ter, 808,  that  the  imperial  missi  on  their  return-journey 
stopped  at  Ravenna,  and  on  Palm-Sunday  took  luncheon 
with  the  archbishop.  The  pope  submits  that  the  emperor 
had  better  ask  the  missi,  if  the  lessons  and  exhortations 
they  heard  there  were  appropriate  to  Lent,  for  his  own 
sense  of  shame  forbade  his  setting  them  down  in  writing.3 

This  shows  that  there  was  not  much  love  lost  between 
Rome  and  Ravenna,  and  the  understanding  between  Rome 
and  Verona,  the  favorite  residence  of  Pepin,  was  not  much 
better. 

The  Byzantines,  however,  gave  the  king  of  Italy  more  to 
do  than  the  Moors,  Benevento,  and  the  pope.  The  Court 
of  Constantinople  resented  the  action  of  Charles  in  the 
matter  of  Venice  and  Dalmatia.4  A  fleet,  commanded  by 
the  patrician  Nicetas,  having  orders  to  reconquer  Dalmatia, 
§06]  appeared  in  Venetian  waters  and  blockaded  the  coast. 
The  Venetians,  if  their  historian  writes  truly,  straightway 
forgot  their  allegiance  to  Charles  and  furnished  military  aid 
to  the  Greek  admiral.5     The  patriarch  Fortunatus  ran  away 

1  "  How  beautiful  are  the  feet,"  etc.         4  See  p.  415. 

3  Leonis  III.,  ep.  1.  s  Annal.  Einh.,  Andr.  Dandul.  /.  c. 

3  Ibid.  ep.  2.  1.  VII.,  c.  14. 


430  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

from  Grado,  and,  again  by  the  emperor's  favor,  was  enabled 
to  take  up  his  seat  at  Polo  in  Istria,  though  not  without  a 
gentle  demurrer  on  the  part  of  Leo,  who  did  not  hold  him 
either  in  the  bonds  of  brotherly  love.1  The  blockade  was 
not  effective,  for  a  vessel  having  on  board  the  ambassadors 
of  Charles  to  Harun,  now  on  their  return-journey,  together 
with  an  ambassador  from  Harun  and  a  deputation  from 
Jerusalem,  ran  it  without  trouble,  and  entered  the  port  of 
Treviso.2  The  nature  of  the  hostilities  perpetrated  by  the 
Byzantines  cannot  be  determined,  but  there  is  no  uncer- 
tainty whatever  concerning  the  moral  effects  of  the  Greek 
fleet.  Nicetas  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  great  tact 
and  ability,  for  he  succeeded  in  alienating  the  doges  and 
their  party  from  the  Franks.  He  conferred  on  the  doge 
Obelierius  the  dignity  of  a  spatharins,  and  induced  Beatus 
his  brother  to  accompany  him  (with  Venetian  hostages, 
as  well  as  the  bishop  of  Olivolo  and  the  tribune  Felix 
"because  they  favored  the  Franks")  to  Constantinople. 
Having  thus  re-established  the  authority  of  the  Byzantine 
emperor,  he  had  no  difficulty  in  moving  Pepin  to  agree  to 
an  armistice  to  last  until  August  next  ensuing  {i.  e.,  808), 
and  the  preliminaries  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  subject  to  ratifi- 
cation by  Nicephorus.  He  raised  the  blockade,  and  having 
accomplished  the  objects  of  his  expedition,  among  which 
should  be  understood  the  submission  of  Dalmatia,  sailed 
away.  Nicephorus  seems  to  have  approved  the  action  of 
his  admiral,  for  he  sent  the  Francophile  bishop  and  tribune 
into  banishment,  but  rewarded  the  converted  Beatus  with 
the  honorary  distinction  of  hypatos,  or  titulary  consul,  and 
allowed  him  to  return  to  Venice,  where  he  and  his  brother 
Obelierius  associated  their  third  brother  Valentinus  with 
themselves  in  the  government,  so  that  Venice  might  now 
boast  of  a  fraternal  triumvirate  of  doges.3 

»  Chron.  Johan.    in  MG.  SS.  VII.,  3  Annal.  Einh.  a.  807  ;  Joh.  Chron. 

13  sqq.  Cf.  Leonis  III.,  ep.  5  (Jaffe) ;  Venet,  /.  c.  p.   14. — Cf.  Harnak,  Das 

Liber  de  S.    Hildulfi,   MG.  SS.  IV.,  Karoling.  u.   Byzantin.  Reich,  p.  49; 

88.  and  on  hypatos,   Zanetti  apud  Pertz, 

2  Annal.  Einh.,  cf.   Vita  Caroli,  c.  MG.  SS.  VII. ,  no.  50. 
16  and  below. 


Chapter  IV.]  VENETIAN   AFFAIRS.  43  * 

The  truce  expired,  but  the  peace  fell  through,  and  another 
§09]  Greek  armament  appeared  in  the  Adriatic,  which,  after 
touching  in  Dalmatia,  sailed  to  Venice  and  spent  the  winter 
there.  A  squadron,  under  orders  to  attack  Comacchio,  had 
an  engagement  with  the  garrison,  was  defeated,  and  com- 
pelled to  return  to  Venice.  Paulus,  who  was  in  command 
of  the  fleet,  showed  a  conciliatory  disposition  and,  alleging 
to  have  orders  to  negotiate  for  peace,  opened  communica- 
tions with  the  king  of  Italy,  but  finding  that  the  doges  bit- 
terly opposed  him  in  every  way,  and  imperilled  his  safety 
by  secret  machinations,  cut  the  Gordian  knot  and  sailed 
away. 

It  is  difficult  to  explain  the  policy  of  the  doges.  Their 
action  against  the  admiral  seemed  inimical  to  the  Byzan- 
tines, and  it  was  clearly  not  friendly  to  the  Franks.  Did 
they  intrigue  for  independence,  thinking  it  their  advantage 
to  keep  the  belligerents  asunder  ?  Perhaps  they  only 
played  fast  and  loose,  for  a  favorable  turn.  They  were  cer- 
tainly slippery  and  treacherous,  and  it  might  be  argued, 
that  any  arrangement  which  placed  Venice  under  Frankish 
domination  would  be  odious  to  them,  as  entailing  a  pun- 
ishment which  they  knew  they  richly  deserved.1 

There  is  little  doubt  that  Pepin  regarded  their  conduct 
as  perfidious,  and  resented  it  by  ordering  an  attack  upon 
Venice  by  land  and  by  sea.  An  armament,  having  on 
board  a  very  powerful  army  of  Lombard  troops,  including 
cavalry,  penetrated  to  the  heart  of  Venetia,  crossed  the 
lagoons,  or,  in  the  language  of  a  Venetian  authority,  the 
"  ports  "  which  separate  the  isles,  under  great  difficulties, 
took  Palestrina,  and  advanced  to  a  place,  now  disappeared, 
called  Albiola,  which  was  situated  near  Malamocco.  At 
that  point  the  Venetians  were  able  to  check  the  advance  of 
the  enemy,  by  blocking  the  channel  with  masts  and  spars 
which  they  sunk  in  the  shallow  water.  This,  it  is  said,  pre- 
vented the  vessels  of  Pepin  from  carrying  his  troops,  which 
were  posted  on  the  coast,  to  the  Rialto,  and  compelled  him 

'I  do  not  pretend  to  explain  the  381,  Harnak,  /.  c,  p.  50  ;  and  Simson, 
puzzle.     See  Dollinger,  /.  c,  pp.  357,      /.  c,  II.,  p.  395,  text  and  notes. 


432  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

to  confine  his  operations  to  a  blockade  by  land  for  the  space 
of  six  months.  To  this  dubious  account  must  be  added  the 
fabulous  story  that  the  doges  attacked  and  defeated  Pepin 
with  great  loss  at  Albiola  and  forced  him  to  withdraw  in 
confusion.1  Other  versions  still  more  fabulous,  and  demon- 
strably the  manufacture  of  a  later  period,  need  not  be 
repeated.  We  drop  therefore  the  Venetian  account,  and, 
though  admitting  the  probability  of  a  check  to  the  army  of 
Pepin,  state  the  result  of  the  expedition  in  the  language  of 
the  Frankish  annals,  to  wit,  that  Pepin  subdued  Venetia  and 
810]  compelled  the  doges  to  make  their  submission.  This 
appears  to  be  established  and  confirmed  by  a  Greek  writer, 
saying,  that  the  Venetians,  owing  to  the  distress  caused  by 
the  long  blockade  and  the  devastation  of  their  country,  were 
forced  to  sue  for  peace.2  The  fleet  of  Pepin  thereupon  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  the  coast  of  Dalmatia  and  waste  the 
country,  but  that  part  of  the  expedition  proved  an  utter 
failure,  for  the  arrival  of  Paulus,  Prefect  of  Cephalonia,  who 
came  with  a  Greek  fleet  in  aid  of  the  Dalmatians,  compelled 
the  Franks  to  desist  from  their  purpose  and  sail  away. 

It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  add  that  the  explicit  record 
of  the  failure,  by  the  same  authority  which  notes  the  pre- 
vious success,  enhances  of  course  the  credibility  of  the 
whole.3 

We  now  turn  to  the  kingdom  of  Aquitaine  and  the  affairs 
of  Spain.  The  first  event  to  be  chronicled  is  the  submission 
806]  of  Navarra  and  Pampeluna.  The  first  reduction  of 
these  cities  to  Frankish  authority  occurred  twenty-eight 
years  before  when  Charles  invaded  the  peninsula  in  person. 
Since  then,  most  probably  in   recent  years,  the  victorious 

1  "  Confususrecessit." — Joh.  Chron.  c.  28  (ed.  Bonn);  Andr.  Dand.  apud 
Ven.  p.  15.  Muratori,   Rer.   lb.  SS.  XII.,  158  sq. 

2  Const.  Porphyro.  de  administr.  — Cf.  Harnak,  /.  c,  p.  51  n. — Miihl- 
imper.  c.  28,  ed.  Bonn.  bacher,  /.  c,  no.  437  a.     See  an   ex 

3  The  authorities  for  this,  the  last  haustive  critical  examination  of  the 
military  enterprise  of  Pepin,  are  the  legendary  account  of  the  attack  of 
following:  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim. —  Venetia  in  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  Excursus, 
Joh.  Chron.  Venet.  MG.  SS.  VII.,  14,  VI.,  p.  594  sqq. 

22  ;  Const.  Porphyr.,  De  adm.  imp. 


Chapter  IV.]  STRUGGLE   FOR   TORTOSA.  433 

emir  of  Cordova  reconquered  them,  as  Arab  authorities  state 
the  case,  while  the  Frankish  annals  speak  of  their  defection 
to  the  Saracens.  The  circumstances  under  which  they  re- 
turned to  Frankish  allegiance  are  unknown.1 

We  have  better  information  of  an  aggressive  movement 
directed  against  the  city  of  Tortosa,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Ebro.  It  was  strongly  fortified  and  commanded  that  river. 
Its  importance  as  a  military  position  did  not  escape  the 
emperor's  eye.  He  accordingly  directed  Louis,  in  a  personal 
interview  with  him  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  (February,  809),  to 
strike  a  blow  for  its  possession.  The  king  of  Aquitaine 
moved  at  the  head  of  a  seemingly  adequate  army  into  Spain, 
and  proceeded  to  St.  Columba,  two  marches  west  of  Barce- 
lona in  the  direction  of  Lerida.  There  he  divided  it  into 
two  columns,  a  greater  and  a  lesser.  With  the  former, 
under  his  own  command,  he  marched  to  Tarragona  and 
captured  the  Moslems  whom  he  found  there,  that  is,  those 
who  were  unable  to  escape.  Detached  companies  scoured 
the  country  and  spread  consternation  throughout  the  region  ; 
he  set  on  fire  and  destroyed  whatever  lay  in  his  path  ;  ham- 
lets, castles  and  cities,  all  the  way  to  Tortosa,  were  laid  in 
ruins  ;  and  then,  having  by  such  indiscriminate  destruction 
isolated  the  place,  he  pitched  his  camp  under  its  walls.  The 
second  column,  evidently  composed  of  picked  troops,  and 
conducted  by  able  commanders,  among  whom  Isambard, 
Hademar,  Bera,  and  Burellus  are  mentioned  by  name,  was 
under  orders  to  cross  the  Ebro,  surprise  the  enemy  from  the 
rear  and  either  attack  or  otherwise  harass  him. 

The  work  assigned  to  the  raiding  expedition  was  difficult 
and  perilous.  It  had  to  proceed  with  the  greatest  caution 
and,  in  order  to  conceal  the  movement,  was  obliged  to  turn 
night  into  day.  The  raiders  marched  only  by  night  and 
rested  during  the  day  in  the  dense  seclusion  of  the  woods  ; 

1  Annal.    Einh.    Maxim,    a.    806. —  319  sq. ;  Foss,  Ludivig  d.  Fromme  vor 

Vita  Hludov.    c.    18,   cf.   also  Annal.  seiner     Thronbesteigung,    p.    23. — See 

Metten.,  and  for  a  rich  crop  of  con-  also  Lembke,  Gesch.  von  Spanien,  I., 

jectures  :  Leibniz,  Ann.  imp.  I.,  244  ;  378. 
Funck,  Ludwig  d.  Fromme,  p.  30  sq. 
23 


434  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

they  were  even  forbidden  to  light  camp-fires,  lest  the  smoke 
should  betray  them.  Thus  stealthily  advancing  they 
reached  on  the  morning  of  the  seventh  day  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  Cinca,  swam  that  stream,  which  after  its 
junction  with  the  Segre,  forms  a  confluence  with  the  Ebro 
at  Mequinenza.  Near  the  latter  point  they  also  swam 
this  river  and  forthwith  began  the  work  of  devastation 
throughout  the  region,  one  of  the  most  fertile  and  opulent 
sections  of  the  whole  peninsula.  Thus  they  advanced  with- 
out opposition  to  a  place  of  considerable  size,  called  Villa- 
Rubea,  and  as  the  Saracens  in  the  consternation  of  such  a 
sudden  irruption  gave  what  they  had  or  fled  in  hot  haste, 
they  were  able  to  carry  off  rich  spoils.  But  the  news  of 
their  coming  spread  like  wildfire,  and  a  considerable  (non 
minima)  multitude  of  Saracens  and  Moors  (sic)  collected 
near  the  opening  of  the  Valla-Ibana,  a  deep  ravine  hidden 
between  high  and  precipitous  rocks,  to  dispute  their  passage 
in  a  well-set  ambush. 

Had  the  raiders  entered  that  hollow  they  would  either 
have  been  killed  to  a  man  or  taken  prisoners,  for  escape  was 
impossible.  But  precaution  and  prudence,  or  some  other 
cause,  directed  their  course  and  led  them  to  make  choice  of 
another  road,  not  as  direct,  and  seemingly  in  a  line  opposite 
to  their  advance. 

The  Moors  seeing  them  turn  round,  thought  they  were 
flying  and  gave  the  pursuit.  The  Franks  soon  disabused 
them,  for  leaving  the  spoils,  they  faced  about,  engaged,  de- 
feated, and  chased  their  Moslem  pursuers  ;  those  who  fell 
into  their  hands,  they  put  to  the  sword  ;  then  taking  up  the 
spoils,  and  flushed  with  victory,  they  began  and  completed 
the  return  march.  They  accomplished  this  plucky  and  suc- 
cessful raid  in  twenty  days  and,  it  is  added,  with  inconsider- 
able loss. 

The  king  doubtless  rejoiced  at  the  safe  return  of  his 
troops  with  such  valuable  booty,  and  would  have  rejoiced 
still  more  had  his  own  operations  been  correspondingly  suc- 
cessful. His  biographer  records  with  laconic  and  judicious 
brevity  that  after  devastating  the  country  all  around,  he 


Chapter  IV.]  CASE  OF  AMOROZ.  435 

returned  home.  A  supplementary  notice,  on  Arab  authority, 
explains  that  brevity. 

It  seems  that  El  Hakem,  the  emir  of  Cordova,  at  the  first 
intelligence  of  the  Frankish  invasion,  ordered  his  son  Abd-el- 
Rhaman,  then  at  Saragossa,  to  effect  a  junction  of  his  avail- 
able forces  with  those  of  the  emir  of  Valencia  and  by  forced 
marches  hasten  to  the  relief  of  Tortosa.  His  order  was 
instantly  and  intelligently  obeyed  ;  the  Moslems  attacked 
the  Franks  in  their  camp,  defeated  them,  and  compelled 
Louis  to  raise  the  siege  and  retreat.  They  were  neverthe- 
less not  strong  enough  to  give  the  pursuit.1 

809]  About  the  same  time  a  curious  incident  occurred, 
which  claims  attention.  Count  Aureolus,  the  Frankish  com- 
mandant who  had  his  head-quarters  in  the  Spanish  Marche  at 
a  point  opposite  to  Huesca  and  Saragossa,  died,  and  at  his 
death,  a  certain  Amoroz,  wali  of  those  cities,  occupied  his 
territory  and  put  garrisons  into  his  castles.  He  then  sent 
an  embassy  to  Charles,  charged  to  explain  or  justify  his 
strange  proceedings  on  the  plea  that  it  was  his  purpose  to 
submit  himself  with  all  things  to  him  belonging,  and  accord- 
ing to  another  notice,  with  all  his  people,  to  Frankish  rule. 
810]  The  emperor  must  have  thought  favorably  of  the  pro- 
posal, for  he  sent  legates  in  return  requiring  the  crafty 
Amoroz  to  fulfil  his  promise.  He  made  further  promises 
and  proposed  a  conference  with  the  Frankish  counts  in  the 
Spanish  Marche  at  which  the  promised  submission  was  to 
take  place.  The  emperor  approved  also  of  this  proposal, 
but  the  matter  fell  through,  because  "  many  causes  occurred 
to  prevent."  What  they  were  we  do  not  learn.  But  the 
sequel  seems  to  imply  that  the  whole  thing  was  a  ruse,  and 
as  objectionable  to  the  Moslems  as  to  the  Franks  ;  the 
affair  became  the  subject  of  diplomatic  intercourse  and  led 
to  the  appointment  of  an  Arab  embassy  to  Charles,  em- 
powered to  treat  of  peace.     It  was  virtually  concluded,  and 

1  Annal.  Einh.;  Vita  Hlud.  c.  14;  Mocri,     MS.    Arab.    704. — See     also 

cf.  Ademar,  apud  Duchesne,  II.,  84. —  Funck,  /.  c,  290  sq.;  Lembke,  /.  c,  I., 

Conde.    I.,  pt.    II.,    p.    35  ;    Fauriel  379,  note  2. 
names  the  Arab   historian,  Ahmed  el 


436  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

in  reciprocation  of  the  emir  El  Hakem  setting  free  the 
Frankish  Count  Haimrich,  a  prisoner  of  war,  the  emperor 
appears  to  have  surrendered,  or,  at  any  rate,  relinquished 
his  hold  upon  his  dubious  vassal  Amoroz,  who  was  forced 
by  Abd-el-Rhaman,  the  emir's  son,  to  fly  from  Saragossa 
and  escape  to  Huesca.1  The  terms  of  the  peace,  according 
to  a  Spanish  writer,  were  these : 

The  Moors  and  the  Franks  to  live  in  peace ;  each  of  the 
two  sovereigns  to  be  satisfied  with  the  territory  then  in  his 
possession  ;  the  king  of  Cordova  to  drive  his  vassal  Amoroz 
from  the  fortresses,  and  restore  to  Charles  the  count  Henri- 
cus,  for  some  time  past  a  prisoner  in  his  hands. — El  Hakem 
fulfilled  the  terms  of  this  agreement,  set  the  count  at  liberty, 
and  commanded  his  son  to  take  up  arms  against  Amoroz, 
faithless  alike  to  both  kings.  Abd-el-Rhaman  forced  him 
out  of  Saragossa,  and  pursued  him  to  Huesca,  where  he 
intended  to  fortify  himself.2 

The  first  two  conditions  appear  to  be  purely  imaginary  ; 
at  least  they  were  flatly  contradicted  by  the  events  then  in 
progress. 

The  peace,  moreover,  cannot  have  been  general,  for  it  did 
not  stop  hostilities.  A  new  expedition,  destined  to  accom- 
plish the  objects  proposed  in  that  of  the  preceding  year, 
was  ordered  to  be  prepared.  Louis  intended  to  conduct  it 
in  person,  but  the  emperor  decided  otherwise  ;  the  military 
ability  he  then  displayed  did  not  render  his  presence  indis- 
pensable, besides  he  was  wanted  for  other  work  of  great 
urgency.  He  was  directed  to  push  and  watch  the  building 
of  ships  on  the  Rhone,  the  Garonne,  and  the  Silida  (?),3  for 
service  against  the  Northmen,4  and  count  Ingobert  was  ac- 
cordingly placed  in  command  as  his  lieutenant  or  repre- 
sentative. 

He  safely  conducted  the  army  to  Barcelona  and  held  a 
military  council  ;  it  was  decided   that  the  former  plan  with 

1  Annal.  Einh.  a.  809,  810;  Maxim.,  3  It  is  not  known  what  river  is 
a.  810.  meant.     Conjectures  are  abundant. 

2  Historia  Critica  de  Espafia,   XII.,  4  See  p.  443. 
p.  114  sq. 


Chapter  IV.]  RAIDS   IN  SPAIN.  437 

a  diversion  beyond  the  Ebro  should  be  repeated.  The  bulk 
of  the  force  was  to  remain  with  count  Ingobert  and  under- 
take the  siege  of  Tortosa.  A  flying  column  of  picked  men, 
commanded  by  Hademar  and  Bera,  was  to  march  to  the 
Ebro  and  observe  the  same  cautions  as  before  ;  it  was 
ordered,  however,  that  they  should  not  swim  the  river,  but 
cross  on  boats.  For  this  purpose  the  necessary  number 
of  boats  was  built  in  sections,  four  sections  to  each  boat, 
each  section  to  be  drawn  by  two  horses  or  mules.  Clamps 
and  nails  for  putting  them  together,  as  well  as  pitch,  wax, 
and  oakum  for  calking  the  seams,  were  provided,  and  when 
all  was  ready,  the  raiders  set  out  on  their  perilous  venture. 
Their  former  experience  stood  them  in  good  stead,  and  as 
they  were  neither  encumbered  with  unnecessary  baggage, 
nor  troubled  with  tents,  they  did  not  loiter  by  the  way,  and 
as  stealthily  and  unobserved  as  on  the  former  occasion,1  per- 
formed the  journey  in  only  three  days,  or  less  than  half  the 
time  then  consumed.  On  the  fourth  day  the  men  crossed 
the  Ebro  on  the  boats,  but  the  horses  swam  the  river. 

Nevertheless  they  failed  in  surprising  the  foe.  It  seems 
that  the  wali  of  Tortosa  had  been  on  the  alert,  and  in  anti- 
cipation of  a  sudden  descent  placed  troops  on  both  banks  of 
the  Ebro,  which  proves  that  he  had  profited  by  past  experi- 
ence. Now  it  so  happened  that  a  Moor,  while  bathing, 
detected  in  the  water  evidence  of  the  presence  of  Frankish 
horses  and  gave  the  alarm.  Two  mounted  sentries  galloped 
up  the  river  and,  sighting  the  enemy  in  force,  informed 
their  brethren  who  fled  in  hot  haste  and  left  their  camp, 
with  all  its  belongings,  as  it  stood,  so  that  the  Franks  could 
take  and  turn  it  to  good  use  by  spending  the  next  night  in 
Arab  tents. 

On  the  following  day  Abaidun,  wali  of  Tortosa,  came  out 
to  meet  them.  An  engagement  took  place  in  which  the 
Moors,  though  greatly  superior  in  numbers,  were  defeated 
with  great  loss.  The  Franks  gave  the  pursuit  and  killed 
the  flying  enemy  until  night  stayed  the  massacre.      They 

1  See  p.  433. 


438  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

gathered  a  rich  booty,  and,  flushed  with  victory,  repaired  to 
the  investing  host  to  join  in  the  operations  against  Tortosa. 
But  here  they  were  not  successful,  for  the  Moors  defended 
their  city  with  skill  and  valor,  and  defied  the  efforts  of  count 
Ingobert,  who  was  at  last  compelled  to  raise  the  siege  and 
return.1 

Events  belonging  to  this  period,  other  than  legislative  and 
administrative,  in  which  the  emperor  appears  personally,  are 
now  in  order.  The  reader  will  remember  the  ship  which 
ran  the  blockade  and  entered  the  port  of  Treviso.2  It  bore 
the  emperor's  ambassadors  to  Harun  al  Raschid,  returning, 
and  accompanied  by  Abdallah,  the  khalifs  ambassador  to 
Charles,  together  with  George  and  Felix,  two  monks  from 
Jerusalem,  who  came  on  a  mission  from  the  patriarch 
Thomas.3  Abdallah  was  the  bearer  of  many  rare,  costly  and 
artistic  presents,  which  excited  universal  interest  and  admira- 
tion. Besides  rich  silken  vestments,  perfumes,  salves,  and 
balsam,  together  with  two  splendid  candelabra  of  brass  or 
bronze,  exquisite  in  form  and  of  large  dimensions,  they 
brought  a  remarkably  fine  tent  and  a  water-clock  which 
were  extolled  above  the  rest.  The  tent  was  a  prodigy  in 
size  and  beauty,  and  the  door  curtains  together  with  the 
ropes  and  cords  were  of  byssus  dyed  in  variegated  colors. 
The  Saxon  poet  fables  of  its  wonderful  dimensions  and  con- 
trivances ;  it  was  so  lofty  that  no  arm  was  strong  enough  to 
shoot  an  arrow  beyond  its  roof,  and  so  spacious,  and  con- 
tained so  many  splendid  apartments,  that  it  seemed  to  be  a 
palace.4  The  brass  or  bronze  water-clock  was  a  most  artistic 
work.  A  mechanism,  set  in  motion  by  water,  marked  the 
course  of  twelve  hours  ;  at  every  full  hour  as  many  bronze 
balls  as  the  dial  indicated  fell  upon  a  bell  placed  underneath 
and  made  it  strike  the  time ;  there  were  also  twelve  win- 
dows which  opened  as  each  hour  passed  away,  and  lastly  at 
the  end  of  the  twelve  hours,  twelve  cavaliers  issued  forth 

1  Vita  Hludov.  c.    15,  and  see  the  3  Annal.  Einh.  a.  807. 

record  of  Arab  writers  in  Funck,  I.  c,  4  Poeta  Saxo  1.  IV.,  v.  S5  sqq.,  20S 

p.  290.  sqq. 

2  See  page  430. 


Chapter  IV.]  HARUN  AL  RASCHID.  439 

from  the  twelve  windows  in  so  spirited  a  way  that  the  win- 
dows could  not  resist  the  shock  and  shut  in  consequence. 

The  clock  had  yet  many  other  surprising  contrivances  too 
numerous  to  be  mentioned,  as  the  annalist  observes,  and 
we  therefore  drop  the  subject.1 

It  is  doubtless  with  reference  to  this  embassy  that  we 
read  that  "  when  the  ambassadors  sent  by  Charles  to  visit  the 
most  holy  sepulchre  and  place  of  resurrection  of  our  Lord 
and  Saviour,  presented  themselves  before  him  [Harun] 
with  gifts,  and  made  known  their  master's  wishes,  he  not 
only  granted  what  they  asked,  but  gave  possession  of  that 
holy  and  blessed  spot.  When  they  returned,  he  despatched 
his  ambassadors  with  them  and  sent  magnificent  gifts,  etc."2 

The  evangelical  accuracy  of  this  statement  may  fairly  be 
questioned,  but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact  that 
the  khalif  ratified  the  nominal  suzerainty  of  Charles  over 
the  Holy  Places,  whose  symbols  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem 
had  sent  him  on  the  eve  of  his  coronation  (8oo).3  In  the 
hands  of  the  Monk  of  St.  Gall  the  khalif  goes  so  far  as  to 
propose  to  the  ambassadors  of  Charles  a  cession  of  the 
entire  Holy  Land,  content  to  administer  the  same  in  the 
capacity  of  a  deputy  iadvocatus)  !4 

The  embassy  of  Harun  was  purely  one  of  amity,  but  of 
the  object  of  the  mission  of  Brothers  George  and  Felix  the 
record  is  silent.  We  may  connect  it,  however,  with  the 
generosity  of  Charles  who  upon  the  discovery  of  "  Christians 
living  in  poverty  in  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Africa,  at  Jerusalem, 
Alexandria,  and  Carthage,  had  compassion  on  their  wants, 
and  used  to  send  money  over  the  seas  to  them.  The  reason 
that  he  so  zealously  strove  to  make  friends  with  the  kings 
beyond  seas  was  that  he  might  get  help  and  relief  to  the 
Christians  living  under  their  rule."5 

808]  During  the  emperor's  stay  at  Nimeguen  he  accorded 
hospitable  protection  to  Eardulf,  the  fugitive  king  of  North- 
umbria.    His  subjects,  as  appears  from  the  epistles  of  Alcuin,6 

1  Annal.  Einh.  5  Vita  Caroli,  c.  27. 

2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  16.  6  Alcuini    Epp.,   /.  c,  65,  79,   173, 

3  See  page  216  sq.  229. 

4  Monach.  Sangall.  II.,  g. 


440  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

had  just  grounds  of  complaint  against  him,  but  he  always 
maintained  friendly  relations  with  Charles x  and  naturally 
turned  to  him  in  his  distress  ;  he  also  had  the  ear  and  inter- 
est of  Leo  to  whom  he  was  wont  to  send  embassies.  The 
latter,  moreover,  espoused  his  cause  and  sent  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  deacon  Aldulf  as  his  legate  into  Great  Britain,  for  the 
purpose  of  composing  the  difficulty.  In  the  meantime  Ear- 
dulf,  upon  consultation  with  Charles,  proceeded  to  Rome,2 
where  he  spent  some  time,  and,  thanks  to  the  joint  good 
offices  of  the  emperor  and  the  pope,  was  enabled  to  return 
to  his  kingdom.  His  restoration  appears  to  have  taken 
place  under  imposing  circumstances,  for  we  read  that  the 
aforesaid  Aldulf,  representing  the  pope,  and  the  notary 
Hrotfrid  together  with  Nautharius,  Abbot  of  St.  Omer, 
representing  Charles,  accompanied  him  on  the  occasion.3 

The  ambassadors,  upon  the  successful  execution  of  their 
mission,  set  sail  for  their  distant  homes.  Those  of  Charles 
§09]  escaped  the  dangers  of  the  sea,  but  the  papal  legate 
was  less  fortunate ;  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  pirates  who 
carried  him  back  to  Britain,  and  held  him  until  a  vassal  of 
Ccenulf,  King  of  Mercia,  paid  his  ransom.  It  appears  that 
his  deliverance,  perhaps  only  his  ultimate  safe  return  to 
Rome,  was  due  to  the  kind  intervention  or  assistance  of 
Charles.4 

About  this  time  (808)  the  inimical  conduct  of  Gottfried,5 
King  of  the  Danes,  called  for  energetic  resistance  and  chastise- 
ment. He  invaded  the  territory  of  the  Abodrites,  whom  we 
left  in  possession  of  the  land  of  the  expatriated  Northalbin- 
gians,6  and  committed  terrible  outrages,  in  which  the  Wilzen 
or  Welatabians,  the  Smeldings,  and  Linonians  appear  as  his 
allies.  It  is  stated  that  he  took  and  destroyed  a  number  of 
castles,  and  devastated  the  country;  that  he  drove  away 
Thrasco,  the  not  over-popular  ruler  of  the  Abodrites,  treach- 

1  Leonis  III.,  epist.  2  (Jaffe).  s  The  Danes  call  him  Gottrik,  and  a 

2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  808.  saga  of  his  acts  and  exploits  has  been 

3  Annal.  Einh.,  a.  80S,  809  ;  Maxim.,  published  by  Olaiis  Verelius. 
808.  6  See  p.  140. 

4  Annal.  Einh.  e.  a.  Leon  III.,  ep.  4. 


Chapter  IV.]  GOTTFRIED   OF   DENMARK.  441 

erously  possessed  himself  of  the  person  of  Godelib,  another 
duke  of  the  same  people,  and  hung  him ;  and  that  he  made 
two-thirds  of  the  people  tributary.  His  successes,  however, 
were  dear-bought,  for  the  Abodrites  offered  stubborn  resist- 
ance, and  in  the  defence  of  an  unnamed  town  fought  so 
valiantly  that  by  far  the  best  of  the  Danish  warriors  lay 
dead  on  the  field,  and  Reginold,  the  king's  own  nephew  and 
heir-apparent  in  the  throne,  was  among  the  slain.  The 
announcement  of  the  invasion  provoked  immediate  action. 
It  was  feared  that  the  intrepid  Dane  might  attempt  to  cross 
the  Elbe,  and  the  emperor  accordingly  sent  his  son  Charles 
at  the  head  of  a  strong  army  to  that  river,  with  orders  to 
resist  the  advance  of  the  insensate  {ycesano)  king.  When 
Charles  arrived  at  the  Elbe  he  cast  a  bridge  over  that  river, 
and  learning  that  the  enemy,  doubtless  too  weak,  after  his 
severe  losses,  for  further  offensive  operations,  was  in  retreat 
with  great  celerity  entered  the  country  of  the  Linonians  and 
the  Smeldings,  and  laid  it  waste.  The  campaign,  however, 
was  not  successful ;  his  losses  in  men  were  considerable,  and 
he  deemed  it  prudent  to  recross  the  Elbe.  Gottfried,  on 
the  other  hand,  appears  to  have  pursued  his  march  to  the 
coast,  and,  after  the  destruction  of  a  mercantile  sea-port 
called  Reric,  and  the  removal  of  the  traders  on  board  his 
vessels,  set  sail  and  disembarked  his  army  at  Sliesthorp,  the 
modern  Sleswig.  There,  it  is  added,  he  provided  for  the 
protection  of  his  frontier  against  encroachments  from  the 
direction  of  Saxony,  by  ordering  the  building  of  a  wall,  on  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Eider,  from  the  Baltic  to  the  North 
Sea,  furnished  with  only  one  gate  for  the  ingress  and  egress 
of  wagons  and  horses.  Leaving  the  execution  of  this  pro- 
digious work  in  the  hands  of  his  army,  he  went  home.1 

Nor  was  the  emperor  remiss  in  the  protection  of  his  fron- 
tier. He  ordered  his  missi  to  direct  the  building  of  two 
castles  on  the  Elbe,  in  which  he  placed  Frankish  garrisons 
as  a  precautionary  measure  against  the  Sclavonians.2     The 

'  Annal.  Einh.  a.  80S.  these  castles  was  probably  Hohbuoki. 

2  Annal.   Einh.;  Maxim.;  S.  Aman-      See  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  p.  390,  note  8. 
di  ;  Chronic.  Moiss.  a.  808.     One   of 


442  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Danish  king,  however,  apprehending  further  trouble,  and 
ostensibly  with  a  view  to  peace,  sent  several  merchants  with 
a  message  to  this  effect :  he  had  heard  that  the  emperor 
was  angry  with  him  for  having  made  war,  the  year  before, 
with  the  Abodrites,  and  avenged  his  injuries  ;  this  he  could 
easily  explain  since  it  was  they  and  not  himself  who  in  the 
first  instance  had  broken  the  peace  ;  so,  with  a  view  to  a 
satisfactory  discussion  and  solution  of  the  pending  difficul- 
ties, he  recommended  the  appointment  of  an  international 
commission.  The  emperor  did  not  disfavor  the  Danish 
proposals  and  consented  to  the  appointment  of  his  commis- 
sioners, who  met  the  Danish  deputies  at  a  place  beyond 
the  Elbe,  called  Badenfliot.  The  conference  took  place,  the 
commissioners  discussed  the  criminations  which  were  made 
on  both  sides,  and  separated  without  any  practical  results. 

Meanwhile  the  excitement  among  the  Sclavonian  tribes 
was  at  flood-tide.  Thrasco,  it  seems,  who  in  compliance 
with  the  demand  of  Gottfried,  had  given  him  his  son  as 
hostage,  felt  at  liberty  to  return  to  his  country,  and  straight- 
way undertook  to  avenge  his  wrongs.  He  collected  an 
army,  composed  of  his  own  people  and  Saxon  auxiliaries, 
and  in  punishment  of  their  alliance  with  Gottfried,  invaded 
the  country  of  the  Welatabians,  laid  it  waste  with  fire  and 
sword,  and,  laden  with  booty,  returned  home.  Flushed 
with  his  success,  he  accepted  still  more  Saxon  (z.  e.  Frankish) 
auxiliaries  and  fell  upon  the  Smeldings.  He  took  their 
capital  city,  and  forced  them,  as  well  as  others,  who  had 
revolted  from  his  rule,  to  return  to  their  allegiance.  We 
understand  that  he  did  this  as  the  ally  and  vassal  of  Charles, 
under  his  directions,  and  with  the  troops  which  he  sent  him.1 

The  effect  of  these  events  on  the  mind  of  Gottfried  may 
be  divined.  Thrasco  had  absolutely  destroyed  his  work  and 
made  his  former  success  of  none  effect ;  and  on  Thrasco  he 
meant  to  be  avenged.  He  succeeded  in  enticing  him  by 
specious  representations  to  Reric,  and  there  caused  him  to 
be  assassinated  by  one  of  his  vassals.2 

'Annal.  Einh.,   Maxim.;    Regino  ;  -  Chron.  Moiss.  Annal.  Einh. 

Chronic.  Moiss. 


Chapter  IV.]  DANISH   DESCENT.  443 

Gottfried  was  a  reckless  and  most  dangerous  enemy,  so 
"puffed  up  with  vain  aspirations  that  he  counted  on  gain- 
ing empire  over  all  Germany,  and  looked  upon  Saxony  and 
Frisia  as  his  provinces.  He  had  already  subdued  his  neigh- 
bors the  Abodrites,  and  made  them  tributary,  and  boasted 
that  he  would  soon  appear  with  a  great  army  before  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  where  the  king  held  his  court.  Some  faith  was 
put  in  his  words," '  and  Charles,  in  anticipation  of  further 
hostilities,  ordered  the  immediate  erection  of  a  strong  for- 
tress at  Esesfeld  on  the  Stoer,  the  modern  Itzehoe.2 

810]  But  the  Dane  stole  a  march  upon  him  and  struck  a 
blow  where  he  was  least  expected.  The  emperor  was  still 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  when  suddenly  tidings  came  of  a  most 
alarming  character.  A  Danish  fleet  of  two  hundred  sail, 
after  devastating  the  islands  off  the  coast,  had  landed  in 
Frisia,  defeated  the  Frisians  in  three  successive  engage- 
ments, made  them  tributary,  and  already  exacted  a  first 
contribution  of  three  hundred  pounds  of  silver.  The  report 
continued  that  the  descent  had  been  made  by  Gottfried's 
lieutenants,  but  that  he  himself  had  stayed  at  home. 

Inquiry  proved  that  the  announcement  was  strictly  true  ; 
it  was  by  far  the  boldest  attack  on  the  Frankish  dominions 
ever  made  by  northern  foe.  It  fairly  stunned  Charles,  and 
roused  not  only  his  anger,  but  all  the  latent  energy  of  his 
nature.  He  summoned  the  hccrbann,  ordered  the  comple- 
tion of  the  ships  building  in  different  parts  of  the  empire, 
the  collection  of  a  fleet,  and  the  coast-guard  to  every  point 
where  the  enemy  might  be  able  to  land.3 

He  immediately  left  the  palace,  it  being  his  first  purpose 
to  attack  the  hostile  fleet ;  but  as  this  was  not  practicable, 
he  changed  his  mind,  and  deeming  it  best  that  operations 
should  begin  from  a  point  near  the  reported  descent,  pro- 
ceeded with  the  younger  Charles  to  Lippeham,  the  desig- 
nated rendezvous  of  the  troops,  led  them  by  forced  marches 
to  Verden  on  the  Aller,  and  went  into  camp. 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  14.  3  Ann.    Einh.  a.  811. — See  p.  426, 

2  Annal.    Einh.,    Maxim.,    a.    809.      and  Vita  Caroli,  c.  17. 
Chron.  Moiss.  a.  810. 


444  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

There  he  awaited  further  developments,  for  the  move- 
ments and  designs  of  the  enemy  were  shrouded  in  mystery. 
Would  Gottfried  fulfil  his  boast  and  meet  him  in  open 
field?  Whence  would  he  come?  From  beyond  the  Elbe, 
or  from  Frisia  ? 

Prepared  for  every  possible  emergency,  and  pending  the 
uncertainty,  he  held  a  placitum,  received  a  deputation  of 
his  staunch  allies,  the  Abodrites,  and  in  response  to  their 
solicitation,  designated  Sclaomir  successor  to  their  murdered 
king.1 

The  long  continued  dearth  of  intelligence  and  suspense 
at  last  gave  way  to  a  series  of  startling  announcements. 
"  The  Danes  had  re-embarked  and  sailed  home,"  was  the 
burden  of  the  messages  which  came  from  Frisia  ;  "  Gott- 
fried has  been  assassinated  by  one  of  his  own  body-guard," 
shouted  couriers  from  the  Elbe  as  they  entered  the  camp. 
This  ended  the  war  in  a  most  wonderful  and  unexpected  way.2 

The  fate  of  Gottfried  was  a  Nemesis,  which  Charles  and 
his  warriors  heard  with  a  sense  of  relief,  but  on  the  heels  of 
its  announcement  came  another  of  an  opposite  character. 
The  Welatabians  had  surprised  the  castle  of  Hohbuoki  on 
the  Elbe,  with  a  garrison  of  Eastphalian  troops,  commanded 
by  an  imperial  missus,  and  destroyed  it ;  the  loss  was  vexa- 
tious, but  easy  to  repair.3 

It  was  the  precursor  of  one  much  sorer,  and  irreparable, 
in  the  untimely  death  of  Pepin,  King  of  Italy.  The  circum- 
stances under  which  it  occurred  are  not  known,  for  the 
vague  statement  of  a  later  writer,  that  it  was  preceded  by 
a  painful   illness,   sheds  no  light   on   the  subject.4     It   was 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  a.  817;  Aquens.  809;  sence,  and  the  consequent  escape  of 
Miihlbacher,  /.  c,  pp.  181,  251.  the  Danes,  exclaiming  :   "  Woe  is  me, 

2  Annal.  Einh. ;  Maxim. ;  Chron.  that  I  was  not  worthy  to  see  how  my 
Moiss. ;  Vita  Caroli,  c.  14.  The  Monk  Christian  soldiers  would  have  handled 
of  St.  Gall  says,  that  Gottfried   was  those  dogheads !  " 

slain  by  his  own  son   in  revenge  for  Monach.    Sangall.    II  ,    13  ;    Ekke- 

the  repudiation  of  his  mother,  adding  hard,    Chron.    Univ.    MG.    SS.    VI., 

that  while  Charles  glorified  God  for  162,  170. 

this  singular  judgment,  he  greatly  de-  3  Annal.  Einh. 

plored   the    calamity    of  his  own  ab-  4  Poeta  Sax.  IV.,  241. 


Chapter  IV.]  DEATH   OF   PEPIN.  445 

utterly  unexpected ;  the  last  tidings  of  Pepin  were  those 
of  the  Venetian  campaign,1  which  must  have  swelled  his 
father's  heart  with  grateful  joy,  and  fond  expectation ; 
and  now,  in  immediate  succession,  came  this  crushing 
blow. 

Twice  before  that  year,  not  yet  eight  months  old,  the 
angel  of  death  had  visited  his  house  ;  first  he  summoned 
away  Gisla,  his  beloved  and  only  surviving  sister,  the  saintly 
abbess  of  Chelles,  who  was  as  dear  to  him  as  his  mother;2 
then  he  took  his  eldest  daughter,  princess  Rotrud,  once 
affianced  to  the  emperor  Constantine,  Alcuin's  Columba,  the 
mother  of  Louis,  subsequently  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  and  of 
late  years  the  frequent  companion  of  her  aunt ;  and  now  he 
removed,  in  distant  Italy,  his  well-beloved  Pepin.3  It  was 
a  great  sorrow,  and  he  wept  for  him — for  he  was  wont  to 
weep  in  bereavement4 — in  his  camp  at  Verden  on  the 
Aller,  the  same  place  where  in  years  gone  by  he  gazed, 
with  unmoved  eye,  on  the  gory  punishment  of  the  perfidi- 
ous Saxons. 

Pepin  died  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his  life,  and  was 
reputed  to  be  a  kind  and  tender-hearted  man,  of  winsome 
presence,  and  considerable  culture.  He  excelled  most  in 
arms,  as  the  Beneventans,  Avars,  and  Venetians  knew  to 
their  cost,  and  Angilbert  told  in  verse.5 

He  was  buried  at  Milan,  and  a  mural  tablet  of  recent 
recovery,  in  the  left  nave  of  St.  Ambrose,  bears  a  Latin 
inscription  of  this  tenor  : 

"  Here  rests  in  peace  Pepin  who  reigned  in  this  province 
twenty-eight  years  and  three  months.  He  was  buried  on 
the  fifth  of  the  Ides  of  July  in  the  third  year  of  the  Indic- 
tion.     A  son  of  the  great  lord  Charles."  6 

1  See  p.  432  sq.  XXVIII.  m.    III.   Depositus  V.  Idus 

2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  18.  t  1    •   a-  »•        ttt    ci   j         <-      i- 

Iul.  indictione  III.  nl.  d.  m.  Caroli. 

3  Errn.  Nigell.  Eleg.  II.,  175. 

4  Vita  Caroli,  c.  19.  The    death    and   burial   of   Pepin,   in 

5  Carm.  /.  c.  VI.,  200  sqq.  Milan,  are  attested  :   1.   The  death,  by 

6  The  Latin  inscription  is  as  follows  :  Sigebert,  /.  c.  a.  809;  Dand.,  Mura- 
+  Hie   Pipinus  rex    quiescit  in   pace  tori,    Rer.    It.  SS.,   XII.,    158    E.;  2. 

qui  in  hac  regnavit  provincia  ann.  The    burial,    Annul.    Lauriss.    minor. 


44-6  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

The  emperor  at  once  sent  for  his  children,  one  son  and 
five  daughters,1  placed  Bernhard,  for  some  time,  in  the  mon- 
astery at  Fulda,2  for  the  purpose  of  profiting  by  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  famous  Rhabanus,  its  abbot,  and  provided  for 
the  orphaned  daughters  at  the  Court,  where  they  found  a 
loving  home,  and  were  educated  under  the  direction  and  in 
the  company  of  their  aunts. 

Besides  these  personal  and  domestic  griefs,  Charles  was 
much  cast  down  by  a  great  national  calamity,  which  bore, 
with  unexampled  severity,  especially  on  the  army  in  West- 
phalia. The  epizooty,  a  pestilential  murrain,  broke  out, 
and  cut  off  all  the  cattle  of  the  expedition  to  a  head. 

The  prevalence  of  that  fatal  disease  in  every  part  of  the 
Frankish  empire  filled  the  people  with  despair  and  led  to 
terrible  results.  The  ignorant,  suspicious,  and  unreasoning 
populace  sought  to  explain  the  epidemic,  and  from  inability 
to  find  a  solution,  believed  a  wide-spread  rumor  that  Grim- 
oald,  Duke  of  Benevento,  had  sent  out  emissaries  who 
poisoned  all  the  wells,  meadows,  and  even  the  grazing  lands 
of  mountainous  regions  by  scattering  broad-cast  "  mortal 
powder,"  as  it  was  called.  In  vain  did  more  enlightened 
persons  protest,  denounce  the  wickedness  and  absurdity  of 
so  dangerous  a  rumor,  explaining  that  the  Grimoald,  who 
for  so  many  years  had  been  at  enmity  with  the  Franks  was 
dead,  and  that  the  new  Grimoald,  who  had  risen  in  his 
place,  was  an  urbane  and  peaceful  man,  and  inclined  to  be 
the  friend  of  Charles.     They  preached  to  deaf  ears,  for  the 

cod.  Rem. ;  Chronic  Vedast.  MG.  SS.      was  set  up.     The    first  two  lines  ex- 

XIII.,  707.  pressly    and    emphatically    affirm    as 

The  tradition,  naming  St.  Zeno  in      much : 

Verona   as  the  place  of  his  burial,  is  TT     .      .  .     .         .  „.      . 

r  Hoc  lacet  in  tumiilo  Fippinus.  rez  ven- 
untenable.     See  Malfatti,  Bernardo  re  , 

„  _    ,.  erandus, 

a  Italia,  p.  53  sq.  „  ..    ,      .      .  .     .         , 

-       .  7       ,  Hespenam  rexit,  hoc  lacet  in  tumulo. 
The  authenticity  of  the  mural  tablet 

in  St.   Ambrose's   is    not  undisputed.  J  Their     names     were  :     Adelaide, 

Another,    and   very    elegant   epitaph,  Atula,  Gundrada,   Berthaid,  Theodra- 

printed  by  Dummler   in  Poet.    Latin,  da. — The  name  of  their  mother  is  not 

sev.    Carol.     I.,    405,    bears    intrinsic  known  ;  an  allusion  to  her  occurs  in 

evidence  of  having  been  intended  to  be  Ale.  ep.  77. 

placed  over  the  tomb,  and  presumably  -  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  485. 


Chapter  IV.]  THE  EPIZOOTY.  447 

insensate  people  would  arrest  strangers  or  suspicious  charac- 
ters, accuse  them  of  scattering  poison,  and  lay  violent  hands 
on  them. 

Some,  according  to  an  eye-witness,  they  killed  on  the 
spot,  but  most  of  the  victims  were  tied  to  boards  and 
drowned.  By  far  the  most  wonderful  feature  of  the  mur- 
derous excitement  was  the  strange  circumstance  that  some 
of  the  persons  seized  actually  confessed  that  they  had  scat- 
tered "  mortal  powder." 

The  writer  does  not  state  that  their  confession  was  volun- 
tary, but  torture  is  probably  its  explanation. 

The  frenzy  was  so  dangerous  that  special  legislation  be- 
came necessary,  and  the  clergy  were  instructed  to  admonish 
the  people  to  give  alms  and  humble  themselves  in  prayer 
for  the  removal  of  the  many  plagues  with  which  for  their 
sins  they  were  grievously  afflicted.1 

A  sample  of  the  manner  in  which  the  metropolitans  com- 
plied with  the  imperial  mandate  has  been  preserved.  The 
circular  enjoins  a  three  days'  fast  with  humiliation  and 
prayer  to  be  universally  observed,  throughout  the  archiepis- 
copal  see  by  all  persons,  except  such  as  by  reason  of  old 
age,  or  infancy,  were  unable  to  keep  it  ;  directs  the  fast  to 
extend  to  abstinence  from  meat  and  wine,  from  beer,  mil- 
schida  (a  concoction  of  beans  and  honey)  and  mead  ;  and  that 
all  persons  unable  to  fast  were  fined  a  solidus  a  day  if  they 
were  rich  ;  if  in  middling  circumstances,  in  six  denarii  a  day, 
and  if  poor,  in  as  much  as  they  were  able  to  give.  Perhaps 
these  amounts  were  required  of  all  persons  as  part  of  the  fast. 

The  clerics  and  nuns  able  to  recite  the  Psalter  were  re- 
quired to  repeat  the  entire  book  in  three  daily  portions  of 
fifty  Psalms.     The  remainder  of  the  circular  is  wanting.2 

On  this,  the  last  expedition  conducted  by  Charles  in  per- 
son, occurred  the  accident  included  among  the  prodigies 
prophetic   of   his  death.3     If   it  happened  at  that  time,  it 

1  Agobard,   De  grand,   et  tonitrids,  2  Rhicolfi  archiepisc.  ad   Eginonem 

c.  16  ;  Capit.    Missor.    Aquisgr.    I,  a.  epistola  a.  810,  apud  Boretius,  /.  c,  p. 

810  ;  idem,  2,  Sio ;  apud  Boretius,  /.  249. 

c-t  P-  *$?>•  3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  32.     See  p.  490. 


448  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

impressed  him  doubtless  as  a  similar  event  would  impress 
strong-minded  and  enlightened  men  of  common  sense  now, 
who  would  view  it  as  a  merciful  deliverance,  or,  should 
their  convictions  tend  that  way,  as  a  special  providence. 
The  intimation  of  impending  death  would  probably  be  as 
remote  from  their  minds  as  it  was  from  the  thought  of 
Charles. 

But  that  camp  at  Verden  marks  a  change  in  his  life ;  the 
hand  of  God  had  touched  him  inly,  and  he  left  the  Aller,  a 
chastened  and  a  better  man.1 

Another  subject  of  great  moment  to  theologians  of  the 
ninth  century,  and  still  of  considerable  interest,  remains  to 
be  considered. 

The  dogma  of  the  Procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  often 
remanded  to  the  realm  of  the  unknown  or  unknowable,  is 
one  of  the  questions  which  led  to  the  great  schism  eventu- 
ating in  the  separation  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches. 
It  is  an  indisputable  fact  that  the  Council  of  Constantinople 
A.  D.  381]  inserted  in  the  Creed  of  the  Council  of  Nice 
A.  I>.  325]  the  words  "  proceeding  from  the  Father,"  and 
A.  D.  431]  that  the  Council  of  Ephesus  decreed  that  thence- 
forth no  additions  should  be  made  to  that  Creed.  The 
Greek  Church  accordingly  taught  that  the  Holy  Ghost  pro- 
ceeded from  the  Father.  Thus  the  dogma  stood  in  the 
Creed,  although  there  is  good  ground  for  the  opinion  that 
both  early  Greek  and  Latin  theologians  held  the  view  that 
the  Holy  Ghost  proceeded  from  the  Father  and  the  Son. 
A.  D.  589]  In  the  Latin  Church,  the  Council  of  Toledo 
inserted  the  words  filioque,  i.  e.,  "  and  from  the  Son,"  in 
the  aforesaid  Creed,  and  thus  it  passed  into  the  Frankish 
Church.  The  question  was  examined  in  a  Synod  held  at 
A.  D.  767]  Gentilly  in  the  reign  of  King  Pepin,  at  which 
Byzantine  and  papal  representatives  were  present,  but  it 
remained  open.     At  the  instance  of  Charles  it  was  taken 

1  For  the  whole  section,  besides  the  Einh.,   Maxim.,   S.   Amandi  ;  Chron. 

special  references  see  on  the  Danish  Moiss. ;  Annal.  Aquens. — Vita  Caroli, 

expedition  :  S09,  Annal.  Mett. ;  Einh.;  cc.  17,  14. — On  Pepin  :  Annal.  Einh. 
Maxim.;  Chron.  Moiss. — 810.  Annal. 


Chapter  IV.]  THE   FILIOQUE.  449 

up,  and  Alcuin  wrote  a  treatise  upon  it  which  took  strong 
ground  in  favor  of  the  double  procession.1 

A  monk  of  St.  Sabas  at  Jerusalem,  the  presbyter  John, 
raised  the  question  in  a  vehement  attack  of  the  Frankish 
congregation  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  declared  them 
and  all  the  Franks,  because  of  the  obnoxious  interpolation, 
heretics.  The  excitement  was  intense,  and  the  controversy- 
grew  so  hot  that  it  became  necessary  to  refer  the  dispute 
for  decision  in  the  first  instance  to  Pope  Leo  III.,  and 
through  him  to  the  emperor.  Charles  introduced  the  mat- 
809]  ter  in  the  Synod  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  but  although  that 
Council  showed  a  strong  leaning  in  favor  of  the  view  ably 
presented  by  the  bishop  of  Orleans  (Theodulf),  and  Sma- 
ragdus,  abbot  of  St.  Mihiel  on  the  Meuse,  that  the  dogma  of 
the  Double  Procession  rested  upon  the  express  testimony  of 
passages  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  and  the  Fathers, 
did  not  reach  a  decision.2  But  the  emperor,  unwilling  to 
leave  the  matter  unsettled,  appointed  Bernharius  bishop  of 
Worms,  and  his  cousin  Adalhard,  abbot  of  Corbie,  ambassa- 
dors to  Leo  with  a  view  to  bring  it  to  a  formal  decision. 
They  read  to  Leo  all  the  proof  passages  in  favor  of  the 
filioqae,  and  then  discussed  them  with  him  in  a  very  friendly 
spirit,  urging  that  if  the  dogma  of  the  Double  Procession 
set  forth  an  important  truth,  every  means  of  making  it 
known  should  be  adopted,  submitting  that  the  chanting 
of  the  Creed  with  the  filioque  in  public  \i.  e.,  especially  in 
the  imperial  Chapel  Service],  would  greatly  conduce  to  so 
desirable  an  end.  The  pope,  while  adopting  the  dogma  that 
the  Holy  Ghost  proceeded  from  the  Father  and  the  Son, 
opposed  the  introduction  of  the  word  filioque  as  an  unau- 
thorized interpolation,  on  the  ground  of  veneration  of  the 
fathers  who  framed  the  Creed,  and  of  tender  regard  for  the 
Greeks  to  whom  it  was  obnoxious.  He  declared  it  as  his 
opinion  that  the   word   should    be  dropped,  and   that   the 

1  Libellus  de  processione  spiritus  is  ascribed  to  Charles  ;  probability 
sancti,  Opp.  ed.  Froben.  I.,  3  ;  Al-  points  to  another  authorship,  but 
cuini  ep.  242.  whose  I  do  not  pretend  to  affirm. 

2  The  Hymn  Veni  Creator  Spiritus 

29 


450  CHARLES    THE   GREAT.  [BOOK  III. 

chanting  of  the  Creed,  because  it  was  not  chanted  in  his 
own  church,  should  be  gradually  omitted. 

In  order,  moreover,  to  give  a  public  intimation  of  his 
views  he  caused  to  be  set  up  in  the  churches  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul,  at  Rome,  the  Nicene-Constantinopolitan 
Creed  in  the  precise  form  (i.  e.,  without  the  filioque)  in 
which  it  had  been  set  forth.  It  was  engraved  on  two  very 
massive  silver  shields,  on  the  one  in  Greek  and  on  the  other 
in  Latin,  which  appeared  on  either  side  of  the  entrance  to 
the  tomb  of  St.  Peter,  and  again  on  another  such  shield  at 
the  entrance  to  that  of  St.  Paul.  Underneath  he  added 
these  words  :  "  I,  Leo,  have  set  this  up  in  token  of  my  love 
and  protection  {canteld)  of  the  orthodox  faith."  x 

In  spite  of  his  opinion,  however,  the  use  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  remained  in  force  ;  and  in  due  course  the  famous 
word  gradually  found  its  way  into  the  form  of  the  Creed 
throughout  the  Latin  Churches. 

1  Epist.  Carol.  22,  23  (Jaffe);  Migne  nal.    Eccles.    Franc,     t.    IV.,    ad.    a. 

t.   CV.,   p.  239  ;    t.   98,    923. — Epist.  809.     Longueval,  Histoire  de  V ' £glise 

Mogunt.  1  (Jaffe,  III.,  317).     Annal.  Gallicane,  t.  V.,  p.  151. — Vita  Leonis 

Einh.    a.    810;    Maxim.;    cf.    Adonis  III.,  ap.  Muratori,  Her.  It.    SS.  III., 

Chron.     MG.    SS.    II.,    320.— Mansi  1.  p.  208. 
XIV.,  18.     See  also  Le  Cointe,  An- 


CHAPTER  V. 

LAST   YEARS   OF   CHARLES. 

Provisional  government  of  Italy  by  missi. — Peace  with  Nicephorus.  —  Charles 
divides  his  treasure. — Text  of  the  Testament. — Case  of  Obelierius. — Events 
in  the  Eastern  empire. — Michael  I.  emperor. — Ratification  of  peace. — Leo 
V.  emperor. — Peace  with  Denmark. — Affairs  in  that  country. — Norman  and 
Saracen  pirates. — Peace  and  war  in  Spain. — Futile  investment  of  Huesca. — 
Military  expeditions  against  the  Vasconians  ;  the  Bretons,  Linnonians,  etc.; 
and,  for  the  establishment  of  order,  to  Pannonia  ;  later,  against  the  Wela- 
tabians. — Final  submission  of  Benevento. — Adalhard. 

The  death  of  Pepin  imposed  the  necessity  of  immedi- 
ate provision  for  the  administration  of  his  kingdom.  His 
rule,  like  that  of  Louis,  was  strictly  dependent  on  that  of 
Charles,1  and  purely  nominal. 

Even  in  the  matter  of  the  coinage,  the  supremacy  of 
Charles  was  strictly  maintained,  and  coins  struck  in  Italy, 
Aquitaine,  and  the  Spanish  Marche,  still  extant,  bear  his 
name.2 

Accordingly  at  his  death  the  instructions,  before  given  to 
him,  were  transferred  to  imperial  missi,  among  whom  the 
abbot  of  Corbie  was  the  most  illustrious.3  The  arrange- 
ment, however,  was  only  provisional. 

Soon  after  his  demise,  the  spatharius  Arsafius,  an  ambas- 
sador from  the  Greek  emperor,  the  bearer  of  letters,  and 
messages  for  Pepin,  arrived  in  Italy. 

Charles,  upon  his   own   testimony,  heard   the   announce- 

1  See  Art.  20  of  the  Instrument  of  The  last  place  names  the  patriarch 
Division,  p.  424.  Paulinus,  archbishop  Arno,  abbot  Far- 

2  Soetbeer,  Forschungen,  IV.,  299,  dulf,  and  the  count  palatine  Echerigus 
303,  307,  341,  sq.  as  imperial  missi  in  Italy,  before  this 

3  Tiraboschi,  Storia  della  badia  di  period  ;  and  the  last  but  one  distinctly 
Nonantola,  II.,  36,  no.  20  ; — Mura-  states  that  Rotechild  was  the  baiulus 
rori,   Antiq.  Ital.    II.,   977  ;  V.,  953.  of  Pepin. 


45^  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

ment  of  his  arrival  with  pleasure,  and  unable  to  doubt  the 
purport  of  his  mission,  concluded  to  treat  it  as  directed  to 
himself,  and  invited  the  spatharius  to  proceed  to  his  court. 
The  tenor  of  the  imperial  letter,  and  the  oral  communica- 
tions of  the  ambassador,  convinced  him  of  the  pacific  inten- 
tions of  the  Byzantine  government  and  paved  the  way  for 
an  amicable  understanding.  A  preliminary  treaty  of  peace, 
on  the  basis  of  the  restoration  to  Greek  supremacy  of 
Venetia  and  the  sea-ports  in  Liburnia  and  Dalmatia,  and 
the  recognition,  by  the  Byzantine  emperor,  of  Charles  as 
Emperor  of  the  West,  was  the  result  of  the  negotiations. 
Charles,  upon  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty,  addressed  a  very 
cordial  epistle  to  Nicephorus,  in  which  he  dwells  with  mani- 
fest gratification  on  the  pacific  disposition  of  his  imperial 
"  brother  "  (for  whom  he  has  also  such  endearing  terms  as 
"  amiable  fraternity,"  "  loving  dilection,"  "  affection  "),  and 
concludes  with  the  announcement  of  his  purpose  of  speedily 
sending  to  him  an  embassy  for  the  continuation,  and,  eventu- 
ally, the  confirmation  and  ratification  of  the  peace.1 

He  probably  made  Arsafius,  in  a  farewell  audience,  bearer 
of  the  said  epistle,  and  soon  after,  say  early  in  81 1,  sent  his 
own  ambassadors,  to  wit,  Heito,  Bishop  of  Basel,  Hugo,  Count 
of  Tours,  and  the  Lombard  Aio  of  Friuli  to  Constantinople. 

It  is  added,  that  the  embassy, — doubtless  in  consequence 
of  a  previous  understanding  reached  by  Charles  and  Arsafius 
— conducted  Obelierius,  the  deposed  doge  of  Venice,  to  "  his 
master,"  i.  e.,  the  Greek  emperor,  as  well  as  the  spatharius 
Leo  of  Sicily,  a  fugitive  at  the  court  of  Charles,  who  now 
desired  to  return  to  Constantinople.2  Before  the  departure 
of  the  said  embassy,3  the  emperor  took  action  in  a  matter 
which  is  doubtless  closely  connected  with  his  sad  bereave- 
ments. 


1  Annal.  Einh.  Maxim,  a.  810,  Sn,  Monach.  Sangall.  II.,  6,  and  on  Obe- 
cf.  812. — Vita  Carol,  cc.  15,  16,  28. —  lierius,  Johan.  Chron.  Ven.  MG.  SS., 
Epistol.  Carol.    29  (Jaffe),  and  see  on  VII.,  15. 

the  whole  subject,  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  3  This    is    established,    for    Heito, 

p.  444  sqq.  and  ibid..  Excursus  V.  bishop  of  Basel,  was  one  of  the  wit- 

2  Annal.  Einh.  Maxim,  a.  811.     Cf.  nesses  of  his  testament. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST  YEARS   OF  CHARLES.  453 

811]  There  were  monitions,  which  the  stealthy  approach 
of  old  age  bade  him  heed.  Five  years  before  he  had  regu- 
lated the  division  of  his  empire,  and  the  succession,  but  he 
had  not  yet  made  his  will.  Strictly  speaking  he  never  dis- 
posed by  testamentary  provision  of  his  real  estate.  Ein- 
hard  writes  that  "  he  had  intended  to  make  a  will  that 
he  might  apportion  to  his  daughters  and  the  children  of 
his  concubines  shares  in  his  inheritance,  but  it  was  begun 
too  late,  and  could  not  be  finished.  Three  years  before 
his  death,  however,  he  made  a  division  of  his  treasure, 
etc."  ' 

It  is  with  this  division  that  we  are  now  concerned.  Con- 
cerning this  interesting  document,  happily  preserved,  it  is 
known  that  on  a  certain  day,  not  mentioned,  he  assembled 
his  friends  and  ministers,  and  called  them  in  as  witnesses, 
that  their  voices  might  insure  the  ratification  of  his  disposi- 
tions after  his  decease.  He  had  a  summary  drawn  up  of 
his  wishes  regarding  this  distribution  of  his  property,  the 
terms  and  text  of  which  are  as  follows  : 

"  In  2  the  name  of  Lord  God  Almighty,  the  Father,  the 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"  This  is  the  inventory  and  division  made  by  the  most 
glorious  and  most  pious3  Lord  Charles,  Emperor  Augustus, 
in  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
DCCCXL,  of  his  reign  in  Francia  XLIII.,  in  Italy  XXXVII., 
of  his  empire  XL,  and  of  the  Indiction  IV.,  which  considera- 
tions of  piety  and  prudence  have  moved  him  by  divine 
favor  to  make  of  his  treasures  and  money  as  found  this  day 
in  his  treasure-room. 

"  By  this  act  he  specially  desires  to  provide  not  only  that 
out  of  his  wealth  there  be  made  for  himself  such  largess  of 
alms  as  Christians  are  wont  to  make  of  their  possessions, 
but  that  his  heirs  shall  be  free  from  all  doubt,  know 
clearly  what  is  their  own,  and  be  able  to  secure  their  share 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  33.  3  The  words  pious  and  piety  do  not 

2  I  have  used  the  text  of  Teulet,  but  signify  religious  veneration  as  to  God, 
compared  it  with  the  texts  of  Pertz,  but  denote  humane  considerations  as 
Schmincke  and  JafTe.  to  man. 


454  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

in  the  property  by  just  partition  without  litigation  or 
strife. 

"  With  this  purpose  and  to  this  end  he  has  divided  all 
his  substance  and  movable  goods,  found  this  day  in  his 
treasure-room,  consisting  of  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  and 
royal  ornaments,  first  into  three  lots,  and  then  subdivided 
and  set  off  two  of  these  three  lots  into  twenty-one  parts,  but 
reserved  the  third  entire. 

"  The  first  two  lots  have  been  thus  subdivided  into  twenty- 
one  parts  because  there  are  in  his  empire  twenty-one  *  met- 
ropolitan cities,  and  it  is  ordered  that  each  archiepiscopal  see 
shall  receive  as  alms  at  the  hands  of  his  heirs  and  friends, 
one  of  the  said  parts,  and  that  the  archbishop,  then  adminis- 
tering the  affairs  of  the  same,  shall  take  the  said  part  and 
in  such  wise  share  the  same  with  his  suffragans  that  one 
third  thereof  be  given  to  his  Church  and  the  two-thirds  re- 
maining be  divided  among  the  suffragans.  The  twenty-one 
parts  into  which  the  first  two  lots  are  to  be  divided  conform- 
ably to  the  number  of  the  metropolitan  cities,  have  been 
separated,  and  each  of  them  has  been  placed  by  itself  in  a 
box  inscribed  with  the  name  of  the  city  for  which  it  is  des- 
tined. The  names  of  the  cities  to  which  this  alms  or  lar- 
gess is  to  be  given  are  these:  Rome,  Ravenna,  Milan,  Friuli, 
Grado,  Cologne,  Mayence,  Juvarum  (Salzburg),  Treves,  Sens, 
Besancon,  Lyons,  Rouen,  Rheims,  Aries,  Vienne,  Moutiers- 
en-Tarantaise,  Embrun,  Bordeaux,  Tours,  and  Bourges. 

1  There  were  twenty-four  metropoli-  throughout  that  period  it  was  regarded 

tan  cities  in  his  empire.   Eause  (Elusa);  as  a  suffragan  see  of  the  metropolis  of 

Aix  in  Provence  ;  and  Narbonne,  are  Aries.     The    omission    of    these    two 

omitted.     Eause,    the    metropolis    of  names  from  the  list  is  easily  accounted 

Novempopulania,    having     been    de-  for,  but  that  of  so  famous  a  metropolis 

stroyed  by  the  Vandals  the  metropoli-  as    Narbonne  is    difficult    to   explain, 

tan  seat  of  the  province  was  tempora-  See    Le    Cointe,  Ann.    Eccl.  Franc, 

rily  reunited  to  that  of  Bordeaux,  and  ad.  a.   811,   no.   VIII.,  and  Baluzius, 

not  restored  to  the  Church  of  Auch  Capitul.    Reg.    Franc.,    II.,    1071. — 

until  about  845.  Teulet. 

The  Church  of  Aix,  metropolis  of  Compare  also   Leibniz,    Ann.    Imp. 

the  second  Narbonnessia,  appears  to  I.,  275  ;  Synod.  Francof.  794,  8.   Jaffe, 

have  lost  its  metropolitan  title  about  Reg.   Pont.     Rom.     no.    CCCXXIV., 

596,  and   not  recovered  it  until  S28  ;  Muhlbacher,  /.  c. ,  p.  126. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST  YEARS  OF  CHARLES.  455 

"  The  third  lot,  which  he  wills  shall  be  kept  entire,  shall 
be  appropriated  as  here  set  forth  :  while  the  first  two  lots 
shall  be  divided  into  the  parts  aforesaid,  and  under  seal  set 
aside,  the  third  lot  shall  be  applied  to  the  owner's  daily 
wants,  as  property  exempt  from  alienation  because  of  the 
obligations  of  any  vow,  even  so  long  as  he  shall  survive, 
or  deem  it  necessary  for  his  use.  But  upon  his  death,  or 
voluntary  renunciation  of  the  affairs  of  this  world,1  this  lot 
shall  be  divided  into  four  parts,  one  of  which  shall  be  added 
to  the  aforesaid  twenty-one  parts  ;  it  being  his  will  that  the 
second  part  shall  be  given  to  his  sons  and  daughters,  and  to 
the  sons  and  daughters  of  his  sons,  and  distributed  among 
them  in  just  and  equal  partition  ;  that  the  third  part,  agree- 
ably to  the  custom  observed  by  Christians,  be  appropriated 
to  the  poor ;  and  that  the  fourth  part,  in  like  manner,  and 
as  alms,  be  applied  to  the  men-servants  and  maid-servants 
holding  office  in  the  palace. 

"  To  this  third  lot  of  the  whole  estate  which,  like  the  two 
first  lots,  consists  of  gold  and  silver,  the  testator  directs, 
shall  be  added  all  vessels  and  utensils  of  bronze,  iron,  and 
other  metals,  together  with  arms,  vestments,  and  other 
movable  goods,  costly  or  cheap,  adapted  to  divers  uses, 
such  as  hangings,  coverlets,  carpets,  felt-cloth,2  leather  ware, 
saddles,  and  whatsoever  may  be  found  in  his  treasure-room 
and  wardrobe  on  that  day,  to  the  end  that  the  parts  of  the 
said  lot  may  be  thus  augmented,  and  the  distribution  of  the 
alms  benefit  a  greater  number  of  persons. 

"As  to  his  Chapel,  that  is  to  say,  all  the  objects  pertain- 
ing to  the  service  thereof,  both  those  by  himself  provided 
and  collected,  and  those  which  came  to  him  by  inheritance 
from  his  father,  shall  according  to  his  will  remain  entire,  and 
not  be  dissevered  by  any  partition  whatsoever.  If,  how- 
ever, there  be  found  in  the  same  any  books,  vessels,  or  other 
articles,  of  which  it  is  positively  ascertained  that  they  were 
not  given  by  him  to  the  aforesaid  Chapel,  which  any  one 

1  This  seems  to  intimate  that  such  housings  of  horses  and  tent  covers, 
an  idea  had  passed  through  his  mind.      See  Ducange,  s  v.,  feltrum. 

2  Filtrum,  then   much  used  for  the 


456  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

desires  to  have,  he  may  secure  them  on  payment  of  their 
value  at  a  just  estimation. 

"  He  likewise  directs  that  the  books  which  he  has  collected 
in  great  numbers  in  his  library,  may  be  sold  for  just  prices 
to  those  who  may  desire  to  have  them,  and  that  the  money 
received  for  them  be  given  to  the  poor. 

"  It  is  well  known  that  among  his  other  property  and 
treasures  there  are  three  silver  tables  and  one  very  large  and 
massive  one  of  gold.  He  directs  and  commands  that  the 
square  silver  table,  upon  which  appears  a  representation  of 
the  city  of  Constantinople,  together  with  the  other  gifts  set 
apart  for  the  same,  shall  be  sent  to  the  Basilica  of  St.  Peter 
the  Apostle  at  Rome  ;  that  the  second  table,  of  circular 
shape,  and  ornamented  with  a  delineation  of  the  city  of 
Rome,  shall  be  given  to  the  Bishop's  Church  at  Ravenna; 
that  the  third,  which  in  beauty  of  workmanship  and  weight 
surpasses  the  other  two,  and  is  made  in  three  circles  dis- 
playing the  plan  of  the  whole  universe  skilfully  and  deli- 
cately drawn,1  together  with  the  golden  table  already  named 
before  as  the  fourth,  shall  be  applied  to  the  augmentation 
of  that  lot  ordered  to  be  appropriated  to  his  heirs  and  to 
alms. 

"  This  act,  and  the  dispositions  thereof  he  has  made  and 
constituted  in  the  presence  of  the  bishops,  abbots,  and 
counts  able  to  be  present,  whose  names  are  hereunto  sub- 
scribed : 

Bishops  :  "  Hildebaldus,a  Ricolfus,b  Arno,c  Wolfarius,d 
Bernoin,6  Laidradus,*  Johannes,8  Theodulfus,h 
Jesse,'  Heito,3  Waltgaudus.k 

Abbots  :  "  Fredugisus,1  Adalung,m  Angilbertus,"  Irmino.0 

Counts  :  "  Wala,p  Meginherus,q  Otulfus,r  Stephanus,s  Un- 
ruochus,1     Burchardus,"     Meginhardus,v    Hatto? 

1  This   is   the    only    object    of   his  The  table,   a  marvel    for  size   and 

father's  treasure  which  Louis  took  as  a  beauty,    displayed    in    relief,    and    in 

memorial  of  him.     It  was  formed  of  separate  places,  the  terrestrial  globe, 

three  circles  like  three  bucklers  united,  the  constellations,  and  the  movement 

and  remained  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  until  of  the  planets. 

842,    when    Lotharius    removed,    and  Thegan.    c.     8. — Annal.     Bertin.— 

divided  it  among  his  partisans.  Bouquet,  V.,  61. 


Chapter  V.] 


LAST   YEARS  OF    CHARLES.  457 


Richowinus,w  Edo,  Ercangarius,  Geroldus,x  Bera,* 
Hildigern,  Rocculfus.1  Ml 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  embassy  of  Charles  con- 
veyed  Obelierius,  the  ex-doge  of  Venice,  to  Constantinople. 

His  case  was  peculiar;  alike  faithless  to  both  emperors, 
his  fall  was  inevitable.  Arsafius  demanded  his  extradition, 
and  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  preliminary  peace,  went  to 
Venice  for  the  regulation  of  its  affairs.  The  Frankish  annals 
state  that  Obelierius  was  degraded  because  of  his  perfidy, 
and  sent  to  his  master  at  Constantinople,  while  Venetian 
authorities  explain  that  the  deposition  of  all  the  doges  was 
effected  by  joint  action  of  Arsafius  and  the  Venetians,  add- 
ing that  Obelierius  was  sent  to  Constantinople,  and  Beatus 

i  Notices  concerning  the  signers  of  the  will. 

a-    Archbishop  of  Cologne. 

b.  "  "  Mayence. 

c.  "  "  Salzburg. 

d.  "  "  Rheims. 

e.  "  "  Besancon. 

f.  "  "  Lyons. 

g.  "  "  Aries. 

i>-  Bishop  "    Orleans, 

i  "  "    Amiens, 

j.  "  "    Basle, 

k.         "  "    Liege. 

i-  Abbot  "    St.  Martin's,  Tours,  and  Cormery. 

m.       "  "    Lorsch. 

n.        "  "St.  Riquier. 

o.         "  "    St.  Germain-des-Pres. 

p.    Son  of  Bernhard,  brother  of  Pepin,  King  of  the  Franks  ;  first  cousin  of 
Charles,  and  brother  of  Adalhard. 

q-    Probably  Count  of  Sens.—  Simson. 

r-    Probably  identical  with  the  seneschal,  Audulfus. 

s-    Count  of  Paris  (?).     See  page  382. 

t-    Imperial  missus  ;  grandfather  of  Berengar  I. 

u    The  constable  mentioned  p.  427. 

v-  One  of  the  plenipotentiaries  at  the  peace  with  Denmark,  a.  811. 

y-  Patavinus,  ambassador  of  Louis  to  Leo  V.,  a.  814  (?). 

x.  Count  of  the  East  Marche.-Cf.  Diimmler,  SudostHche  Marken,  p.  19,  no. 
4.—  Mahlbacher,  /.  c,  p.  186,  no.  452. 

y.   Commandant  at  Barcelona,  a.  801. 

*•   Cf.  Epist    Carol.  41  (Jaffe),  Boretius,  /.  c,  I.,  1  (?)• 


458  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

to  Zara,  but  that  their  brother  Valentine,  on  account  of  his 
youth,  was  suffered  to  remain. 

At  the  same  time  the  Rialto  was  chosen  as  the  seat  of 
the  doge  ;  Agnello  Partecipazio,  a  brave  and  catholic  man, 
raised  to  the  dogeate  ;  and  two  tribunes,  holding  office  for 
one  year,  were  appointed  as  his  assistants  in  the  administra- 
tion of  justice.1 

When  the  ambassadors  of  Charles  reached  their  destina- 
tion, they  learned  that  Nicephorus  was  dead,  and  had  been 
succeeded  by  Michael,  his  son-in-law. 

§11]  Nicephorus,  "  unskilful  and  unfortunate  in  war," 
perished  at  the  hands  of  Krumm,  the  fierce  Bulgarian  khan, 
who  in  a  nocturnal  surprise  of  the  imperial  camp,  massacred 
the  emperor  and  many  Byzantine  nobles,  severely  wounded 
Stauracius,  the  emperor's  son,  set  up  the  head  of  Nicephorus 
on  a  pole,  made  the  people,  as  he  went,  tributary,  marched 
on  Develtus,  took  that  city  and  other  places,  and  carried 
off  their  inhabitants  to  his  own  thinly-settled  territory  on 
the  Danube.2 

Stauracius,  having  escaped  from  the  massacre,  succeeded 
his  father  ;  "  yet  six  months  of  an  expiring  life  were  suffi- 
cient to  refute  his  indecent,  though  popular  declaration, 
that  he  would  in  all  things  avoid  the  example  of  his  father. 
On  the  near  prospect  of  his  decease,  Michael,  the  great  mas- 
ter of  the  palace,  and  the  husband  of  his  sister  Procopia, 
was  named  by  every  person  of  the  palace  and  city,  except 
by  his  envious  brother.  Tenacious  of  a  sceptre,  now  falling 
from  his  hand,  he  conspired  against  the  life  of  his  successor, 
and  cherished  the  idea  of  changing  to  a  democracy  the 
Roman  empire.  But  these  rash  projects  served  only  to 
inflame  the  zeal  of  the  people,  and  to  remove  the  scruples 
of  the  candidate :  Michael  the  First  accepted  the  purple, 
and  before  he  sunk  into  the  grave,  the  son  of  Nicephorus 
implored  the  clemency  of  his  new  sovereign."3 

'Ann.   Einh.   a.   811  ;  Joh.   Chron.  Chronogr.  ed.  Bonn.,  p.  764.    Harnak, 

Ven.  VII.,  15,  16  ;  Andr.    Dand.  /.  c.  I.  c,  54.  no.  2 

XII.,  159,  160,  161,  165,  173.  3  Gibbon,     Decline     and     Fall,     c. 

2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  812,  813.    Theoph.  xlviii. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST   YEARS  OF  CHARLES.  459 

Michael  I.  ascended  the  throne,  October  2,  811.  He 
received  the  ambassadors  of  Charles,  and  on  their  depart- 
ure gave  them  his  own  as  their  companions.  They  were  : 
Michael,  Metropolitan  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  protospa- 
tharii  Arsafius  and  Theognoscus.  Empowered  to  ratify  the 
preliminary  peace  and  extend  it  to  Theophylactus,  the 
emperor's  son  whom  he  was  about  to  associate  with  himself 
in  the  throne,1  the  ambassadors  bore  likewise  honorable, 
imperial  gifts,  and  upon  their  arrival  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  pro- 
ceeded to  the  basilica,  where  the  act  of  ratification  was  cele- 
brated with  religious  solemnity. 

812]  They  received  at  the  hands  of  Charles  the  treaty  of 
peace,  duly  subscribed  by  himself,  and  the  most  distinguished 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  dignitaries.  Then,  agreeably  to 
Byzantine  usage,  the  ambassadors  rehearsed  in  Greek  a 
laudatory  litany,  for  the  first  time  addressing  Charles  as 
basileus,  or  emperor.  This  was  the  recognition  of  his  impe- 
rial dignity,  for  until  then  the  Greeks  had  only  called  him 
by  the  lesser  appellative  of  rex,  or  king. 

Returning  by  the  way  of  Rome  the  pope,  after  attaching 
his  signature  to  the  treaty,  finally  delivered  it  to  them  in 
the  basilica  of  St.  Peter. 

Nicephorus,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  moreover,  in 
token  of  the  restoration  of  fraternal  intercourse,  had  ad- 
dressed to  the  pope  a  synodal  communication,  and  commis- 
sioned the  ecclesiastic  member  of  the  embassy  to  present 
it,  with  his  gifts.2 

The  solemn  delivery  of  the  treaty  in  St.  Peter's  com- 
pleted only  the  occidental  part  of  the  ratification,  the  orien- 
tal part  remaining  to  be  performed  at  Constantinople.3 

This  appears  from  the  extant  text  of  an  epistle  of  Charles 
to  the  Emperor  Michael,  sent  by  the  Greek  ambassadors, 
dwelling  with  great  satisfaction  on  the  restoration  of  peace, 
and  the  reunion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  notifying  the 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  812.  Theoph.,  /.  c,  cc.  16,  28;  Ep  Carol.  40;  Mansi, 
P-  770.  XIV.,  29,  sqq. ;  53,  56. — Dollinger,  /. 

2  Annal.  Einh.,  812.     Theoph.,  /.<-.,  c,  p.  358;  Harnak,  /.  c,  p.  53. 
Poeta  Saxo,  V.,  311  sq. ;  Vita  Caroli,  3  Harnak,  /.  c,  p.  55. 


460  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Eastern  monarch  that  as  he,  Charles,  had  done  everything 
towards  the  consummation  of  so  joyous  a  result,  so  he  had 
arranged  with  the  ambassadors  that  the  same  should  be 
done  by  his  beloved  and  honorable  brother,  to  whom  he 
proposed  to  send,  at  the  proper  time  for  navigation,  Amal- 
harius,  Bishop  of  Treves,  and  Peter,  Abbot  of  Nonantola,  as 
his  ambassadors,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  of  him  a  copy 
of  the  same  treaty,  drawn  up  in  Greek,  duly  subscribed  by 
himself,  his  bishops,  patricians,  and  other  notables,  desiring 
him  to  take  the  same  with  his  own  hands  from  the  altar  and 
deliver  it  to  the  aforesaid  ambassadors.1 

They  set  out  for  Constantinople  in  the  spring  of  813,  and 
by  a  strange  coincidence,2  upon  their  arrival  found  a  new 
occupant  of  the  imperial  throne  in  the  person  of  Leo  V. 

The  Emperor  Michael,  unequal  to  the  exigencies  of  his 
position,  and  like  Nicephorus,  "  unskilful  and  unfortunate 
June  22]  in  war,"  after  a  stinging  defeat  by  Krumm,  in  the 
battle  of  Bersinica,  fled  for  his  life,  and  lost  his  crown.  It 
is  uncertain  if  he  abdicated  voluntarily,  or  under  compulsion, 
813]  in  favor  of  Leo,  son  of  Bardas,  an  Armenian,  who, 
after  a  tumultuous  proclamation  in  the  camp,  received  the 
imperial  diadem  at  the  hands  of  the  patriarch  Nicephorus. 

The  new  emperor  spared  the  life  of  Michael,  caused  him 
to  be  shaved,  banished  him  to  an  island  in  the  Propontis, 
and  commanded  his  martial  wife  with  her  sons  to  withdraw 
to  the  seclusion  of  a  convent.3 

Leo  gave  audience  to  the  Frankish  ambassadors,  drew 
up  a  new  treaty  of  peace,  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  his 
own  ambassadors,  together  with  a  formal  application  to  the 
Emperor  of  the  West  for  assistance  against  the  Bulgarians, 
and  sent  them  in  company  of  the  Franks  to  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Having  thus  briefly  outlined  the  course  of  diplomatic 
intercourse  with  the  Byzantines,  we  take  up  that  with  Den- 
mark. 

Hemming,  a  nephew  of  Gottfried,4  succeeded  him  in  the 

1  Epist.  Carol.  40  (Jaffe).  Andr.     Dandol.  —  Leon.    epp.    7,    8 

2  See  p.  458.  (Jaffe);  Jacobs,  Das  Jahr  813. 

3  Annal .   Einh.,  Joh.  Chron.  Ven.,  4  See  p.  443. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST   YEARS   OF   CHARLES.  46r 

throne.  Charles  concluded  with  him  a  preliminary  peace, 
of  an  informal  character,  since  the  contracting  parties  swore 
only  on  their  arms,  because  the  severity  of  a  late  winter, 
interrupting  communication  by  land  and  by  water,  pre- 
vented the  conclusion  of  a  definite  treaty. 

But,  as  soon  as  the  vernal  sun  opened  the  roads,  an  inter- 
national commission  of  twelve  Franks,  and  the  same  num- 
ber of  Danes,  met  for  the  promotion  of  peace  on  the  Eider. 
The  negotiations  were  entirely  satisfactory,  and  the  pleni- 
potentiaries confirmed  the  peace  by  oath,  agreeably  to  the 
rite  and  usage  observed  by  both  nations.1 

The  reign  of  Hemming  was  of  short  duration,  for  he  died 
early  in  the  next  year.  Then  two  claimants  of  the  throne 
presented  themselves,  to  wit,  Siegfried,  another  nephew  of 
Gottfried,  and  Anulo,  the  nephew  of  a  former  king,  called 
Heriold,  or  Harald.  So  fierce  was  the  contention,  and  so 
unyielding  the  disposition  of  the  rivals,  that  they  had 
recourse  to  arms.  They  fought  a  pitched  battle  of  most 
sanguinary  character,  with  the  result  that  nearly  eleven 
thousand  of  the  combatants  lay  dead  on  the  field,  the 
claimants  among  the  slain.  Victory  remaining  with  the 
partisans  of  Anulo,  they  proclaimed  Heriold  and  Reginfried, 
his  brothers,  kings,  and  compelled  the  vanquished  party,  in 
spite  of  their  influence  and  number,  to  acquiesce  in  their 
choice.2 

Their  adherence,  however,  was  not  cordial ;  Gottfried 
had  other  sons,  and  these,  together  with  a  large  number 
of  nobles,  preferring  exile  to  submission,  went  to  Sweden. 
Nor  was  their  defection  solitary,  for  the  whole  province  of 
Westerfalda  refused  to  recognize  the  new  government.3 

Heriold  and  Reginfried  inaugurated  their  reign  with 
an  embassy  to  Charles,  suing  for  a  continuance  of  the 
peace,  and  the  liberation  of  their  brother  Hemming,  a  cap- 
tive in  his  hands.  The  Franks,  in  a  General  Diet,  ordered 
the  appointment  of  sixteen   Frankish  and  Saxon  nobles,  as 

1  Anna].      Einh.,     Lauriss.     maior.  2  Annal.   Einh.,  a.  812,  cf.   Chron. 

minor.;  cf.  Maxim.  Moiss. 

3  Annal.  Einh.,  813. 


462  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

commissioners,  to  meet  the  same  number  of  Danish  com- 
missioners at  a  point  beyond  the  Elbe,  on  the  "  Norman  " 
frontier,  and  ratify  the  peace.  The  arrangement  was  carried 
out,  the  peace  confirmed  by  oath,  and  Hemming,  the  Danish 
prince,  surrendered  to  his  countrymen.1 

The  event  took  place  during  the  absence  of  the  royal 
brothers  on  a  military  expedition  against  the  refractory 
Westerfaldans,  the  occupants  of  a  district  in  South  Norway, 
quaintly  described  in  contemporary  phrase,  as  "  situated  in 
the  remotest  region  of  their  dominions  between  north  and 
west  and  looking  towards  the  northern  extremity  of  Britain." 2 
Their  efforts  were  crowned  with  success,  and  their  rejoicing 
augmented  by  the  Frankish  peace  and  the  return  of  their 
brother,  whom  they  associated  with  themselves  in  the 
kingdom.3 

Unfortunately  they  were  not  permitted  to  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  peace  for  many  days,  for  the  sons  of  Gottfried 
had  not  been  idle,  having  been  able  to  collect  a  large  army 
in  Sweden,  and  invade  Denmark.  A  large  number  of  dis- 
affected Danes  flocked  to  their  standard;  the  opposing 
hosts  met  in  battle  ;  the  royal  brothers  were  defeated,  and 
compelled  to  fly  from  the  wrath  of  the  victors  into  the 
country  of  the  Abodrites.  There  they  found  an  asylum, 
hospitable  welcome,  and  substantial  tokens  of  the  sympathy 
of  Charles,  together  with  his  best  wishes  for  the  recovery 
of  their  kingdom.4 

The  successful  Danish  dynasty,  however,  revived  the 
aggressive  policy  of  Gottfried,  inaugurating  it  with  a  pirati- 
cal descent  on  the  Frisian  coast,  in  which  they  took  rich 
booty,  and  dragged  a  number  of  the  inhabitants,  of  both 
sexes,  into  captivity.5 

Normans  made  a  similar  descent,  the  year  before,  on  a 
more  distant  region.  A  piratical  fleet  appeared  off  the 
coast  of  the  island  of  Hiber7iia  Scottorum,  that  is,  Ireland, 
and  effected   a  landing.     The  plucky   Scots   engaged  with 

1  Annal.  Einh.  a.  812,  813.    Chron.  3  Chron.  Moiss. 
Moiss.  4  Chron.   Moiss.,  a.  813. 

2  Annal.  Einh.  s  Annal.  Einh.  Chron.  Moiss. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST  YEARS  OF   CHARLES.  463 

them  in  battle,  defeated  them  with  great  loss  in  slain,  and 
drove  the  survivors  in  ignominious  flight  to  their  ships. 
One  of  the  authorities  mentions  "  an  innumerable  multitude 
of  slain  Normans,"  but  that  is  doubtless  rhetorical  flourish.1 

The  Norman  piracies,  though  vexatious,  were  less  exten- 
sive and  destructive  than  those  of  the  Saracens  in  the 
Mediterranean. 

But  the  matter  was  of  infinite  importance,  and  stimulated 
the  energies  of  Charles  in  the  direction  of  efficient  maritime 
defences  and  the  creation  of  a  fleet. 

811]  Thus  we  find  him  on  an  inspecting  tour  to  the  ship- 
yards at  Ghent,  on  the  Scheldt,  and  Boulogne-sur-Mer.  In 
the  latter  place,  the  old  Gesoriacum,  and  in  Roman  times 
the  seaport  for  passage  to  Britain,  stood  an  ancient  light- 
house, erected  in  the  reign  of  Caligula,  which  had  fallen 
into  decay.  Charles  repaired  it,  and  "  lit  thereon  a  noc- 
turnal light  for  directing  the  course  of  mariners."2  During 
that  visit  to  Boulogne  he  also  set  forth  a  Capitulary,  pro- 
viding, among  other  things,  for  liability  to  naval  service.3 

The  Saracen  piracies  open  the  question,  how  far  they 
were  the  act  of  the  emirate  of  Cordova.  The  pirates  were 
privateers,  and  their  infamous  trade  so  lucrative  that  the 
power  of  the  emir  appears  to  have  been  inadequate  to  its 
suppression,  even  in  times  of  peace,  or,  more  accurately, 
during  the  continuance  of  a  prolonged  truce,  or  armistice- 
Such  truces  were  very  loosely  observed. 

For  instance,  the  "peace"  of  810  arrested  hostilities 
neither  by  land  nor  by  water.  A  year  after  its  conclusion, 
the  king  of  Aquitaine  undertook  the  siege  and  final  redac- 
tion of  Tortosa.  At  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  and 
supported  by  such  able  generals  as  Heribert,  Liutard,  and 
Isambard,  he  moved  upon  the  city,  enclosed  it,  for  forty 
terrible  days,  with  an  iron  girdle,  hurled  missiles  into  it, 
shook  its  walls  with  battering-rams  and  other  military 
engines  until  they  tottered  and   fell,  and   the  inhabitants, 

1  Annal.  Einh.  812.     Ademar,  apud  2  Annal.  Einh.  a.  811.     See  Pauly, 

Duchesne,  II.,  86.  R.  E.  des  Class.  Alterth.,  III.,  852. 

3  Capitul.  Bononiense,  a.  811. 


464  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

unable  to  offer  further  resistance,  were  forced  to  capitulate. 
He  took  the  keys  of  the  city  and  carried  them  to  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  content  with  the  conquest  of  a  stronghold,  whose 
fall  was  a  warning  example  to  the  Saracens,  prophetic  of 
the  fate  of  other  cities  reluctant  in  making  their  submission 
to  the  Franks.1 

A  year  later  the  Saracens  took  their  revenge  by  sea. 
812]  Early  in  the  spring,  tidings  of  an  impending  naval 
expedition,  composed  of  Spanish  and  African  vessels, 
arrived  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  consequence  of  which  Charles 
forthwith  warned  the  pope,  and  instructed  his  missi  to 
make  the  necessary  preparations.2 

The  Saracens  made  a  simultaneous  attack  on  Corsica  and 
Sardinia,  but  not  with  equal  results.  That  on  Sardinia  was 
an  absolute  failure,  and  most  disastrous  to  the  Saracens, 
for  the  greater  part  of  their  fleet  was  destroyed  ;  but  in 
Corsica  they  scored  a  success,  and  carried  off  much  spoil.3 

An  epistle  of  Leo  III.  to  Charles,  dated  August  26th, 
and  assigned  to  this  year,  sheds  light  on  the  nature  of  these 
piratical  enterprises. 

He  informs  Charles  of  a  contemplated  Saracen  descent 
on  Sicily ;  thanks  him  for  his  timely  warning,  specifying 
that  the  pirates  had  attacked  certain  islands  belonging  to 
the  Byzantines,  and  that  the  Emperor  Michael  I.  had  sent 
a  patrician  and  several  spatharii  for  their  protection  to 
Sicily  ;  that  the  said  patrician  applied  to  Anthimus,  Duke  of 
Naples,  for  help,  and  that,  while  the  said  Anthimus  ignored 
his  request,  the  cities  of  Gaeta  and  Amalfi  had  sent  him  a 
few  small  vessels ;  that  the  Moors  thereupon  fell  upon  the 
island  of  Lampedusa,  and  plundered  it ;  that  the  Moors 
captured  seven  Byzantine  vessels  and  put  the  crews  to  the 
sword  ;  that  then  the  entire  Byzantine  fleet  assailed,  and, 
through  the  compassion  of  Christ,  annihilated  the  iniqui- 
tous Moors  so  that  not  one  of  them  escaped  alive ;  that 
nevertheless  forty  Moorish  vessels  plundered  the  island  of 

1  Vita  Hlud.;  c    16;  cf.  Vita  Caroli,  2  Annal.  Einh.;  Epist.  Leon.  III.,  6 

c.  15;  Poeta  Saxo,  V.,  185.  (Jaffe). 

3  Annal.  Einh. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST   YEARS  OF   CHARLES.  465 

Ponza,  on  which  monks  were  established  ;  *  after  that  they 
attacked  Ischia,  and  for  the  space  of  three  days  plundered 
the  island,  and  then,  unmolested  by  the  Neapolitans,  loaded 
their  vessels  with  captives  and  provisions,  and  sailed  away ; 
that  Gaetans,  who,  after  their  departure,  visited  the  island, 
saw  there  the  dead  bodies  of  men,  the  carcasses  of  horses, 
and  provisions  which  the  Moors  had  left  behind ;  and  that, 
in  contrast  with  the  sad  fate  of  those  under  Byzantine  rule, 
it  was  his  grateful  duty  to  report  that,  thanks  to  the 
emperor's  provident  warning,  his  own  territory  had  wholly 
escaped  the  visitation.2 

813]  A  year  later  the  Saracens  revisited  Corsica  and 
carried  off  large  booty  and  numerous  captives ;  on  the 
return  voyage  they  fell  into  an  ambush  which  Irmingar 
of  Ampurias,  one  of  the  Frankish  counts  in  the  Spanish 
Marche,  had  set  for  them  on  the  island  of  Mallorca  {Major- 
icd) ;  the  count  captured  eight  of  their  vessels,  and  restored 
to  liberty  above  five  hundred  Corsicans  who  languished  in 
their  holds.  With  a  view  to  avenging  the  calamity,  the 
pirates  fell  upon  Civita  Vecchia  {Centumcellcz)  and  Nice  and 
devastated  the  country  ;  of  the  former,  it  is  said,  they  ob- 
tained possession  by  treachery  and  sacked  it.  They  likewise 
attacked  Sardinia,  but  were  repulsed  with  great  loss.3 

Again  we  derive  additional  information  from  an  epistle  of 
Leo  to  Charles  under  date  of  the  third  of  the  Ides  of  Novem- 
ber (z.  e.,  Nov.  nth),  813,  in  which  he  writes,  "that  in  the 
month  of  June  of  that  year  a  Saracen  fleet  of  a  hundred 
vessels  about  to  assail  Sardinia,  was  engulfed  in  the  sea,  in 
consequence,  it  seems,  of  the  sea  suddenly  opening  its  mouth 
and  swallowing  them  up,  and  that  this  unheard-of  phe- 
nomenon occurred  simultaneously  with  a  fiery  sign  in  the 
heavens  which  many  affirmed  to  have  seen  ;  to  him  the 
intelligence  was  brought  by  a  messenger  of  his  whom  he  had 
sent  with  the  emperor's  letter  to  the  patrician  of  Sicily  ; 
that  messenger  had  his  information  from  the  ambassadors 
of  the  khalif,  and  it  was,  moreover,  confirmed  to  the  said 

«  See  p.  427.  3  Annal.  Einh.,  813.   Vita  Caroli,  c. 

2  Leonis  III.,  ep.  6  (Jaffe).  17. 

30 


466  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

messenger  by  a  notary  of  the  patrician's,  who  knew  it  from 
a  letter  he  had  received  from  an  African  Christian." 

This  seems  a  circuitous  source  of  information,  but  the 
matter  is  explained  by  the  circumstance  that  some  of  the 
pirates  were  Africans,  and  that  the  story  of  their  horrible 
death  raised  such  a  cry  of  distress  on  the  part  of  their  sur- 
viving friends  there,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  heard 
before. 

The  pope  continues,  "  that  the  same  papal  messenger, 
moreover,  on  his  return  to  Rome,  met  in  Catania  a  man  on 
his  way  to  the  patrician  with  the  announcement  that  seven 
Moorish  vessels  had  plundered  a  village  near  Rhegium." 

It  is  interesting  to  glean  from  the  same  epistle  particulars 
concerning  a  peace  negotiating  between  ambassadors  of  the 
khalif  of  Bagdad  and  the  patrician  of  Sicily.  The  latter 
was  at  first  averse  to  such  a  pact,  on  the  ground  that  no 
confidence  could  be  put  in  the  good  faith  of  the  Saracens, 
alleging  that  they  had  as  readily  broken  the  treaty  of  A.  D. 
728,  as  that  which  his  predecessor  had  concluded  with  them 
for  the  space  of  ten  years  terminating  Sept.  1,  814. 

The  Saracen  plenipotentiaries  excused  the  infractions  by 
the  confusion  incident  upon  the  death  of  the  late  Harun-al- 
4-  March  23,  809]  Raschid  which  his  youthful  son  had 
been  unable  to  check,  saying,  that  then  "  the  servant  be- 
came .free,  and  every  free-man  was  his  own  master  and  all 
acted  as  if  they  had  no  ruler.  But  matters  stood  different 
now  that  the  khalif  had  reconquered  all  the  possessions  of 
his  father,  and  was  fully  purposed  inviolably  to  observe  the 
conditions  of  the  proposed  treaty  of  peace."  ■  They  could 
not,  however,  make  themselves  answerable  for  the  Spanish 
Saracens,  as  not  under  the  jurisdiction  of  their  khalif,  but 
promised  to  oppose  them  at  sea  ;  they  would  do  their  part, 
but  expected  the  Christians  to  do  theirs  also,  adding,  that 
they  had  already  pursued  that  course  on  their  voyage  in 
ordering  two  Spanish  vessels  which  they  met  to  be  burned. 

The  pope  continues  saying,  "  that  a  treaty  of  peace  had 

1  The  ambassadors  were  not  aware  brother  Al-Mamam  succeeded  him 
that    he   had    ceased    to    reign.     His      Sept.  25,  813. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST   YEARS   OF   CHARLES.  467 

been  concluded  for  the  space  of  ten  years  between  the  afore- 
said Bagdad  Saracens  and  the  patrician,  who  for  the  ratifi- 
cation of  the  same  sent  a  notary  to  accompany  them,  and 
on  condition  that  they  should  deliver  his  Christian  subjects 
remaining  captive  in  their  hands,  surrendered  to  them  such 
Saracen  prisoners  as  were  in  his  possession."  * 

With  the  light  derived  from  this  exposition  of  the  case,  the 
annals  record  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace  between 
the  khalif  El  Hakem  (=  Abidaz)  of  Cordova  and  Charles ; 
it  was  to  last  three  years  (from  812  to  815),  and  the  initia- 
tive, it  appears,  was  taken  by  the  former.2 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  it  with  the  expedition,  by  order 
of  Louis,  against  Huesca.3  It  was  commanded  by  the  "  im- 
perial "  missus  Heribert,  who  on  his  way  put  to  flight,  or 
took  prisoners,  all  who  offered  any  resistance,  and  then 
began  the  regular  investment  of  the  place. 

During  its  continuance  a  party  of  youthful  Franks  in  fool- 
hardy arrogance  drew  quite  near  to  the  walls,  and  irritated 
the  soldiers  on  the  ramparts  with  offensive  remarks  and 
arrows  which  they  shot  at  them.  The  Arabs,  seeing  an 
opportunity  for  resenting  the  outrage,  opened  a  sally-port 
and  fell  upon  the  offenders.  In  the  mitte  which  ensued 
much  blood  was  shed,  when  the  Arabs  returned  into  the 
city  and  the  Franks  to  their  camp.  This  is  the  only  known 
incident  of  the  siege,  which  ran  its  weary  length  until  the 
country  around  Huesca  was  a  wilderness,  and  the  besiegers, 
doubtless  from  want  of  food,  raised  it,  returned  to  Aquitaine, 
and  might  report  the  utter  failure  of  the  enterprise  to  King 
Louis,  who  was  indulging  his  passion  for  the  chase  in  the 
woods,  for  it  was  late  in  autumn.4 

813]  It  seems  that  the  military  expedition  of  that  king 
against  the  Vasconians  was  undertaken  in  the  course  of  the 
ensuing  summer.5      Those    refractory    mountaineers    were 

1  Leonis  III.  ep.  7  (Jaffe),  cf.  no.  6.  3  Vita  Hludov.  c.  17.  Some  place  it 
See  the  valuable  notes  of  Jaffe,  his  in  811,  and  810.  See  Miihlbacher,  /. 
authorities,  and  the  further  extracts  by  c,  no.  500,  p.  213  sq.;  Simson,  /.  c, 
Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  p.  526.  II.,  493. 

2  Annal.    Einh.,   812.     Cf.    Chron.  4  Vita  Hludov.  c.  17. 

Moiss.,  Vita  Hlud.,  c.  20.  5  See  Miihlbacher,  /.  c,  no.  500  a. 


468  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

again  troublesome,  and  the  king  stated  to  a  General  Diet, 
which  he  had  convened,  that  in  his  judgment  the  rebellious 
movement  imperilled  the  public  safety  and  ought  to  be 
forthwith  put  down.  The  Diet  shared  his  views  and  recom- 
mended the  immediate  and  energetic  execution  of  his  pur- 
pose. 

Louis  thereupon  led  an  army  into  the  region  in  insurrec- 
tion, and  having  ordered  a  halt  at  Aquce,  i.  e.,  Dax  on  the 
Adour,  commanded  the  rebels  to  appear  before  him.  They 
paid  no  heed  to  his  summons.  He  then  moved  upon  their 
own  district  and  bade  his  warriors  lay  it  waste  ;  this  brought 
them  to  terms,  for  it  is  stated  that  they  came  as  suppliants 
for  mercy,  and  "  with  great  gifts  purchased  forgiveness." 
He  then  crossed  the  Pyrenees,  marched  to  Pampeluna,  and 
stayed  in  that  region  for  some  time  until  he  had  ordered 
matters  essential  to  public  and  private  interest.  But  the 
record  fails  to  state  what  they  were. 

On  his  return  the  treacherous  Vasconians  attempted  to 
repeat  their  old  and  habitual  scheme  of  ambuscade,  but  the 
plan  was  discovered,  and  its  promoters  brought  to  justice. 
One  of  the  ringleaders  was  seized  and  hung  ;  the  rest  of 
those  compromised  were  adjudged  in  the  loss  of  their  wives 
and  children  (it  is  intimated  as  hostages  or  pledges  for  their 
future  good  behavior),  while  the  king  and  his  army,  thus 
mercifully  saved  from  imminent  peril,  returned  safe  and 
sound  into  Aquitaine.1 

To  the  period  under  consideration  belong  likewise  several 
other  military  expeditions  conducted  by  the  lieutenants  of 
Charles,  for  the  last  enterprise,  which  he  led  in  person,  was 
that  against  the  Danes  narrated  on  a  former  page.  Thus 
811]  we  hear  of  three  separate  expeditions  sent  in  the  same 
year,  against  the  Linonians,  into  Pannonia,  and  Brittany ; 
the  objects  for  which  they  were  undertaken  were  the  fol- 
lowing. 

The  first  had  instructions  to  cross  the  Elbe,  devastate 
the  country  of  the  inimical  Linonians  and  Bethencians,  and 

1  Vita  Hludov.  c.  iS.  Cf.  Lembke,  fabulous  story  in  Hist.  reg.  Franc. 
Geschichte  v.  Spanien,  I.,  382,  and  the      monast.  s.  Dionysii,  19,  SS.  IX.,  400. 


Chapter  V.]  LAST   YEARS   OF  CHARLES.  469 

rebuild  the  fortress  of  Hohbuoki,  on  the  Elbe,  which  the 
Welatabians  had  destroyed  in  the  preceding  year. 

The  second  had  the  duty  of  terminating  the  ceaseless 
quarrels  between  the  Avars  and  their  Sclavonian  neighbors. 

The  third  was  required  to  put  down  a  fresh  insurrection 
which  had  broken  out  in  Brittany,  and  punish  the  perfidy  of 
its  rebellious  population.1 

Although  the  annals  record  with  laconic  brevity  that 
these  several  expeditions  prosperously  accomplished  all  the 
objects  for  which  they  were  sent  forth  and  returned  unhurt,2 
it  is  proper  to  take  this  with  certain  qualifications.  The 
results  of  the  first  enterprise  were  doubtless  satisfactory  ; 
IVov.,  §11]  those  of  the  second  also  were  so  measurably,  for 
a  few  months  later  the  Pannonian  chieftains,  Avars  and 
Sclavonians,  in  response  to  directions  received  from  the 
leaders  of  the  expedition,  appeared  before  the  emperor  in 
person,  presumably  for  the  purpose  of  learning  his  final  dis- 
positions, of  which  we  know  that  thenceforth  no  member  of 
the  blood  royal  of  the  Huns  should  reign  in  Hungary,  but 
that  conformably  to  the  wishes  of  their  nobility  the  govern- 
ment should  be  administered  by  legates  or  missi,  and  that 
the  people,  as  far  as  practicable,  should  be  brought  up  in  the 
Christian  religion  ; 3  those  of  the  third,  however,  were  not  so 
satisfactory,  as  the  records  of  the  next  reign  clearly  set  forth.4 

In  the  following,  otherwise  pacific,  year  a  considerable 
expedition  was  sent  against  the  hostile  Welatabians,  the 
same  who  made  common  cause  with  Gottfried  and  destroyed 
(810)  the  fortress  of  Hohbuoki,  and  who  until  then  had  not 
yet  been  chastised.  Three  armies,  probably  only  detach- 
ments of  the  same  expeditionary  force,  entered  their  terri- 
tory from  three  separate  directions  and  accomplished  their 
subjugation.  They  made  their  submission  and  gave  host- 
ages.5 

1  Cf .  Capitulare  Bonon.  a.  811.  4  Simson,  Jahrb.  d.  frank.    Reichs 

2  Annal.  Einh.,  Maxim.;  cf.  Chron.  itnter  Litdwig  d.  Frommen,  I.,  128 
Moiss.  sqq. 

3  Melchior  Inchofer  ad.  an.  apud  *  Annal.  Einh.;  Chron.  Moiss.  a. 
Cointe,  I.  c,  VII.,  189.  S12. 


470  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

The  final  submission  of  Benevento  also  appears  among 
the  achievements  of  that  pacific  year.  It  seems  to  have  been 
mainly  due  to  the  diplomatic  ability  and  personal  influence 
of  the  excellent  Adalhard,  at  that  time  imperial  missus, 
and  at  the  head  of  the  Italian  kingdom.  It  is  said  that  he 
went  in  person  to  Benevento,  composed  the  difficulty  with 
Spoleto,  and  arranged  a  peace  with  duke  Grimoald  Store- 
saiz,  who  agreed  to  the  immediate  payment  of  a  tribute  of 
twenty-five  thousand  gold  solidi  for  arrears,  and  thereafter 
to  that  of  an  annual  tribute  of  seven  thousand  gold  solidi. 
He  was  guaranteed  the  entire  possession  of  his  duchy,  ex- 
cepting only  the  Teatensian  territory  which  Pepin  had  con- 
quered,1 and  remained  separate  from  Beneventan  rule.  It 
is  interesting  to  know  how  he  accomplished  so  much. 
"  Wherever  he  went  he  carried  peace  with  him.  When  he 
arrived  at  Benevento  the  whole  country  was  in  arms  against 
Spoleto.  Such  was  their  martial  frenzy  that  they  annihi- 
lated their  all  by  fire,  and  sword,  and  pillage.  Savage  Bel- 
lona  incited  them  to  indiscriminate  slaughter,  and  made 
them  think  it  a  glorious  thing  to  recover  their  losses  by 
robbing  the  enemy.  They  would  rather  endure  want  than 
defeat.  At  last  a  man  of  God  appeared  among  them  as  a 
mediator  and  herald,  and  being  consulted  by  both  sides, 
urged  them  to  peace  ;  nor  forbore  his  blessed  offices  until 
he  had  united  them  in  the  bonds  of  peace  so  that  they 
kissed  {ad  osculd)  each  other.  Thus  he  restored  peace,  etc."2 
That  herald  doubtless  was  Adalhard. 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  812.  Vita  Adalh.  narrative  fits  the  man.  Alia  Vita 
29,  MG.  SS.,  II.,  527  ;  Erchempert,  [Adalh.],  auct.  Gerardo,  c.  21,  apud 
Hist.  Lang.  c.  7,  ibid.  SS.  Langob.  Mabilon,  A.  S.,  ed.  Venet.  IV.,  p. 
236.  330. 

2  This  may  be  exaggeration,  but  the 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   MAN   CHARLES. 

Death  of  Charles  the  Younger. — Estimate. — Death  of  Adelhaid.— Death  of 
Pepin  the  Hunchback.— Charles  broken  by  grief. — He  appoints  Bernhard 
king  of  Italy. — Attack  of  sickness. — Charles  designates  Louis  his  asso- 
ciate in  the  empire. — Version  of  Nigellus. — Opposition  to  Louis. — He  is 
sent  for. — Proclaimed  emperor. — His  coronation. — Last  illness  and  death 
of  Charles. — His  burial. — Legendary  accounts. — Emperor  Otto  III.  opens 
the  tomb  of  Charles. — Elevation  of  the  remains,  and  canonization  of  Charles. 

The  man  Charles,  dissociated  from  war,  and  external 
relations,  other  than  those  of  his  family,  will  now  engage 
our  exclusive  attention. 

It  was  late  in  8n,  when  a  terrible  blow  struck  him  in  the 
death  of  Charles,  his  eldest  son  by  Hildegard.  Next  to 
nothing  is  known  of  its  cause,  the  sole  record  being  that 
"  he  died  in  consequence  of  a  headache  proceeding  from  the 
eyes."  l  This  is  vague  information.  It  is  equally  surpris- 
ing that  we  have  to  chronicle  similar  reticence  on  other 
matters  of  personal  moment ;  for  instance,  there  are  no  cer- 
tain data  concerning  his  age,  the  place  of  his  death  and 
burial.     The  only  person  who  knew  is  silent.2 

Charles,  probably  born  in  772,  was  not  yet  forty  years  of 
age  at  the  time  of  his  death.  The  first  mention  of  him  in 
history  is  his  presence  with  his  parents  at  the  consecration 
of  the  church  at  Lorsch,3  in  774;  his  first  military  exploit 

1  Annal.  Lobiens.  biography  of  Charles,  which  contains 

2  I  do  not  wish  to  wrong  Einhard,  not  a  line  or  a  word  that  by  implica- 
but  submit  that  his  reticence  deserves  tion  could  detract  from  the  reigning 
censure.     He  had  at  this   time  daily  emperor. 

intercourse  with  the  emperor,  and  was  Praise  of  the  dead  brother,  for  qua- 
on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  whole  lities  in  which  Louis  was  deficient, 
imperial  family.  After  the  emperor's  might  be  distasteful  or  suggest  corn- 
death  he  stood  in  similar  relations  to  parison.  May  this  explain  his  silence  ? 
Louis,    and    in    his    reign   wrote   the  3  Mi'ilbacher,  /.  c. ,  p.  6S. 


472  CHARLES    THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

took  place  ten  years  later  in  the  Saxon  war  ;  in  790  his 
father  gave  him  the  duchy  of  Maine,  and  probably  the  title 
of  "  king."  About  that  time  he  sued  for  the  hand  of  a 
daughter  of  King  Offa,  but  the  project  fell  through,  and  he 
never  married.1 

He  distinguished  himself  in  war,  especially  in  the  Saxon 
campaigns,  and  the  expeditions  against  the  Czechs  and 
Wends.  He  was  the  favorite  son  and  constant  companion 
of  his  father,  whom  he  resembled  in  appearance  and  manner.2 

He  was  handsome,  the  ornament  of  the  Court,  uniting 
to  physical  strength,  celerity,  executive  ability,  and  military 
skill,  a  pleasant  address,  and  a  naturally  strong  mind,  graced 
by  accomplishment  in  letters.  He  is  spoken  of  as  endowed 
with  the  spirit  and  intellectual  qualities  of  his  sire,  the  hope 
of  the  empire,  and  the  destined  occupant  of  the  imperial 
throne. 

This  was  expressed  during  his  life,  and  asserted  in  the 
next  and  successive  reigns.  It  seems  also  confirmed  by 
what  had  occurred.  The  portion  assigned  to  him  in  the 
division  of  the  empire  was  greater  than  that  of  his  brothers, 
and  embraced  the  whole  of  the  original  Frankish  dominions. 
And  in  this  connection  the  Saxon  poet  exclaims :  "  Him 
did  his  sire  designate  to  succeed  in  the  throne  of  the  Franks, 
had  not  the  Lord  been  pleased  to  direct  otherwise."  3 

Who  can  doubt,  after  this  bare  recital  of  facts,  that  the 
death  of  Charles  evoked  universal  grief,4  and  that  none 
grieved  more  sadly,  or  wept  more  bitterly  than  his  aged 
father  ? 5 

We  see  him  weeping  for  Charles,  as  Jacob  wept  for  Joseph. 
Jacob  wept,  and  lived  to  see  Joseph  again  ;  the  emperor 
wept,  but  wept  in  vain,  for  Charles  was  not. 

No  epitaph  of  his  has  been  preserved ;  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  one  is  the  high-flown   but  affectionate  greeting 

1  Annal.  Mett.  790,  S.  Amandi  cont.  Eleg.  II.,  171,  2. — Cf.  Art.  3,  p. 
789. — Gest.  abb.  Fontan.  419. 

2  Angilbert,  Carm.  6  ;  Annal.  Qued-  4  "  Cum  luctu  omnium  defunctus 
linb.  811.  est." — Annal.  Lobiens.  a.  812. 

3  Angilbert,  Carm.  2,  33  sqq. ;  Poeta  5  Vita  Caroli,  c.  19. — Poeta  Saxo, 
Saxo,    IV.,   281    sqq.;    Erm.    Nigell.  V.,  271  sqq.;  275  sqq. 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  473 

of  Theodulf,  indited  in  more  sunny  days,  on  the  occasion 
of  Charles  taking  possession  of  the  duchy  of  Maine,  and 
descriptive  of  the  youthful  king.1 

Alcuin  wrote  to  Charles :  "  I  rejoice,  most  dearly  beloved 
son,  as  I  heard  from  your  servant  Osulfus,  in  the  devoted- 
ness  of  your  good  inclination,  the  frequency  of  your  alms, 
and  your  practice  of  humility.  Such  things,  you  may  assur- 
edly believe,  are  well  pleasing  to  God,  and  certain,  of  His 
mercy,  to  redound  to  your  eternal  blessedness."2 

This  testimony  flatly  contradicts  the  alleged  want  of 
humility  with  which  the  biographer  of  Alcuin  charges  the 
younger  Charles.3  He  seems  to  have  considered  the 
humility  of  attitude  the  token  and  expression  of  inward 
humility  of  heart.  The  unpleasant  ecclesiastical,  monkish, 
and  conventional  humility  of  drooping  head,  downcast 
eyes,  and  folded  hands,  is  often  misleading,  and  suggestive 
of  anything  rather  than  true  humility,  which,  ever  disdain- 
ful of  outward  show,  and  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  the 
Great  Teacher  of  humility,  studiously  avoids  it. 

Why  should  not  the  royal  Charles  kneel  at  the  chancel 
rail  with  head  erect  and  yet  be  a  humble-minded  Chris- 
tian as  Alcuin  expressly  testifies  he  was? 

Nor  was  this  the  only  bereavement  of  that  sad  and  try- 
ing year.     Adelaide,  or  Adalinda,  the  last  of  the  morganatic 

1  "  O  Charles  !  my  sweet  delight,  the  empire's  hope  and  praise, 

May  God  for  aye  hold  bliss  for  thee  in  store  ! 
Thy  sire's,  thy  country's,  yea  all  the  senate's  joy 

Thou  multipli'st,  with  glory  on  thy  path. 
Electrum  bright,  and  glitt'ring  gold  in  fire  refin'd, 

Yea,  all  the  metals,  at  thy  splendor  fade. 
More  fleet  than  bird  thou  art,  in  strength  the  lion's  lord, 

In  arts  well  skill'd,  with  weapons  prompt  at  hand. 
The  sister  orbs  within  my  head  for  thee  I  strain. 

For  cherish'd  sight  of  thee  my  heart  cries  out. 
Ah  !  if  thy  coming  to  these  western  parts  I  knew, 

Thy  loving  vassal  wist  his  master  near, 
More  swift  than  Notus  light,  or  dawn-born  Eurus  fleet, 

I'd  hasten  forth  and  eager  kiss  thy  welcome  feet." 

Theodulf.  Carm.  35. — Poet.  Latin.,  etc.,  /.  c,  p.  526  sq. 
2  Ale.  ep.  245  (Jaffe).  3  See  p.  300. 


474  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [BOOK  III. 

wives  of  Charles,  the  mother  of  Theoderic,1  his  infant  son, 
died  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  One  of  the  old  chroniclers  calls 
her  li  empereres,  the  empress,  quaintly  adding  that  "  from 
that  day  forth  the  emperor  Charles  spent  the  residue  of  his 
days  without  a  wife."2 

And  yet  a  third  bereavement.  The  death,  in  the  monas- 
tery of  PrCim,  of  the  eldest  born  of  all  his  children,  the  son 
of  his  youth,  the  child  of  Himiltrud,  the  poor,  misguided, 
unhappy  Pepin  the  Hunchback.  What  memories  his  death 
awakened !  And  can  we  doubt,  as  we  recall  them,  and 
remember  the  mercy  of  Charles,  that  he  wept  also  for  him  ? 
He  had  long  since  forgiven  him  ;  time  had  softened  his 
feelings  ;  the  chastening  hand  of  God,  moreover,  made  him 
more  tender,  and  we  know  that  he  would  often  relieve 
himself  in  weeping.3 

Christmas  came.  In  former  years  it  came  laden  with  the 
blessings  of  domestic  joys,  this  year  it  was  cheerless.  The 
sweet  chimes  of  the  basilica  by  the  palace,  and  the  grand 
music  of  the  rich  service,  fell  upon  his  ears  and  stirred  the 
memories  of  the  golden  past.  Of  what  else  could  he  think 
that  day  but  of  the  service  in  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  when 
that  basilica  rang  with  the  loud  acclaim  of  Christendom 
assembled  to  witness  his  imperial  coronation,  followed  by 
the  coronation  and  unction  of  the  royal  Charles  ?  Or,  when 
he  retraced  his  steps  to  the  palace,  and  gazed  upon  the 
vacant  seats  at  the  family  table,  and  the  orphans  of  Pepin, 
would  there  not  recur  to  his  mind  the  magnum  gaudium  of 
the  Christmas  at  Thionville,  six  years  ago,  when  all  his 
royal  sons  were  present,  and  he  unfolded  to  them  his  plans 
with  the  bright  and  golden  visions  of  their  long  and  glori- 
ous reign?  Alas  for  him,  two  of  those  sons  lay  bedded  in 
marble.  The  strong  man's  heart  quivered  with  sorrow,  and 
though  he  might  dash  away  the  tears  which  unbidden 
would  flow,  he  sate  grieving,  and  his  heart  went  out  to 
Louis  in  distant  Aquitaine,  sole  hope  of  his  declining  years. 

1  Born  in  Sio.  3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  19. 

Chron.    de  St.   Denis,  apud  Bou- 
quet, V.,  260. 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN  CHARLES.  475 

The  death  of  Pepin  and  Charles  cancelled  the  law  of  the 
partition  of  the  empire,  but  Charles,  in  token  of  his  affec- 
tion, designated  Bernhard  to  succeed  Pepin  his  father.1 
During  his  minority2  the  affairs  of  Italy  were  administered 
by  missi. 

Charles  sent  Bernhard  to  Italy  in  812,  probably  with  the 
regal  title,  for  documents  dating  from  that  year  name  it  as 
the  first  of  his  reign. 

It  is  of  record  that  after  the  departure  of  the  Byzantine 
ambassadors,  Charles  "  held  a  General  Diet  at  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle  and  sent  his  grandson  Bernhard,  the  son  of  Pepin,  to 
Italy,"  3  and  "  gave  him  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards."  4 

Adalhard,  moreover,  during  the  term  of  his  administra- 
tion as  missus  for  Italy,  "  took  him  a  wife,  and  by  command 
of  the  sovereign,  set  [Bernhard]  over  the  whole  realm."  5 

The  name  of  his  wife  was  Cunigund,6  but  his  mother's, 
and  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  majority,  are  uncertain, 
although  it  is  believed,  on  good  grounds,  that  he  became  of 
age,  and  married  during  the  life-time  of  Charles.7 

Charles  had  passed  the  three  score  years  and  ten,  but  he 
was  not  an  old  man.  He  never  grew  old,  and  in  the  last 
year  of  his  life  did  more  hard  work  of  the  highest  intellect- 
ual reach  than  many  of  the  ablest  men  of  only  half  his 
age  are  able  to  accomplish  in  twice  the  time.  It  is  im- 
possible to  resist  this  conviction  if  we  read,  to  name  only 
one  part  of  his  activity,  the  numerous  laws,  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical, which  were  drawn  up  and  enacted  in  that  year,  under 
his  direction,  and  most  probably  with  his  personal  co-opera- 
tion. Nor  was  he  old  physically,  for  in  spite  of  his  hoary 
head  he  was  early  and  late  in  the  saddle,  hunting  in  the 
Ardennes.  Still,  during  the  last  four  years  of  his  life,  his 
health  was  not  robust,  he  was  subject  to  frequent  fevers, 
while  constant  fretting  and  undue  exposure  told  upon  him. 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  19.  5  Transl.  S.  Viti  Qaffe),   I.,  7,  8. 

2  Under  Ripuarian  law  the  comple-         6  Affo,  Parma,  I.,  283. 

tion  of  the  15th  year.  ^  On  these  knotty  points  see  Muhl- 

3  Annal.  Einh.,  a.  812.  bacher,    /.  c,   nos.  466  a;  496  b.  c; 

4  Annal.  Xanth.  and  Simson,  /.  c. ,  II.,  483  sqq. 


476  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

It  is  hinted  that  he  had  the  gout,  and  stated,  that  at  the 
last  he  limped  a  little  with  one  foot.  In  May,  that  year, 
813]  while  hunting  in  the  Ardennes,  he  had  a  violent 
attack  of  pain  in  his  foot,  and  was  compelled  to  go  to  bed. 
When  the  pain  subsided  he  returned  to  Aix-la-Chapelle.1 

Before  that  he  had  held  the  Diet  in  which  he  introduced 
the  matter  touching  the  five  Provincial  Councils  for  the  ref- 
ormation of  the  Church  already  familiar  to  us.  There  he  is 
said,  but  not  on  good  authority,  to  have  also  broached  the 
question  of  the  succession  of  Louis.  The  account,  which  is 
manifestly,  and  not  very  tastefully,  embellished,  reads  more 
like  caricature  than  history ;  it  is  metrical  and  given  in  prose 
for  what  it  is  worth. 

"  The  aged  emperor  convoked  a  Diet  at  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
and  from  his  golden  throne  thus  spoke  to  his  chosen  great : 

"  '  Listen,  liege  vassals,  to  what  I  believe  you  know  full 
well.  In  the  fiery  days  of  youthful  strength  I  went  to  war 
and  led  my  Franks  to  victory  in  foreign  lands.  But  now 
my  blood  runs  cold,  old  age  creeps  on,  as  my  silvered  hair 
and  trembling  right  hand,  once  famed  for  warlike  deeds 
throughout  the  world,  do  show. 

"  '  Two  of  my  sons,  alas,  by  God's  decree,  are  dead  and 
buried ;  I  bow  to  His  will,  rejoicing  that  Christ  has  not 
wholly  forsaken  you,  and  spared  the  third  who  has  always 
been  delighted  to  obey  me  and  exalt  my  sway.  He  has 
ever  had  a  loving  care  for  the  Church,  and  led  his  kingdom 
to  great  prosperity.  You  remember  his  victories  over  the 
Moors,  and  the  rich  spoil  he  brought.  Counsel  me  then, 
Franks,  that  I  may  know  what  to  do/ 

"  Then  Einhard,  much  beloved  by  Charles,  a  man  wise 
and  good,  fell  down  before  the  king,  and  kissing  his  feet  thus 
wisely  spoke  : 

" '  Caesar !  from  pole  to  pole  renowned,  on  earth  and  on 
the  sea,  who  hast  given  us  the  splendor  of  empire,  we  can- 
not by  our  advice  improve  what  God  has  put  into  thy 
heart.     Carry  out  thy  purpose.     Thou  hast   a  son  whose 

1  Annal.  Einh.,  813,  Vita  Caroli,  c.  22. 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  477 

virtues  fit  him  well  to  rule  thy  realm.  I  utter  the  voice  of 
all  thy  lands  in  praying  thee  to  give  him  to  us ;  thus  begs 
the  Church,  and  Christ  Himself  approves  the  choice.  We 
think  him  fit,  upon  thy  death,  to  shield  the  law  by  arms,  by 
intellect,  and  faith.' 

"  The  speech  pleased  Csesar  well ;  he  prayed  to  Christ, 
and  sent  for  his  son  to  come  with  speed,  for  Louis,  as  I 
have  said  before,  was  in  distant  Aquitaine  in  the  glorious 
conduct  of  his  kingdom,  etc.,  etc."1 

This  is  credible  but  only  in  so  far  as  the  introduction  of 
the  question  to  the  Diet  is  concerned  ;  the  narrative  and 
the  speeches  bear  the  impress  of  the  writer  who  had  a  strong 
motive  for  flattering  Louis  and  Einhard ;  the  remainder  of 
his  account  is  omitted,  to  make  room  for  better  information.8 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  nomination  of  Louis  was  far  from 
unanimous  ;  it  is  known  that  a  powerful  party  was  in  favor 
of  Bernhard,  and  Louis  himself  expected  strong  opposition.3 
That  Einhard  favored  and  strongly  advocated  it,  may  be 
accepted  as  much  established  as  the  rich  reward  it  brought 
him  in  the  abbacies  which  fell  to  his  share.4     The  glorious 

1  Ermolcl.  Nigell.  /.  c,  1.  II.,  v.  3  have  set  him  free.  (Wattenbach, 
sqq.  Diimmler,  Funck,  Simson.) 

2  The  fulsome  eulogy  of  Nigellus,  Theganus,  Thegan,  or  Degan,  chor- 
of  course,  is  not  history.  A  few  ex-  episcopos  in  the  diocese  of  Trier 
planatory  words  respecting  the  histori-  (Treves),  wrote  a  biography  of  Louis 
cal  value  of  the  authorities  about  to  be  reaching  to  835,  during  the  lifetime  of 
cited  may  not  be  superfluous.  the  emperor,   hardly  less   fulsome   in 

Nigellus  was  a  native  of  Aquitaine,  eulogy  than  the  former.    Being  astrong 

a  monk,  and  the  favorite  of  Pepin  II.,  partisan  of  Louis,  all  his  statements 

the  son  of  Louis;  he  sided  with  the  son,  require  to  be  received  with  great  cau- 

and  set  him  against  his  father.     Louis  tion.     (Wattenbach.) 

banished  him  to  Strasburg,  where  he  The  anonymous  author  of  the  Vita 

found  a    friend    in    bishop    Bernald.  Hludovici,  called    Astronomus,  was  a 

There  he  wrote  four  books  in  elegiac  cleric  of  the  court  of  Louis  and  wrote 

verse  in  glorification  of  the  deeds  of  after  his   death.     This    work    also  is 

Louis  ;  sent  them  to  the  emperor  and  strongly  partisan,  but  its  earlier   por- 

the  empress  Judith,  but  his  flatteries  tions  are  valuable.     (Wattenbach.) 

were  too  transparent  to  impose  upon  3  See  the  references  in  Muhlbacher, 

Louis,  which  is  saying  a  great  deal.  /.  c,  nos.  500,  g. ;  509,  a. 

His  object  was  to  regain  his  liberty,  *  Wattenbach,  Deutschl.  Geschichts- 

but  he  failed  then,  although  the  victory  qiiellen,  etc.,  I.,  172. 
of  the  conspirators  in  830  appears  to 


478  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

conduct,  by  Louis,  of  his  kingdom  of  Aquitaine,  is  pure 
verbiage.  It  was  administered  by  Frankish  counts  acting 
under  the  directions  of  Charles,1  and  even  the  military 
achievements  ascribed  to  him  were  due  rather  to  the  genius 
of  Charles,  again  acting  through  able  lieutenants,  than  to 
his  own  generalship.  In  the  sole  direction  of  ameliorating 
the  condition  of  monastic  institutions  he  seems  to  have 
acted  independently  and  earned  the  praise  of  its  inmates.2 

Resuming  the  narrative,  it  appears  that  soon  after  the 
emperor's  attack  in  the  Ardennes  and  return  to  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  the  grand-falconer  of  Louis  arrived  on  public  busi- 
ness requiring  the  emperor's  action.  While  waiting  for  it, 
Frankish  and  German  nobles  at  the  Court  took  him  aside 
and  advised  him  to  urge  upon  the  king  of  Aquitaine  the 
necessity  of  his  presence  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  representing 
that  the  infirmities  of  years  and  excessive  grief  would,  in 
their  opinion,  hasten  the  emperor's  end  in  the  near  future. 

Returning  to  Aquitaine  he  told  the  king  what  he  had 
heard.  Louis,  thinking,  in  the  nobility  of  his  nature,  as  his 
biographer  puts  it,  that  such  a  course  might  make  him  sus- 
pected by  his  father,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  nobles 
who  counselled  his  going,  remained  at  home.  He  adds  that 
God  (the  fear  of  whom  ever  prompted  the  action  of  Louis) 
and  who  exalts  those  who  supremely  love  Him,  ordered  the 
matter  more  wisely. 

"  The  king,"  he  writes,  "  had  just  generously  accorded  to 
the  people  whom  he  was  wont  to  fatigue  with  incessant  war 
[i.  e.,  the  Saracens]  a  two  years'  truce,  when  the  Emperor 
Charles,  considering  that  the  sands  of  his  life  were  running  out 
and  apprehensive  that  his  sudden  removal  from  earthly  affairs 
might  cause  confusion  in  the  empire  for  whose  consolidation 
813]  and  good  government  he  had  done  so  much,  exposing 
it  to  attacks  from  without  and  dissensions  within,  sent  his 
messengers  recalling  his  son  from  Aquitaine. 

"  Upon  his  arrival  at  the  palace  the    emperor  lovingly 

1  Abel,  /.  c,  I.,  329,  360  ;  and  the  authorities  cited  by  Simson,  /.  c,  II., 
515,  n.  6. 

2  Simson,  /.  c. ,  II.,  516,  and  notes. 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  479 

received  him,  retained  him  throughout  the  summer,  and 
instructed  him  on  all  points  which  he  thought  he  ought  to 
know,  advising  him  as  to  the  rule  of  life  he  should  follow, 
the  means  by  which  he  should  establish  order  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  having  done  so,  adhere  thereto."  " 

Although  the  notice  that  Charles  retained  Louis  through- 
out the  summer  is  rather  dubious,2  the  clauses  which  follow 
appear  to  be  entitled  to  acceptance,  first,  because  they  agree 
with  the  charge  at  the  Coronation,  and  secondly,  because 
they  were  necessary. 

Then  followed  the  General  Diet,3  in  which  the  26  Capitula 
became  law.  It  was  a  very  large  and  solemn  assembly  of  all 
the  chief  men  of  the  Frankish  dominions  with  whom  the 
emperor  took  counsel  in  the  matter  of  associating  with  him- 
self his  son  Louis  in  the  throne.4 

In  kind  and  gentle  words  he  charged  the  Diet  to  be  faith- 
ful to  his  son,  asking  all  present,  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest,  if  they  agreed  to  his  proposal  of  bestowing  the  impe- 
rial title  upon  his  son  Louis,  and  if  such  was  their  pleasure, 
to  express  it.  Their  response  was  an  exultant  affirmation,  and 
all  with  one  consent  declared  that  it  was  the  will  of  God.s  An- 
other account  states  that  they  unanimously  pronounced  him 
worthy.6  Then  it  seems  Louis  was  declared  associate  emperor 
by  general  acclamation,  but  this  was  only  a  preliminary  act. 

The  Coronation  proper  took  place  upon  the  Sunday  fol- 
lowing, September  nth,  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary  the  Vir- 
gin. The  emperor,  arrayed  in  imperial  robes,  and  wearing 
a  crown,  attended  by  the  Estates  assembled,  proceeded  to 
the  altar  of  the  basilica  and  caused  to  be  placed  thereon 
another  golden  crown  ;  he  and  Louis  then  knelt  down  in 
prayer;  at  its  conclusion  he  addressed  a  charge  to  him  in 
the  audience  of  all  the  bishops,  princes,  and  lords  assembled. 

He  bade  him,  above  all  things,  fear  and  love  Lord  God 

'Vita    Hludov.     c.     20.     Cf.    Vita  3  Sept.,   813. 

Caroli,  c.   30  ;  Thegan.   c.   6  ;  Annal.  4  See  p.  390  sqq. 

Einh.,   a.   813  ;    cf.    Simson,   Ludwig  5  Thegan.  c.  6. 

der  Fromme,  I.,  4  ;  note  3.  6  Chron.  Moiss 

2  See  p.  468. 


480  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Almighty  and  keep  His  commandments,  govern  well  His 
Church  and  protect  her  from  all  her  enemies. 

He  exhorted  him  to  show  the  most  tender  regard  for  his 
sisters  and  younger  brothers,  his  nephews  and  all  his  rela- 
tives ;  to  honor  the  priests  as  his  fathers,  love  the  people  as 
if  they  were  his  sons,  constrain  the  proud  and  evil-doers  to 
walk  in  the  way  of  salvation,  protect  monastic  institutions, 
and  watch  like  their  father  over  the  poor. 

Moreover  he  advised  him  to  receive  to  his  confidence  only 
faithful  ministers  whom  he  knew  to  be  God-fearing  men  and 
opposed  to  every  form  of  corruption. 

He  bade  him  likewise  deprive  no  man  of  his  honors  and 
living,  without  just  cause,  and  be  at  pains  always  to  set  an 
example  without  reproach  before  God  and  all  his  people. 

Thus  spoke  Charles,  and  much  more  to  the  same  effect  ; 
and  at  the  close  of  his  charge,  asked  Louis  if  he  was 
resolved  obediently  to  keep  all  these  precepts.  Louis 
replied  that  he  would  cheerfully  obey  them,  and,  God 
being  his  helper,  was  fully  resolved  to  keep  all  the  precepts 
which  his  father  had  enjoined  upon  him. 

Then  Charles  desired  him  to  take  with  his  own  hands 
the  crown  from  the  altar  and  place  it  upon  his  head  as  a 
memorial  of  the  counsels  he  had  given  him,  and  handed  to 
him  the  imperial  sceptre.1 

At  the  supreme  moment  of  that  symbolical  act,  Charles,  ac- 
cording to  one  authority,  commanded  him  to  be  proclaimed 
Emperor  and  Augustus,  while  agreeably  to  another,  the  as- 
sembled multitude  with  one  accord,  and  as  it  were  sponta- 
neously, exclaimed  :  "  Long  life  (vivaf)  to  Emperor  Louis  !  " 

Charles  then  declared  Louis  joint  emperor  with  himself 
and  concluded  with  the  ascription  of  praise :  "  Blessed  art 
thou,  O  Lord  God,  for  that  thou  hast  granted  me  grace  to 
see,  with  my  own  eyes,  my  son  seated  on  my  throne !  " 

"  The  act  was  hailed  with  great  favor  by  all  present,  who 
viewed  it  in  the  light  of  a  divine  inspiration  for  the  salva- 
tion of  the  realm."  2 

1  Annal.  Lauriss.  min. ;  cf.  Annal.  S.  Em-      2  Vita  Caroli,  c.  30. 
mer.,  Juvav  maj.,  Vita  Hludov.  c.  20. 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  48 1 

The  Coronation  being  ended,  Mass  was  said,  and  at  the 
close  of  the  service  the  emperors  proceeded  arm-in-arm  to 
the  palace.  Their  departure  was  the  signal  for  the  disper- 
sion of  the  multitude  ;  the  day  was  publicly  observed  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle  as  one  of  festal  rejoicing,  and  the  Court 
celebrated  the  event  by  a  state-banquet.1 

Not  long  after  his  coronation,  Louis  returned  to  Aqui- 
taine.2  After  his  departure,  the  emperor,  although  weak 
from  age,  set  out  to  hunt,  as  usual,  near  his  palace  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  and  passed  the  rest  of  the  autumn  in  the  chase, 
returning  thither  about  the  first  of  November.3  This  shows 
that  his  general  state  of  health  was  not  bad,  and  although 
we  read  that  he  spent  the  whole  of  his  time  in  alms  and 
prayers  and  the  correction  of  books,4  it  does  not  follow 
that  after  his  return  from  the  hunt  he  was  exclusively 
occupied  with  the  preparation  for  death. 

The  winter  was  very  severe,5  and  during  its  course,  which 
as  usual  he  spent  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he  had  a  violent  attack 
of  fever.  It  befell  him  after  his  customary  bath  on  the 
twenty-first  day  of  January.6  At  all  times  averse  to  tak- 
ing medicine  and  wont  to  prescribe  for  himself,  he  took  to 
his  bed,  and  depending  on  the  remedial  power  of  nature, 
forthwith  followed  his  usual  plan  in  such  attacks,  of  ab- 
staining from  nourishment.  In  this  he  persisted,  although 
he  could  not  easily  subsist  without  it,  and  often  com- 
plained that  fasting  injured  his  health.7  The  fever,  how- 
ever, so  far  from  yielding  to  this  treatment,  seems  to  have 
increased  in  violence,  and  his  condition  became  critical, 
when  in  addition  to  the  fever  a  new  assailant  appeared  in 
the  form  of  pleurisy.  Even  then  he  persisted  in  fasting, 
and  kept  up  his  strength  only  by  an  occasional  draught  of 
water. 


1  Annal.  Einh.,  Vita  Caroli,  c.  30,  3  Vita  Caroli,  c.  30. 
Chron.   Moiss.,    Thegan.    c.   20.     Cf.  4  Thegan.   c.  7. 
Miihlbacher,  /.  c,  no.  466  b.  s  Annal.  Xant.  813. 

2  Thegan.  c.  6.     The  statement  of  6  According  to  Thegan 
Vita  Hludov.  c.  20,  that  he  stayed  till  1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  24. 
November,  is  inadmissible. 

31 


482  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Thus  he  lay  in  great  and  ever-growing  weakness  for  the 
space  of  a  week,  when  aware  of  his  condition,  he  summoned 
to  his  side  his  archchaplain  and  intimate  friend,  Hildibald, 
archbishop  of  Cologne,  for  the  purpose  of  administering  to 
him  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ, 
and  preparing  him  for  death.1  This  preparation  did  not 
include  extreme  unction  ;  for  its  sacramental  character  was 
not  introduced  before  the  twelfth  century. 

Throughout  that  day  and  the  night  following  he  labored 
in  great  weakness.  But  at  daybreak,  knowing  what  was 
about  to  happen,  he  made  an  earnest  effort,  and  gathering 
all  his  strength,  stretched  out  his  right  hand,  signed  himself 
with  the  sign  of  the  cross,  first  on  the  forehead,  and  thence 
over  all  the  body,  and  at  last,  joining  his  hands  across  the 
chest,  closed  his  eyes,  chanting  in  a  low  voice :  In  manus 
tuas  Domine  comme?ido  spiritum  menm.2 

Then  he  ceased  to  breathe.  Thus  died  Charles  in  the 
seventy-second  year  of  his  age,  and  the  forty-sixth 3  of  his 
reign,  on  the  fifth  of  the  Kalends  of  February,  in  the 
year  of  the  Incarnation  814,  at  the  third  hour  of  the  day, 
that  is  in  modern  phrase,  on  Saturday,4  January  28,  814, 
at  9  A.M.S 

The  body  was  solemnly  washed  and  prepared  {curatum)? 
that  is,  most  probably  embalmed7  and  carried  into  the 
church. 

At  first  there  was  some  hesitation  as  to  where  the  inter- 
ment should  take  place,  because  the  emperor  had  given  no 
directions  as  to  his  burial,  as  his  biographer  records.8  His 
wish  in  the  matter,  expressed  in  writing  many  years  before, 
as  far  back  as  769,  seems  to  have  been  overlooked.     In  that 

1  Thegan  says  that  this  occurred  bly  misled  by  the  tenor  of  the  errone- 
the  day  before  he  died,  while  Einhard      ous  epitaph. 

states,  that  it  took  place  on  the  day         4  Annal.     Lauriss.    min.,     Sangall. 

of   his   death.  —  Thegan.   c.  7.    Vita  (Baluz.),  Aquens. 

Caroli,  c.  30.     I  follow  the  former.  s  All  the  authorities  for  the  date  are 

2  "  Into  thy  hands,  O  Lord,  I  com-  cited  by  Simson,  /.  c. ,  II.,  532,  534. 
mend  my  spirit." — Ps.    31,   5.  A.  V;  6  Vita  Caroli,  c.  31. 

30,  6.  Vulg.  Lke.  23,  46.  7  Ademar,   II.,  9 

3  Einhard  says,  the  47th  year,  proba-  8  Vita  Caroli,  c.  31. 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  483 

year,  under  date  January  13th,  he  donated  to  the  monastery 
of  St.  Denis,  then  administered  by  the  abbot  Fulrad,  the 
small  monastery  of  St.  Die  in  the  Vosges,  and  in  the  deed 
expressed  his  desire  of  being  buried  at  St.  Denis,  where  his 
grandfather  Charles  Martel  and  his  father  were  at  rest.  To 
that  cathedral  he  also  conveyed  the  remains  of  his  mother 
Bertha.1 

Uncertainty  soon  gave  way  to  the  general  conviction  that 
no  more  appropriate  resting  place  for  him,  and  none  more 
honorable,  could  be  found  than  in  the  basilica  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  his  favorite  city,  in  the  church  which  he  had 
built  at  his  own  charge,  "  for  love  of  God  and  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  in  honor  of  the  Holy  and  Ever  Virgin 
His  mother."  2 

There  he  was  buried  on  the  very  day  of  his  death,  amid 
the  universal  lamentations  of  the  people ;  it  is  not  improba- 
ble that  the  body,  appropriately  arrayed,  having  a  cross 
suspended  from  his  neck,  was  placed  in  a  Roman  marble 
sarcophagus3  with  a  representation,  in  relief,  of  the  rape  of 
Proserpina,  presumably  the  same  in  which  it  was  found  at 
the  time  of  its  elevation  in  1165,4  and  which  remains  to 
this  day  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.5 

Over  the  tomb  a  gilded  arch  was  set  up  with  an  image 
and  inscription  of  this  tenor: 

1  Seep.  214. — Miihlbacher  /.  c. ,  No.  181  sqq.  The  simple  fact  of  the 
128.     Abel  I.,  32,  Simson  II.,  535.  sepulture  is  stated  in  Vita  Caroli,  c. 

2  Vita  Caroli  c.  31. — Tantem  omni-  31;  Poeta  Saxo,  V.,  695;  Annal. 
um  animis  sedit  nusquam  eum  honest-  Lobiens.,  Chron.  Moiss.  al.  with  addi- 
ius  tumulari  posse  quam  in  ea  basilica,  tions. 

quam   ipse    propter    amorem    Dei  et  4  See  p.  487. 

domini  nostri  Iesu  Christi  et  ob  honor-  5  See    Lindner,     in     Forschungen, 

em  sanctae  et  aeternae  virginis  genet-  etc.,  XIX.,    183  ;    Forster,    Raub   u. 

ricis  eius    proprio    sumptu    in  eodem  Riickkehr  der    Persephone ;     Kantze- 

vico  construxit.  ler,  in  Jahrb.   d.  V.,  v.    Alterthums- 

3  So  far  Thietmar  Chron.  IV.,  29  in  freunden  im  Rheinlande,  XXIX., 
MG.  SS.  III.,  781.  I  understand  the  XXX.  p.  193  sqq.;  Zeitsehr.  des 
words  insolio  to  signify  "  in  a  tomb;  "  Aachener.  Geschichtsvereins  III.,  97 
which  they  demonstrably  may  mean.  sqq.  (Fritz  Berndt,  Der  Sarg  Karls 
See  Lindner,  in  Preuss.  Jahrb.  XXXI.,  d.  Grossen,  m.  Abbildung.) — Simson. 
431    sqq.,    and    Forschungen     XIX., 


484  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

"  Underneath  this  sepulchre  reposes  the  body  of  Charles, 

The  Great  and  Orthodox  Emperor, 

Who  did  gloriously  extend  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks, 

And  after  a  prosperous  reign  of  forty-seven  years 

Died  a  Septuagenarian 

In  the  year  of  the  Lord  DCCCXIIII 

Of  the  Indiction  VII 

On  the  V.  Kalends  of  February."  l 

The  foregoing  account  of  the  circumstances  attending  the 
death  and  burial  is  strictly  historical ;  that  which  follows 
has  been  impugned  as  mythical,  and  the  authorities  con- 
taining it  are  not  above  suspicion.  It  cannot  be  rejected 
and  is  given  at  its  worth.  With  this  necessary  caution 
we  proceed.  The  writer  narrates  that  "  the  body "  of 
Charles,  "  after  having  been  embalmed  was  placed  in  sitting 
posture  on  a  golden  seat  in  the  vault  of  the  sepulchre, 
girt  with  a  golden  sword,  holding  a  golden  evangelium  2  in 
the  hands  upon  the  knees,  the  arms  reclining  on  the  seat, 
and  the  head  held  up  erect  by  means  of  a  golden  chain 
fastened  to  the  diadem  ;  in  the  diadem  was  placed  a  piece 
of  the  holy  cross.  And  they  filled  the  sepulchre  with  aro- 
matics,  pigments  [sic],  balsam  and  musk  and  many  treas- 
ures in  gold.  The  body  was  arrayed  in  imperial  robes,  and 
the  face    covered   with  a   handkerchief  under  the  diadem. 

1  "  SUB    hoc    conditorio    situm    est  ties  referred  to  are  cited  with  scholarly 

corpus  Karoli  Magni  atque  Orthodoxi  accuracy  by  Simson,  /.  c,  II.,  534  sq. 

imperatoris.    Qui   regnum  Francorum  and  less  fully  by   Mtihlbacher,  /.   c, 

nobiliterampliavitetperannosXLVII  pp.  53,  54. 

feliciter  rexit.  Decessil  septuagenarius  2  It  is  stated  that  the  evangelium, 
anno  Domini  [DCCCXIIII],  indie-  or,  Book  of  the  Gospels,  written  on 
Hone  [VII],  V.  Kal.  Febr" — Einh.,  purple  vellum  in  characters  of  gold, 
Vita  Caroli,  c.  31.  still  shown  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  to- 
Some  manuscripts  omit  the  figures  gether  with  other  curiosa,  is  that 
in  brackets.  The  inscription  contains  named  in  the  text.  I  can  only  repeat 
an  error  ;  Charles  died  in  the  46th  what  is  said,  for  a  letter  of  mine, 
year  of  his  reign.  His  age  is  vari-  addressed  to  the  highest  ecclesiastical 
ously  stated.  I  accept,  upon  the  high-  authorities  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  desiring 
est  authority  extant,  April  2,  742,  as  official  information  on  the  subject, 
his  birthday,  and  hold  that  he  died  in  has  brought  no  response, 
the  72d  year  of  his  age.     The  authori- 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  485 

The  cilicium  [i.  e.,  hair-cloth  garment]  which  [Charles]  was 
always  wont  to  wear  in  secret  they  placed  next  to  his  skin, 
and  the  pilgrim's  wallet  he  carried  on  his  journeys  to  Rome 
outside  the  imperial  robes.  A  golden  sceptre,  and  a  golden 
shield,  which  Pope  Leo  had  consecrated,  were  suspended 
before  him  ;  then  they  closed  and  sealed  the  sepulchre."  l 

It  is  incomprehensible,  if  not  incredible,  that  so  wide 
and  startling  a  departure  from  the  usual  mode  of  burial 
should  have  escaped  the  notice  of  contemporary  scribes,  nor 
is  the  omission  less  surprising  if  we  recollect  that  with 
hardly  an  exception  they  were  clerics  or  monks.  The  soli- 
tary record  of  a  late  authority  of  a  corrupt  character  needs 
authentication. 

But  such  authentication  is  supposed  to  be  furnished  in  the 
subjoined  account. 

In  the  yearA.D.  1000,  the  Emperor  Otto  III.,  being  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  under  an  irresistible  impulse  of  seeing  the  tomb  of 
Charles,  ordered  it  to  be  opened  and  descended  into  the  crypt, 
accompanied  by  two  bishops  and  count  Otto  of  Lomello. 
The  latter  describes  that  memorable  visit  in  these  words  : 

"  We  entered  and  went  to  Charles,  for  unlike  the  bodies 
of  other  men  his  did  not  lie,  but  sat  upright  like  a  living 
person  on  a  chair.  The  body  was  crowned  with  a  golden 
diadem  ;  the  hands  were  covered  with  gloves  through  which 
the  nails  had  grown,  and  held  a  sceptre.  Above  it  stood  a 
handsome  marble  mausoleum,  through  which  an  opening 
had  to  be  broken  before  we  could  draw  near.  A  strong 
odor  met  us  as  we  entered  ;  we  paid  our  homage  in  the 
attitude  of  kneeling.  Then  the  emperor  covered  the  body 
with  white  vestments,  cut  the  nails,  and  repaired  whatever 
had  fallen  into  decay. 

"  All  the  limbs  were  in  a  state  of  perfect  preservation, 
but  a  small  portion  of  the  bridge  of  the  nose  was  missing, 
which  the  emperor  caused  to  be  supplied  in  gold.  He  re- 
moved one  of  the  teeth  from  the  mouth,  had  the  opening  in 
the  mausoleum  walled  up  again,  and  left."2 

1  Ademar.  II.,  9.     MG.  SS.  I.,  201.  2  Chronic.  Novalic,  apud  Muratori, 

Her.  Italic,  c.  II.,  pt.  2,  p.  728. 


486  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Another  version  of  the  same  visit  contains  the  additional 
details,  that  Otto  having  been  admonished  in  a  dream  to 
elevate  the  body  of  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Great,  dis- 
covered the  place  of  his  sepulture,  after  a  three  days'  fast 
even  as  he  had  seen  it  in  the  vision,  found  the  body  as  before 
described,  elevated  and  showed  it  to  the  people.  One  of 
the  canons  of  the  cathedral,  a  certain  Adalbert,  a  very  tall 
and  large  man,  placed  the  imperial  crown  on  his  own  head 
and  found  that  it  was  too  large  for  him  ;  he  also  measured 
his  leg  with  the  emperor's  and  perceived  that  his  was  shorter. 
Nor  was  this  all ;  by  divine  power  {virtate)  his  own  immedi- 
ately broke  or  shrunk  so  that  he  remained  a  cripple  for  forty 
years  to  come.  The  account  continues  that  the  body  of 
Charles  was  placed  in  the  right  aisle  of  his  basilica  behind 
the  altar  of  St.  John  Baptist,  etc.,  etc.1 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  distinctly  asserted  that  "  being  in 
doubt  as  to  the  place  where  the  bones  of  Charles  the  empe- 
ror might  repose,  and  having  secretly  removed  the  pave- 
ment where  he  believed  them  to  be,  he  ordered  the  laborers 
to  dig  until  they  were  found  in  the  royal  tomb  {so Ho  regio). 
Having  taken  the  golden  cross,  suspended  from  the  neck, 
and  a  portion  of  the  vestments  which  were  still  in  perfect 
preservation,  he  replaced  the  rest  with  great  reverence."  ' 
Will  the  reader  draw  his  own  conclusions  ? 

There  is  no  room  for  doubting  the  fact  that  Otto  dis- 
turbed the  repose  of  the  imperial  remains,  and  was  censured 
for  it.3  The  superstitious  saw  in  it  an  omen  of  evil ;  this 
may  be  the  origin  of  the  legend  that  Charles  appeared  to 
him  in  a  dream  and  foretold  to  him  the  nearness  of  his  own 
death.  The  vision  may  be  doubted,  but  the  fact  of  his 
speedy  demise  is  established.  It  is  commonly  reported  that 
Otto  desired  to  be  buried  by  the  side  of  Charles.  He  died 
January   23,  1002,  at   Paterno   in    Italy.     His   wish   was   re- 

1  Ademar,  Labbe,  Nov.  Bibl.  manic-  (Pliny.  Curtius),  a  barrel,  a  door-sill, 
script,  1.  II.,  169.  a  pulpit,   a   room.      See   the  diction- 

2  Thietmar,  Chron.  IV.,  29.     MG.      aries. 

SS.,     III.,     7S1.      Solium     means    a         3  Annal.  Hildesh.  a.  1000. 
throne,    a   chair,  a    bath-tub,  a  coffin 


Chapter  VI.]  THE   MAN   CHARLES.  487 

spected  and  his  remains,  after  a  long  and  eventful  journey 
on  which  they  often  lay  in  state,  were  taken  to  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  and  on  Easter  Day  lowered  into  a  vault  in  the 
centre  of  the  cathedral,  not  finally,  however,  for  they  were 
subsequently  removed  to  another  spot  which  the  elector 
Frederic  the  Wise  marked  with  a  monument  in  1513;  it 
disappeared  during  the  French  occupation  of  the  city  in 
1803,  and  the  tomb  of  Otto  III.  is  now  unknown. 

We  may  add  that  the  remains  of  Charles  were  not  suffered 
to  lie  undisturbed.  Three  hundred  and  fifty-two  years  after 
their  first  entombment  they  were  brought  forth  under  the 
following  circumstances. 

It  appears  from  official  records  that  the  Emperor  Frederic 
I.,  yielding  to  the  earnest  entreaties  of  King  Henry  II.,  of 
England,  and  his  own  impulse,  by  consent  and  authority  of 
the  antipope  Paschalis,  obtained  the  canonization  of  Charles, 
and  that  the  rightful  pope,  Alexander  III.,  sanctioned  the 
act. 

There  was  first  a  solemn  service  for  the  elevation,  exalta- 
tion, and  canonization  on  Christmas  Day,  and  then  on  the 
4  Kalends  of  January  the  basilica  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  was 
filled  to  its  utmost  capacity  with  a  vast  multitude  of  wor- 
shippers, among  them  the  Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa,  the 
Empress  Beatrice,  their  sons  Frederic  and  Henry,  a  large 
concourse  of  princes  and  ecclesiastics,  to  witness  amid  the 
singing  of  hymns  and  spiritual  songs,  the  solemn  and  rever- 
ential elevation  and  exaltation  of  the  body  of  Charles,  and 
his  canonization  as  a  holy  Confessor.  His  bones  were 
elevated  with  great  reverence  and  honorably  enclosed  in  a 
silver  chest  by  Raynaldus,  archbishop  of  Cologne,  and  Alex- 
ander, bishop  of  Liege. 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  the  remains  thus  enclosed 
did  not  include  the  entire  body,  but  that  the  head  was  sent 
to  Osnabriick,  where  it  is  honored  with  the  relics  of  Crispi- 
nus  and  Crispinianus,  martyrs. 

The  Roman  Church  observes  his  day  on  the  28th  of  Jan- 
uary, and  the  special  Collect  then  used  at  Minden  and  else- 
where, reads  as  follows : 


488  CHARLES   THE    GREAT.  [Book  III. 

"  O  God,  who  in  the  superabounding  plenitude  of  thy 
goodness  hast  exalted  the  blessed  Charles  the  Great,  Empe- 
ror and  Thy  Confessor,  after  having  laid  aside  the  veil  of 
the  flesh,  to  the  glory  of  a  blissful  immortality,  mercifully 
grant  that  as  Thou  didst  raise  him  to  the  praise  and  glory  of 
Thy  Name  to  imperial  honor  upon  earth,  so  of  Thy  grace  we 
may  be  found  worthy  ever  to  enjoy  his  pious  and  propitious 
intercession  in  heaven,  through  Jesus  Christ,  our  Lord."  ' 

1  Boland.  Acta  Sand.,  ad  Jan.  28,  p.  874. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

RESUME. 

Sorrow  for  Charles. — Omens. — "  Vision  of  Charles  the  Great." — Charles  "  the 
Father  of  the  Universe." — Sketch  of  his  empire,  subjects,  and  tributary 
races. — Estimate. — The  night-side  and  light-side  of  his  character. — Com- 
parison with  other  illustrious  men. — Names  he  bore  in  life. — Unanimous 
verdict  of  posterity. — The  love  he  inspired. — Passage  from  Alcuin. — The 
Funeral  Chant. 

814]  The  sorrow  for  Charles  was  doubtless  sincere, 
though  hardly  as  profound  and  universal  as  the  monk  of 
Angouleme  insinuates.  "  It  would  be  impossible,"  he  writes, 
"  to  tell  how  men  wept  and  mourned  for  him  throughout 
the  earth  ;  even  the  pagans  lamented  for  him  as  for  the 
Father  of  the  Universe.  But  most  of  all  did  Christians 
bewail  his  death,  especially  throughout  the  whole  extent  of 
his  empire."1 

The  pagans,  to  whom  he  alludes,  were  friendly  Danish 
chiefs,  the  Frankish  Saracens  of  the  Spanish  Marche,  the 
emir  of  Cordova,  and  a  number  of  unconverted  Abodrites, 
Sclavonians  and  Avars. 

The  Christians  other  than  those  of  the  Frankish  empire, 
were  the  Byzantines,  and  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

The  sincerity  of  the  grief  of  the  pope,  the  hierarchy,  the 
priests  and  monks,  the  counts  and  beneficed  persons  gener- 
ally, was  beyond  dispute  ;  but  the  subjugated  races,  espe- 
cially the  exiled  Saxons,  may  have  heard  the  tidings  of  his 
death  not  without  a  sense  of  relief. 

With  these  exceptions  the  sorrow  was  general,  and  men 
wondered  what  would  follow  the  demise  of  the  mighty 
king,  who  had  added  so  many  kingdoms  to  the  kingdom  of 
his  inheritance,  that  he  might  justly  be  regarded  as  the 
Father  of  the  Universe.2 


i  Monach.  Engol.  Bouquet,  V.,  186.  2  Epitaph.  C.  M.  Migne,  XCVIIL, 

1446.     See  note  2,  p.  483. 


49°  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

The  biographer  of  Charles  comments  upon  his  death  in 
the  spirit  which  marks  the  author  of  the  "  Account  of  the 
Translation  of  the  Relics  of  St.  Marcellinus  and  St.  Peter." 
He  says  that  "numerous  omens  had  portended  his  approach- 
ing end,  a  fact  that  he  had  recognized  as  well  as  others. 
Eclipses  both  of  the  sun  and  moon  were  frequent  during 
the  last  three  years  of  his  life,  and  a  black  spot  was  visible 
on  the  sun  for  the  space  of  seven  days.  "  ' 

"  The  gallery  between  the  basilica  and  the  palace,  which 
he  had  built  at  great  pains  and  labor,  fell  in  sudden  ruin  to 
the  ground  on  the  day  of  our  Lord's  Ascension. 

"  The  wooden  bridge  over  the  Rhine  at  Mayence,  which 
he  had  caused  to  be  constructed  with  admirable  skill,  at  the 
cost  of  ten  years'  hard  work,  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  it  might 
last  for  ever,  was  so  completely  consumed  in  three  hours  by 
an  accidental  fire  that  not  a  single  splinter  of  it  was  left, 
except  what  was  under  water.2 

"  Moreover,  one  day  in  his  last  campaign  in  Saxony 
against  Godofrid,  King  of  the  Danes,  Charles  himself  saw  a 
ball  of  fire  fall  suddenly  from  the  heavens  with  a  great 
light,  just  as  he  was  leaving  camp  before  sunrise  to  set  out 
on  the  march.  It  rushed  across  the  clear  sky  from  right  to 
left,  and  everybody  was  wondering  what  was  the  meaning 
of  the  sign,  when  the  horse  he  rode  gave  a  sudden  plunge 
headforemost,  and  fell,  and  threw  him  to  the  ground  so 
heavily  that  his  cloak-buckle  was  broken,  and  his  sword-belt 
shattered  ;  and  after  his  servants  had  hastened  to  him  and 
relieved  him  of  his  arms,  he  could  not  rise  without  their 
assistance.  He  happened  to  hold  a  javelin  in  his  hand 
when  he  was  thrown,  which  was  flung  from  his  grasp  with 
such  force  that  it  was  found  lying  at  a  distance  of  twenty 
feet  or  more  from  the  spot.3 

"  Again,  the  palace  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  frequently  trem- 
bled ;  the  roofs  of  whatever  buildings  he  tarried  in  kept  up 
a  continual  crackling  noise ;  the  basilica,  in  which  he  was 
afterwards  buried,  was  struck  by  lightning,  and  the  gilded 

1  He  explains  this  very  differently  -  See  p.  275  sq. 

in  the  Annals,  s.  a.  S07.  3  This  happened  in  810. 


Chapter  VII.]  RESUME.  491 

ball  that  adorned  the  pinnacle  of  the  roof  was  shattered  by 
the  thunderbolt,  and  hurled  upon  the  bishop's  house  adjoin- 
ing. 

"  In  this  same  basilica,  on  the  margin  of  the  cornice  that 
ran  around  the  interior,  between  the  upper  and  lower  tiers 
of  arches,  a  legend  was  inscribed  in  red  letters,  stating  who 
was  the  builder  of  the  temple,  the  last  words  of  which  were 
Karolns  Princeps. 

"  The  year  that  he  died  it  was  remarked  by  some,  a  few 
months  before  his  decease,  that  the  letters  of  the  word 
Princeps  were  so  effaced  as  to  be  no  longer  decipherable. 

"  But  Charles  despised,  or  said  he  despised,  all  these 
omens,  as  having  no  reference  whatever  to  him."  * 

It  is  pleasing  to  record  the  last  sentence.  The  reader  of 
these  pages  has  doubtless  long  since  learned  that  the  great 
Charles  could  not  have  but  despised  these  "omens,"  or  any 
other  omens  whatsoever,  for  he  knew  that  they  had  no 
reference  to  him.  Is  there  an  enlightened  man  of  common 
sense  who  could  think  otherwise  ?  What  reference  should 
they  have?  And  what  kind  of  philosophy  and  theology  is 
theirs  who  recognize  such  a  reference  ? 

It  is  very  doubtful,  if  the  whole  story  of  these  "  omens  " 
has  any  other  foundation  than  the  heated  imagination  of 
the  superstitious  Einhard.  At  any  rate  they  bear  a  remark- 
able resemblance  to  those  which  Suetonius  records  in  his 
life  of  Augustus.2 

1  Vita  Caroli,  c.  32.  such    occasions,    for    the    succeeding 

2  "  His  death,  of  which  I  shall  now  Lustrum.  For  he  declared  he  would 
speak,  and  his  subsequent  deification,  not  meddle  with  what  it  was  prob- 
were  intimated  by  divers  manifest  able  he  should  never  accomplish, 
prodigies.  As  he  was  finishing  the  though  the  tables  were  ready  drawn 
census  amidst  a  great  crowd  of  people  for  it.  About  the  same  time,  the  first 
in  the  Campus  Martius,  an  eagle  hov-  letter  of  his  name,  in  an  inscription 
ered  round  him  several  times,  and  upon  one  of  his  statues,  was  struck 
then  directed  its  course  to  a  neighbor-  out  by  lightning,  which  was  inter- 
ing  temple,  where  it  settled  upon  the  preted  as  a  presage  that  he  would 
name  of  Agrippa,  and  at  the  first  let-  live  only  a  hundred  days  longer,  the 
ter.  Upon  observing  this,  he  ordered  letter  C  denoting  that  number  ;  and 
his  colleague  Tiberius  to  put  up  the  that  he  would  be  placed  among  the 
vows,  which  it  is  usual  to   make  on  gods,  as  Aesar,  which  is  the  remain- 


492  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

This  seems  a  convenient  place  for  the  presentation,  in 
brief,  of  the  so-called  "  Vision  of  Charles  the  Great." 

Charles  was  wont  on  all  occasions,  at  home,  or  on  his 
expeditions,  to  have  at  hand  a  tablet  and  a  lamp,  and  forth- 
with commit  to  writing  such  dreams  as  seemed  to  him 
worth  preserving.1 

One  night,  it  is  not  said  when,  or  where,  he  lay  asleep, 
and  in  a  vision  saw  a  man  come  up  to  him  with  a  naked 
sword.  He  asked  him  whence  he  came.  The  man  replied  : 
"  Take  this  sword,  which  God  sends  you  as  a  gift ;  read  and 
remember  the  words  thereon  inscribed,  for  they  shall  be 
fulfilled  at  the  times  appointed." 

He  took  the  prophetic  weapon  and  discovered  the  words 
Raht,  Radoleiba,  Nasg,  Enti ;  the  first  of  these  words  was 
near  the  handle,  the  last  near  the  end  of  the  blade. 

Then  he  awoke,  procured  light,  and  set  down  in  writing 
all  he  had  seen.  In  the  morning,  after  prayers,  he  told  the 
vision  to  those  present,  bidding  them  explain  it.  None 
but  Einhard  spoke,  who  thought  that  the  sender  of  the 
sword  would  doubtless  reveal  to  him  the  interpretation. 

Then  Charles  said  that  so  far  as  he  was  able  to  grasp  the 
meaning,  he  accepted  the  God-sent  weapon  as  symbolic  of  the 
power  which  had  enabled  him  to  subdue  so  many  nations, 
and  that  as  now,  in  a  time  of  peace,  they  enjoyed  greater 
plenty  than  of  yore,  so  he  explained  the  first  word  Raht, 
near  the  handle,  as  denoting  "  abundance  of  everything." 

The  second  word  Radoleiba  he  believed  would  not  be  ful- 

ing  part  of  the  word  Caesar,  signi-  ness  in  the  world  shall  detain  me  at 
nes  in  the  Tuscan  language,  a  god.a  Rome  one  moment  longer  ; '  and  set- 
Being,  therefore,  about  despatching  ting  out  upon  his  journey,  he  went  as 
Tiberius  to  Illyricum,  and  designing  far  as  Astura,b  whence,  contrary  to 
to  go  with  him  as  far  as  Beneventum,  his  custom,  he  put  to  sea  in  the  night 
but  being  detained  by  several  persons  time,  as  there  was  a  favorable  wind." 
who  applied  to  him  respecting  causes  —  Suetonius,  Caesar  Augustus,  c. 
they  had  depending,  he  cried  out  XCVII.  (Bohn's  edition,  p.  142). 
(and  it  was  afterwards  regarded  as  an  >  Vita  Caroli,  c.  25. 
omen  of  his  death),  '  Not  all  the  busi- 


a  Aesar  is  a  Greek  word  with  a  Tus-  b  It  stood  near  Terracina  on  the  road 

can  ending  ;    aisa,    signifying  fate.  to  Naples. 


Chapter  VII.]  RESUME.  493 

filled  until  after  his  death,  when  there  would  be  neither  the 
plenty  they  then  enjoyed,  nor  so  many  nations  as  were  then 
subject  to  his  rule,  and  interpreted  it  as  signifying  "  speedy 
deficiency." 

And  when  they  were  dead,  and  their  sons  were  reigning, 
there  would  be  Nasg.  They  would  multiply  taxes  for 
lucre's  sake,  oppress  strangers  and  travellers,  be  destitute  of 
truth,  and  by  foul  means  acquire  wealth  ;  they  would  rob 
the  Church  of  what  he  and  his  ancestors  had  given  to  it, 
and  bestow  it  upon  their  minions  and  satellites.  Such  he 
thought  was  the  meaning  of  Nasg. 

As  to  the  word  Enti  inscribed  near  the  point  of  the  blade, 
that,  he  thought,  might  be  understood  in  two  ways,  and 
applied  either  to  the  end  of  the  world,  or  to  the  end  of  his 
dynasty,  when  none  of  his  offspring  should  rule  the  Franks. 

Thus  ran  his  interpretation  of  the  vision,  "  as  the  abbot 
Einhard  often  told  it  to  the  monk  Rhabanus,  and  Rhabanus, 
afterwards  archbishop  [of  Mayence],1  to  many  persons,  my- 
self included,  who  have  committed  it  to  writing. 

"  Some  of  which  things  have  been  fulfilled  in  former  times, 
some  quite  recently.  For  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Louis,  the  successor  of  Charles,  the  Bretons  and  most  of  the 
Sclavonian  nations  rebelled,  and  there  was  great  dearth  in 
many  places.  After  his  death,  his  sons  Lothair,2  Pepin,3 
and  Louis,  throughout  their  neglectful  reigns,  began  to  multi- 
ply Nasg. 

"  It  would  be  a  long  story  to  tell  how  many  monasteries 
and  churches,  how  many  priests  and  monks,  he  spoiled  to 
enrich  his  satellites.  Lothair  did  the  like  in  Italy.  Con- 
cerning which  matter  there  is  a  letter  extant,  written  in  the 
time  of  his  son,  in  which  Bishop  Witgarius4  asks  what  peace 
the  Holy  Roman  Church  might  have,  which  letter  is  still 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  St.  Martin,5  and  among  other 
things  contains  this  answer :  '  The  Holy  Roman  Church,  her 

1814-856.  4  Of  Augusta,  86o(?)-887. 

2  Emperor,  822-855.  5  At  Mayence. 

3  King  of  Aquitaine.  814-838  ;  died 
before  his  father,  Louis  the  Pious. 


494  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

patron,  and  the  people  generally,  are  wounded,  torn  asunder, 
mangled,  humiliated,  annihilated.'"1 

The  monk  of  Angouleme  calls  Charles  the  "  Father  of  the 
Universe."2     What  was  that  Universe? 

Following  the  coast  line  in  an  easterly  direction  from 
where  the  Atlantic  breakers  thunder  against  the  rock-bound 
coast  of  Brittany,  along  the  Channel,  past  modern  France, 
Belgium,  Holland,  and  Germany,  to  the  Eider,  which  sep- 
arated the  last-named  country  from  Denmark,  and  along 
that  river  to  the  Baltic  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Oder ; 
thence  in  a  south-easterly  direction  to  the  confluence  of  the 
Theiss  and  the  Danube  ;  thence  in  a  southerly  direction  to 
about  the  forty-fifth  degree  of  latitude  near  ancient  Sirmium  ; 
then  turning  westward  to  a  point  in  Dalmatia,  along  the 
Adriatic  past  Liburnia  and  Venetia,  thence  in  a  southerly 
course  along  the  same  sea,  across  the  Italian  peninsula 
to  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea,  and  skirting  the  whole  western 
coast  of  Italy  north  of  the  Tiber,  inclusive  of  Corsica  and 
other  islands,  to  the  southern  coast  of  France  ;  and  thence 
in  a  south-westerly  direction  along  the  coast  of  Spain  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Ebro,  thence  across  the  Iberian  peninsula, 
north  of  Saragossa,  to  the  frontier  of  Oviedo  ;  thence  north- 
ward by  Roncesvalles  to  the  southernmost  point  of  Gascony, 
and  returning  along  the  Atlantic  coast  of  France  to  the 
starting  point  in  Brittany — we  have  traced  in  the  rough  the 
limits  of  the  Frankish  empire  at  the  close  of  this  reign.  All 
the  countries  included  within  these  limits,  and  the  nations 
inhabiting  them, — and  probably  others  besides — were  sub- 
ject or  tributary  to  Charles. 

Speaking  more  in  detail,  he  added  to  the  Frankish  realm, 
as  ruled  by  Pepin,  in  the  South  :  the  whole  of  Southern 
France,  except  the  Provence,  together  with  Catalonia  and 
part  of  Navarre,  beyond  the  Pyrenees ;  in  the  North :   mod- 

1  "  Moguntise  litteris  consignatus  est  compertum  Rhabanus  scriptori  tradid- 

post   medium   saeculum    nonum  visus  isse  fertur." — Jaffe,    Introd.     Note  to 

nocturnus,  quem  Carolus  Magnus  de  Visio    Caroli    Magni,   in   Monumenta 

lapsura   progenie    sua    habitum    cum  Carolina,  p.  701. 

Einharto    communicavisse  ex  istoque  2  See  p.  489. 


Chapter  VII.]  R]£SUM£.  495 

ern  Hanover,  Brandenburg,  Prussia  to  the  Baltic  and  the 
Oder ;  in  the  East  and  Southeast :  Saxony,  Silesia,  and  the 
countries  now  comprehended  in  the  Austro-Hungarian  mon- 
archy, together  with  almost  the  whole  of  Italy,  the  former 
kingdom  of  Naples  only  excepted. 

The  extreme  limits  of  his  empire  were,  in  Spain :  Pampe- 
luna,  in  the  direction  of  the  Asturias,  and  in  that  of  the 
Khalifate  of  Cordova,  the  lower  course  of  the  Ebro.  In 
Italy :  Capes  San  Vito  and  Cavallo,  the  rivers  Savuto  and 
Nieto,  and  the  northern  boundaries  of  Lower  Calabria.  In 
the  Southeast :  the  city  of  Regusa  in  the  direction  of  Dal- 
matia,  and  the  upper  Danube  in  that  of  Servia  and  Croatia. 
In  the  East :  the  rivers  Theiss,  Camp,  and  Oder.  In  the 
North  :  the  Baltic,  the  Eider,  and  the  North  Sea. 

The  countries  and  nations  within  these  limits  were  either 
subject  or  tributary  to  Charles. 

The  several  subject  kingdoms  and  territories  were  :  Aus- 
trasia,  Neustria,  Italy  together  with  Corsica,  Sardinia,  and 
the  Balearic  Isles. 

Austrasia,  or  Eastern  Francia,  originally  bounded  by  the 
Scheldt,  the  Meuse,  and  the  Rhine,  came  to  designate  in 
course  of  time  and  in  a  much  wider  sense,  a  territory  includ- 
ing Hessia,  the  Rhenish  Provinces,  Alsatia,  Alemannia,  and 
Suabia  (between  the  Rhine,  the  Reuss,  the  Rhetian  Alps, 
the  Lech,  and  the  Rhenish  Provinces),  Bavaria  proper  be- 
tween the  Lech,  the  Isar,  the  Inn,  the  Enns,  the  Danube, 
Bohemia,  and  Italy.  The  Bavarian  Northgau  designated 
the  country  bounded  by  the  Danube  and  Bohemia,  and  con- 
tained the  Marches  against  the  Sorabian  and  Bohemian 
Sclavonians.  The  Pannonian  or  Eastern  Marche  lay  between 
the  Enns  and  the  Raab.  Austrasia  also  embraced  Carinthia 
and  Friuli  in  the  Southeast,  and  nearer,  the  Saxon  territory, 
Thuringia,  Saxony  beyond  the  Elbe,  Frisia,  and  the  North- 
ern Marche. 

Neustria,  or  Western  Francia,  originally  bounded  by  the 
Scheldt,  the  Meuse,  the  Loire,  Burgundy  and  Brittany,  des- 
ignated at  a  later  period  a  territory  including  Aquitaine 
and  Gascony  between  the  Loire  and  the  Pyrenees,  Septi- 


496  CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

mania  or  Gothia,  with  Narbonne  in  the  centre,  Burgundy, 
Savoy,  the  Provence,  and  the  Spanish  Marche  between  the 
Pyrenees  and  the  Ebro. 

Italy  of  the  Franks  comprehended  the  Lombard  kingdom, 
the  State  of  the  Church,  and  the  Marches  of  Suza,  Liguria, 
Trent,  Chieti,  and  Friuli,  although  the  last-named  district 
had  been  reunited  to  Carinthia. 

The  tributary  races  and  countries  were :  the  Abodrites,  a 
Sclavonian  people  between  the  Trave,  the  Warna,  the  Elbe, 
and  the  Baltic ;  the  Wilzen  or  Welatabians,  a  Sclavonian 
people  west  of  the  Oder,  inhabiting  the  island  of  Rugen, 
and  Mecklenburg,  but  beyond  the  Warna  and  Brandenburg, 
between  the  Elbe,  the  Havel,  and  the  Oder ;  the  Sorabians 
and  Linnonians,  also  Sclavonians,  on  both  sides  of  the  Elbe, 
between  the  Saale,  Bohemia,  and  the  Welatabians  of  Bran- 
denburg ;  the  Bohemians  or  Czechs,  directly  south  of  the 
Sorabians,  and  the  Moravians,  east  of  the  Bohemians,  were 
likewise  Sclavonians  ;  the  Avars,  east  of  the  Theiss,  were 
tributary,  but  those  settled  between  the  Save  and  the  Drave 
subject  to  Charles.  Croatia  and  Frankish  Dalmatia  were 
governed  by  a  Sclavonian  prince  subordinate  to  the  duke  of 
Friuli.  These  two  provinces  extended  on  both  shores  of 
the  Adriatic,  from  the  frontier  of  Venetia  to  the  mountains 
of  Carinthia,  and  thence  on  the  Eastern  shore  to  a  point  in 
modern  Herzegovina.  The  duchy  of  Benevento  was  tribu- 
tary, and  its  duke  a  Frankish  vassal.1 

In  the  reign  of  Charles  three  distinct  forms  of  government 
existed  in  Italy  alone. 

The  old  Lombard  kingdom,  incorporated  with  his  empire, 
was  nominally  administered,  first  by  his  son  Pepin,  and  then, 
after  a  brief  interval  following  his  death,  by  his  grandson 
Bernhard,  but  virtually  governed  by  himself.  The  State  of 
the  Church,  or  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  was  governed  by 

1  This  geographical  summary  follows  Dissert.     Chorograph.;      De     Marca, 

in  the  main  Guizot   and  Teulet,  and  Marca    Hispanica  y    Conringius,    De 

the  maps  of   Mentelle,  Kruse,  Koch,  Finibus    Itnperat.       Germ.;     Lieble, 

and  Spruner.     For  particulars  relating  Me'moires  sur  les  limites  de  V Empire 

to  this  difficult  and  insoluble  topic  see,  de  Charlemagne  in   Leber's  Collection, 

besides  the  authorities  named,  Beretti,  t.  II.,  p.  316  sqq. 


Chapter  VII.]  RESUME.  497 

the  pope,  acting  first  under  the  protection  of  the  Greek  em- 
perors, and  subsequently  under  that  of  Charles,  first  as  Patri- 
cian, and  ultimately,  as  Emperor  of  the  West.  The  duchy 
of  Benevento,  as  has  been  stated,  obeyed  a  prince  with 
sovereign  rights,  but  the  vassal  and  tributary  of  Charles. 

The  history  of  the  formation,  acquisition,  and  final  dispo- 
sition of  this  magnificent  empire  runs  parallel  with  that  nar- 
rated in  this  volume.  It  is  a  long  stretch  from  the  pos- 
sessions administered  by  the  Mayors  of  the  Palace  to  the 
splendid  and  peerless  empire  which  Charles  bequeathed  to 
Louis.    It  embraced  the  greater  part  of  Continental  Europe. 

Within  the  limits  we  have  outlined  the  will  of  Charles 
was  law.  All  the  independent  kingdoms  embraced  by  them 
had  been  degraded  into  provinces  ;  their  princes  had  been 
deposed  and  thrust  into  monastic  prisons,  where  they  lan- 
guished in  obscurity  till  death  set  them  free;  their  people, 
together  with  the  fiercest,  most  warlike  and  potent  races,  at 
one  time  the  terror  of  the  world,  were  subject  or  tributary 
to  the  invincible  Charles,  and  might  enjoy  such  liberty  as 
the  world  then  contained,  provided  they  swore  fealty  to 
Charles,  and  maintained  it  inviolate.1 

Great  feats,  achievements  and  results  like  those  just 
named  may  be  stated  at  great  brevity.  Two  words  suffice 
to  summarize  the  work  of  Charles,  as  it  appeared  to  his 
contemporaries,  when  this  earthly  king  of  kings  received 
the  summons  he  had  to  obey,  laid  aside  his  crown,  and 
prepared  to  meet  the  King  of  kings,  and  Lord  of  lords  in 
heaven. 

Enropa  subacta,  that  is,  Europe  subdued,  expresses,  with 
the  exceptions  stated,  the  actual  and  visible  results  of  his 
long  reign. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  recapitulate  at  length  the  wonderful 
history  which  we  have  essayed  to  sketch  in  these  pages. 
It  is  doubtless  that  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  men. 
The  reader  has  perused  all  that  the  author,  profiting  by  the 
splendid   labors   of  many  of  the  most   industrious,  gifted, 


1  See  the  forms  of  the  oath,  and  its  import,  p.  372  sq. 
32 


498  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

and  thoughtful  writers  known  to  literature,  has  been  able 
to  collect  and  verify  as  history,  and  doubtless  formed  his 
own  judgment  of  this  grand  historical  character.  It  were 
easy  to  spread  the  opinions  of  others  over  hundreds  of 
pages,  but  such  reproduction,  while  it  would  sustain  the 
views  about  to  be  stated,  might,  on  account  of  its  great 
diversity  and  length,  prove  more  embarrassing  than  bene- 
ficial, and  for  that  reason,  is  omitted. 

But  a  summary,  plain,  comprehensive,  and  lucid,  is  doubt- 
less expected  and  cannot  be  withheld. 

The  boy  of  twelve,  sent  to  escort  Pope  Stephen,  was  a 
prodigy.  In  him  slumbered  the  strength  of  Hercules,  the 
sagacity  of  Odysseus,  the  enterprise  of  Alexander,  the  elo- 
quence of  Demosthenes,  and  the  intrepid  zeal  of  Luther. 

When  he  appears  on  the  stage  of  history  for  action,  he 
stands  forth  poorly  educated  in  the  learning  of  the  schools, 
but  skilled  in  arms,  endowed  with  the  military  glance,  and 
a  fine  physique  worthy  of  the  strength  of  his  ancestral 
namesake  surnamed  "  the  Hammer,"  and  of  his  sire's  who 
slew  the  bull  and  the  lion  ;  a  fine  horseman,  a  mighty  hun- 
ter; a  fiery,  wilful,  and  imperious  man,  impatient  of  contra- 
diction and  opposition,  of  unruly  passions,  of  a  strong, 
clear  intellect,  allied  to  singular  astuteness  and  unscrupu- 
lous violence. 

His  character,  like  the  globe,  alternates  in  light  and  shade. 
The  night  side  happily  belongs  to  the  earlier  portions  of 
his  long  reign. 

He  understood  the  true  merits  of  the  coup  d'etat  by 
which  the  sceptre  of  the  Merovingians  passed,  on  the  mythi- 
cal authority  of  a  pope,  to  the  descendants  of  Charles  Martel. 

He  approved  the  matrimonial  journey  of  his  mother  to 
Pavia,  discarded  Himiltrud  for  Desiderata,  and  as  unscrupu- 
lously cast  her  aside  that  he  might  wed  Hildegard. 

At  feud  with  his  brother  Carloman,  he  lay  in  wait  at  the 
critical  moment,  and  on  his  death  usurped  his  throne,  driv- 
ing his  widow  and  children  into  exile. 

Then  followed  in  quick  succession,  the  conquest  of  Italy, 
the  humiliation  of  the  house  of  Desiderius,  his  own  dis- 


Chapter  VII.]  RESUME.  499 

carded  wife  included  ;  the  wrong  done  to  Gerberga,  and  the 
children  of  Carloman  ;  the  degradation  of  Tassilo,  and  the 
wrong  to  his  descendants. 

The  real  fate  of  all  these  unfortunates  is  not  known,  but 
when  in  later  years  the  horrors  of  Verden  disturbed  his 
slumbers,  who  can  doubt,  that  as  from  the  red  earth  of 
Westphalia  rose  the  spectral  hosts  of  slaughtered  Saxons, 
the  unknown  graves  of  Desiderata,  Gerberga,  Carloman, 
Desiderius,  Ansa,  Tassilo  and  others,  opened  to  let  their 
occupants  flit  past  his  vision? 

He  lived  to  see  the  error  of  his  ways,  passed  through  the 
furnace  of  affliction,  and  became  the  chastened,  smitten 
Charles,  purified,  ennobled,  and  sincere. 

Such  are  the  darkest  shadows  of  his  life ;  but  the  aged 
monarch,  who  so  calmly,  meekly,  and  Christianly  prepared 
for  the  last  journey,  was  an  imperial  penitent,  who  had 
made  his  peace  with  God. 

Turning  to  the  light  side  of  his  character,  the  reflection 
occurs  that,  humanly  speaking,  the  fortunate  accident  of 
his  birth,  the  inheritance  of  a  throne,  a  strong  constitution, 
and  doubtful  principles,  would  have  been  the  ruin  of  Charles, 
as  they  were  of  countless  other  potentates,  with  the  same 
advantages,  who  left  the  world  with  no  other  trace  of  their 
existence  than  that  they  came  and  reigned  till  death  swept 
them  out  into  the  sea  of  merited  oblivion. 

Not  so  in  the  case  of  Charles ;  he  might  err,  as  err  he 
did ;  stoop  to  wrong,  as  undoubtedly  he  stooped  ;  be  the 
slave  of  his  passions,  as  he  is  known  to  have  been  ;  but  he 
had  that  within  him  which  ever  lifted  him  to  a  higher 
plane,  to  the  sunny  realm  of  virtue,  piety,  and  justice. 

He  turned  his  strong  intellect  to  the  noblest  pursuits  in 
philosophy  and  literature,  theology  and  law ;  increased  in 
knowledge  and  wisdom  until  he  distanced  some  of  the 
brightest  and  most  gifted  of  his  contemporaries. 

He  was  a  successful  conqueror,  a  sagacious  ruler,  a  clear 
legislator,  a  good  counsellor,  an  eloquent  speaker,  a  munifi- 
cent patron  of  literature,  a  far-sighted  philanthropist,  and  a 
most  princely  benefactor  of  the  Church. 


500  CHARLES  THE   GREAT.  [Book  III. 

He  was  born  to  be  a  ruler  of  men.  Napoleon  said  of 
him,  that  he  had  the  military  glance,  which  explains  his 
conquests ;  he  had  likewise  the  intellectual  glance,  enabling 
him  to  master  every  situation  ;  the  judicious  and  penetrat- 
ing glance,  making  him  read  the  thoughts  and  probe  the 
hearts  of  men  ;  and  the  magnetic  glance,  attracting  the  best, 
strongest,  and  most  enlightened  of  their  number. 

All  the  dukes,  counts,  and  lords  of  his  vast  empire,  in 
course  of  time  thought  of  him,  and  felt  for  him,  as  their 
loved  and  rightful  lord  ;  the  whole  hierarchy,  from  the  pope 
to  the  village  priest,  revered  and  loved  him  with  unparal- 
leled devotion,  and  cheerfully  accorded  to  him  an  excep- 
tional position. 

He  sat  in  judgment  on  the  pope,  preached  to  metropoli- 
tans, and  instructed  the  whole  Church  in  Canon  Law.  He 
was  well  versed  in  dogmatic  theology,  profoundly  conver- 
sant with  the  rationale  of  ritual,  impatient  of  perfunctory 
and  mechanical  worship.  He  had  a  just  sense  of  the  impor- 
tance of  cleansing  the  text  of  the  Scriptures  from  unauthor- 
ized additions  and  corruptions,  the  temples  of  God  made 
with  hands  from  corrupt  men,  and  the  temples  of  God  not 
made  with  hands,  from  the  defilements  of  wickedness  and 
vice. 

The  catalogue  of  his  shining  merits  is  not  yet  exhausted. 
He  was  idolized  by  his  family,  as  the  most  affectionate  and 
indulgent  of  parents.  His  conversation  was  delightful ;  he 
was  witty,  and  the  most  versatile  man  at  Court  ;  he  spoke 
Latin  as  he  spoke  German  ;  read  Greek  ;  cultivated  music 
and  excelled  in  song ;  loved  poetry ;  studied  every  law, 
animated  by  the  desire  of  establishing  a  uniform  system  of 
law  by  conforming  every  body  of  laws,  written  or  unwritten, 
to  the  Law  of  God. 

His  fame  had  spread  throughout  the  world  ;  the  khalif  at 
Bagdad,  the  Saracen  emir  at  Cordova,  the  emperor  at  Con- 
stantinople, the  kings  of  Britain  and  Denmark,  together 
with  semi-barbarous  chieftains  beyond  the  Eastern  Marche, 
acknowledged  his  power  and  sought  his  friendship. 

Depicted  in  the  Annals  and  Capitularies,  in  the  Epistles 


Chapter  VII.]  RESUME.  501 

he  wrote  and  received,  in  the  Minutes  of  Church  Councils, 
in  the  Diplomas  and  Charters  setting  forth  his  benefactions, 
the  character  of  Charles  stands  out  clear  and  distinct.  They 
portray  him  far  better  than  the  longest  and  most  eloquent 
description  could  do.  Recurring  to  these  the  reader  may 
readily  supply  whatever  defect,  in  his  judgment,  attaches  to 
this  sketch. 

It  is  certainly  not  the  least  striking  feature  of  his  life  that 
in  almost  all  these  respects  he  stood  unexcelled  for  nearly 
half  a  century. 

Looking  from  the  more  distant  past  of  European  history, 
all  through  the  ages  to  the  present  century,  and  reading  the 
long  roll  of  illustrious  potentates,  only  four  names  may  be 
associated  with  the  name  of  Charles. 

Alexander  of  Macedon  was  a  great  conqueror,  but  his  con- 
quests were  of  little  benefit  to  Europe  ;  he  neglected  his 
native  country,  and  left  an  empire  destined  to  become  the 
prey  of  barbarism.  Julius  Caesar  was  a  great  conqueror,  but 
his  great  and  shining  merits,  which  clearly  stamp  him  as  the 
greatest  man  in  antiquity,  conferred  no  lasting  benefit  on 
Rome — for  after  him  came  the  emperors.  Constantine  was 
a  great  emperor  and  did  good  service  to  the  Church  by 
making  Christianity  the  religion  of  the  empire — but  he 
tolerated  paganism  and  was  a  superstitious  man.  Napoleon 
was  a  great  conqueror,  but  his  conquests,  like  his  reign, 
were  transitory,  and  neither  beneficial  to  mankind  at  large, 
nor  to  his  country  in  particular. 

If  three  of  these  deserve  the  epithet  "  Great,"  who  can 
withhold  it  from  Charles  ?  Weighing  his  character  in  a 
balance  just  and  true,  we  cannot  doubt  the  verdict.  He 
shed  much  blood,  and  sometimes  shed  it  cruelly  ;  he  did 
much  wrong,  especially  in  early  life,  and  as  we  think,  heart- 
lessly and  cruelly,  but  he  lived  it  down  ;  for  these  things 
he  deserves  censure,  and  the  censure  is  not  withheld.  But 
the  other  points,  enumerated  in  late  paragraphs,  in  which 
he  manifestly  excelled  and  eclipsed  the  splendor  of  those 
names,  do  they  not  establish  his  greatness  ?  If  he  does  not 
deserve  the  epithet,  who  does? 


502  CHARLES  THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

In  his  life-time  he  did  not  bear  it.  It  formed  not  part  of 
his  official  title,  but  the  whole  world  thought  him  great. 
His  title  is  familiar  to  us  and  need  not  be  repeated  ;  but  it 
interests  us  to  know  how  his  contemporaries  spoke  of  him 
by  name ;  they  called  him  "  Emperor  "  (Lnperator),  as  be- 
tokening his  personal  and  exclusive  prerogative  ;  "Charles" 
(Karo/us),  as  betokening  his  baptismal  name  ;  "  Frank " 
(Francus),  as  setting  forth  his  race  ;  and  "  Wise  "  (Prude?is), 
as  coming  to  him  from  abroad,  that  is,  as  we  understand  the 
passage,  in  recognition  of  his  extraordinary  sagacity.1 

When  he  died,  and  men  felt  his  death,  began  to  think  of 
what  he  was  and  did,  contrasted  him  with  the  men  that  suc- 
ceeded him,  and  the  Raht  of  his  reign  with  the  Nasg2  of 
theirs,  the  nations  of  the  earth  with  one  accord,  and  as  early 
as  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  called  him  the  "  Great" 
Emperor.3 

That  judgment  has  never  been  and  cannot  be  reversed. 
Charles  the  Great  is  unquestionably  and  incomparably  the 
grandest  name  of  the  Middle  Ages.  His  light  still  shines 
from  afar ;  he  is  the  father  of  modern  civilization,  of  the 
common  law  of  all  the  nations  of  Teutonic  origin,  and  of 
other  elements  that  enter  into  the  political  systems  of  the 
present. 

We  meet  him  everywhere,  in  letters,  in  poetry,  in  music 
and  song,  in  architecture,  and  last,  not  least,  in  the  fabled 
realms  of  legend  and  romance. 

But  by  far  the  most  touching  proof  of  his  greatness  we 
find  in  the  love  he  inspired.  This  is  evident  in  almost  every 
production  of  the  Caroline  age  which  has  come  down  to  us ; 
over  and  above  the  official  reverence  due  to  his  station,  and 
the  respect  due  to  his  attainments  and  merit,  the  most  illus- 
trious men  of  his  age  loved  him  as  a  man.  It  is  the  most 
striking  characteristic  of  his  biography,  as  writ  by  Einhard  ; 
it  abounds  on  the  pages  of  Hadrian  and  Leo,  warms  the 
measures  of  Theodulf  and  Angilbert,  and  overflows  in  the 

1  Smaragdus,  II..  21  apud  Mabillon,  2  See  p.  493. 

Vet.  Anal.  nov.  ed.  p.  35S  ;  cf.  Annal.  3  Nithard  I.,  1,  MG.  SS.,   II.,  651. 

Bened.  II.,  40S. 


Chapter  VIL]  RESUME.  503 

epistles  of  Alcuin,  as  a  solitary  extract  may  show.  The 
epistle  was  written  by  the  venerable  man  in  old  age,  when 
infirmity  tied  him  to  Tours,  on  the  occasion  of  the  emperor's 
return  from  Rome  after  the  Coronation. 

"  Day  after  day,"  he  writes,  "  my  heart  did  yearn  for  the 
glad  tidings  of  the  homeward  journey,  and  in  rapture  my 
ear  did  catch  the  announcement  of  the  return  of  my  most 
sweet  lord  and  friend  David.     .     .     . 

"  At  last  they  came  and  said  :  '  Albinus,  now  he  cometh  ; 
'  now  he  has  crossed  the  Alps,  the  friend  thou  so  eagerly 
desirest  to  see.' 

"  I  could  not  contain  myself  for  joy ;  again  and  again  I 
cried  :  '  O  Lord  Jesus,  why  dost  thou  not  give  me  the  wings 
of  an  eagle,  or  takest  me  like  the  prophet  Habaccuc  for  a  day, 
or  for  an  hour  only  to  clasp  and  kiss  the  feet  of  my  dearest 
friend,  whom  I  prefer  to  all  the  world  contains,  fix  my  eyes 
on  those  of  my  sweetest  friend,  and  let  my  ear  drink  up  the 
music  of  his  words.'  "  ' 

This  is  not  flattery,  it  is  the  impassioned  language  of  a 
loving  nature,  certainly  of  one  of  the  very  best  and  purest 
men,  of  one  of  the  finest  scholars  and  brilliant  thinkers  of 
the  age. 

His  language  will  not  lose  anything  by  the  allusion  to  the 
miraculous  capture  of  the  prophet,  as  told  in  the  apocryphal 
book,  whom  the  angel  of  the  Lord  took  by  the  crown,  bare 
by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  through  the  vehemency  of  his 
Spirit,  set  down  in  Babylon  over  the  den.2 

Nor  can  one  doubt  that  the  nameless  monk  who  in  the 
monastic  retirement  of  Bobbio  on  the  Trebbia  (probably 
founded  by  its  sainted  abbot  Columbanus)3  heard  the  news 
of  the  death  of  Charles,  was  perfectly  sincere  in  the  touching 
tribute  to  his  memory  which  sorrow  wrung  from  his  heart, 
and  with  which  we  close  this  history. 

1  Alcuini  ep.  170,  in  Monumenta  3  Died  A.  D.  615,  and  known  as  St. 
Alcuin.  (Jaffe),  p.  613.                                  Columbanus  since  the  eighth  century. 

2  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  36. 


5°4  CHARLES   THE  GREAT.  [Book  III. 

Funeral  Chant. 

From  Orient  far  to  Occidental  shore 

A  dirge  of  sorrow  smites  the  lab'ring  breast : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

The  hosts  beyond  the  sea  afflicted  moan 
And  with  unmeasured  grief  molest  their  soul  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

The  Franks,  the  Romans,  yea,  believers  all, 
In  doleful  lamentation's  chain  are  bound  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

The  young  and  old  alike,  the  honor'd  chiefs 
And  matrons,  all  lament  their  Caesar's  loss  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

Incessant  flow  the  streams  from  human  eyes, 
For  all  the  world  laments  the  death  of  Charles : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

O  common  Father,  of  Thine  orphan'd  hosts, 
Of  ev'ry  stranger,  widow,  maiden  pure : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

O  Christ,  Whose  sceptre  sways  the  realms  above, 
Within  Thy  Kingdom  there  give  rest  to  Charles: 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

Thus  all  believers  pray,  Thy  faithful  flock, 
The  saints  and  elders,  maids,  and  widows  true : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

An  earthy  mound,  with  title  set,  is  rais'd 
Above  the  Imperator  Charles  Serene  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

O  Holy  Spirit,  Who  dost  all  things  rule, 
Exalt,  we  instant  pray,  his  soul  to  rest  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 


Chapter  VII. J 


RESUME.  5°5 


Ah  woe  to  Rome,  and  to  the  Romans  woe, 
For  snatch'd  away  is  our  most  glorious  Charles  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

Such  dreadful  griefs,  as  France  has  borne,  are  light 
In  presence  of  the  grief  she  did  sustain  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

When  on  the  Aquisgranian  glebe  she  gave 
To  earth  her  eloquent  Augustus  Charles  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

That  night  to  me  but  fearful  dreams  rehearsed, 
And  day  succeeding  brought  not  cheerful  ray  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

Which  to  the  gloomy  shades  of  death  conveyed 
The  noble  prince  to  Christendom  so  dear  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  I 

O  Columbanus,  stay  the  briny  flood, 

And  offer  prayers  for  him  to  God  the  Lord  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

O  Father,  Lord  most  merciful  to  all, 

A  shining  place  to  him,  we  pray,  accord  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

O  God,  the  Lord  of  all  the  human  race, 
Of  all  the  hosts  on  high,  and  underneath  : 

O  woe  to  me  unfortunate  ! 

With  Thine  apostles  all,  O  Christ,  receive 

The  pious  Cha.es  within  Thy  sac.  "^^  , 

of  Charles.     See  Dummler's  Introduc-      MG.  SS. ,  III. ,  870. 
tion  to  the   Rythmus,  in  Poetae  Lat. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX  A. 
Deposition  of  Childeric  and  Coronation  of  Pepin. 

"  Anno  750  inc.  domin.  mittit  Pippinus  legatos  Romam  ad  Zachariam 
papam,  ut  interrogarent  de  regibus  Francorum,  qui  ex  stirpe  regia  erant  et 
reges  appellabantur,  nullamque  potestatem  in  regno  habebant,  nisi  tantum 
quod  cartae  et  privilegia  in  nomine  eorum  conscribebantur,  potestatem  vero 
regiam  penitus  nullam  habebant,  sed  quod  maior  domus  Francorum  volebat, 
hoc  faciebant  ;  in  die  autem  Martis  campo  secundum  antiquam  consuetudinem 
dona  illis  regibus  a  populo  offerebantur,  et  ipse  rex  sedebat  in  sella  regia  cir- 
cumstante  exercitu,  et  maior  domus  coram  eo,  praecipiebatque  die  illo  quicquid 
a  Francis  decretum  erat  ;  die  vero  alia  et  deinceps  domi  sedebat.  Zacharias 
igitur  papa  secundum  anctoritatem  apostolicam  ad  interrogationem  eorum 
respondit,  melius  atque  utilius  sibi  videri,  ut  ille  rex  nominaretur  et  esset,  qui 
potestatem  in  regno  habebat,  quam  ille,  qui  falso  rex  appellabatur.  Mandavit 
itaque  praefatus  pontifex  regi  et  populo  Francorum,  ut  Pippinus  qui  potestate 
regia  utebatur,  rex  appellaretur,  et  in  sede  regali  constitueretur.  Quod  ita  et 
factum  est  per  unctionem  sancti  Bonifatii  archiepiscopi  Suessionis  civitate. 
Appellatur  Pippinus  rex,  et  Hildricus  qui  falso  rex  appellabatur,  tonsoratus  in 
monasterium  mittitur." 

Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  SS.  I.,  p.  116.     Annales  Lauriss.  Minores. 

"749.  Burghardus  Wirceburgensis  episcopus  et  Folradus  capellanus  missi 
fuerunt  ad  Zachariam  papam  interrogando  de  regibus  in  Francia,  qui  illis  tem- 
poribus  non  habentes  regalem  potestatem,  si  bene  fuisset,  an  non.  Et  Zach- 
arias papa  mandavit  Pippino,  ut  melius  esset  ilium  regem  vocari,  qui  potestat- 
em haberet,  quam  ilium,  qui  sine  regali  potestate  manebat ;  ut  non  conturbare- 
tur  ordo,  per  auctoritatem  apostolicam  iussit  Pippinum  regem  fieri." 

"  750.  Pippinus  secundum  morem  Francorum  electus  est  ad  regem,  et  unctus 
per  manum  sanctae  memoriae  Bonifacii  archiepiscopi,  et  elevatus  a  Francis  in 
regno  in  Suessionis  civitate.  Hildericus  vero,  qui  falsus  rex  vocabatur,  tonso- 
ratus est,  et  in  monasterium  missus  "  * 

*  [in  Sithiu  monasterium  missus.  Pippinus,  monente  sancto  Bonifacio,  qui- 
busdam  episcopatibus  vel  mediates  vel  tertias  rerum,  .  .  .  promittens  in 
postmodum  omnia  restituere  9.] — Pertz. 

Ibid.  p.  137  sq. 

See  also  Enhardi  Fuldens.  Annal.  a.  751,  752,  apud  Pertz,  /.  c,  p.  346,  and 
Annalista  Saxo,  apud  Eccard,  Corpus  Hist.  Med.  Aevi,  I.,  138  sq. 


510  APPENDIX   C. 

APPENDIX  B. 
"  Patricius,"  Patrician. 

The  authorities  on  the  title  and  powers  of  a  Roman  patticius  may  be  col- 
lected from  Ducange,  Gloss.  Latin.,  torn.  V.,  pp.  149-151  ;  Pagi,  Critica  A.  D. 
740,  Nos.  6-11  ;  Muratori,  Anna li  d' Italia,  torn.  VI.,  pp.  308-329  ;  St.  Marc, 
Abre'ge'  Chronologique  d'ltalie,  torn.  I.,  pp.  379-382.  The  subjoined  passages, 
from  Ducange,  seem  to  express  the  sense  in  which  the  word  was  generally  con- 
strued by  contemporary  writers. 

The  Epistles,  Nos.  4,  7,  8,  9,  41,  42,  45,  47,  etc.,  in  the  Codex  Carolinus are 
addressed  thus  :  ' '  Dominis  excellentissimis  Pippino,  Carolo,  et  Carolomanno 
Regibus,  et  nostris  Romanorum  Patriciis." 

"  Ibi  venit  ad  eum  Missus  D.  Adrianae  Papae  nomine  Petrus,  obnixe  postul- 
ans,  et  ut  populum  Romanum  de  manibus  superbi  Regis  Desiderii  liberaret, 
adjungens,  quod  ipse  legitimus  tutor  et  defensor  esset  ipsius  ecclesiae,  quoniam 
illud  praedecessor  suus  sanctae  memoriae  Stephanus  Papa  unctione  sacra  liniens, 
in  Regem  ac  Patricium  Romanorum  ordinavit." — Annales  Francor.  Metens. 
an.  773. 

"  '  Idem  exerte  docet  Gregor.  Mon.  in  Chronic.  Farfensi  apud  Murator.  to. 
II.,  p.  2,  col.  640,  ubi  scribit  :  Italiam  totam  semper  habuisse  imperatorios 
procuratores,  rectores,  Patricios,  exarchos,  et  duces  qui  imperatoris  jura  et 
reipublicae  potentissime  possidentes  defenderent,  dominiumque  Italicum  obtin- 
erent,  usque  ad  tempora  Pipini  Regis  Francorum,  quem  Stephanus  Papa  II. 
apud  Parisium  coronavit  et  unxit  cum  duobus  filiis  suis  circa  annum  Dominicae 
Incarnationis  DCCLIV.' " 


APPENDIX  C. 
Grant  of  Pepin. 

The  authorities  for  the  grant  are  :  Sigonius,  De  regno  Italiae,  lib.  III. ,  p. 
202,  torn.  II.  opp.  Bunau,  Historia  Impeiii  Germanici,  torn.  II.,  pp.  301-366. 
Muratori,  Annali  d'ltaliae,  torn.  IV.,  p.  310. 

"  The  real  limits  of  the  Exarchate,  granted  by  Pepin  to  the  Roman  pontiff, 
have  been  much  controverted  among  the  learned,  and  have,  particularly  in  our 
times,  employed  the  researches  of  several  eminent  writers.  The  bishops  of 
Rome  extend  the  limits  ot  the  exarchate  as  far  as  they  can  with  any  appearance 
of  decency  or  probability  ;  while  their  adversaries  are  as  zealous  in  contracting 
this  famous  grant  within  narrower  bounds.  See  Muratori,  Droits  de  I 'Empire 
sur  l'£tat  Eccl/siastique,  cap.  I.,  II.;  also  his  Antiquilat.  Ital.  Medii  Aevi, 
torn.  I.,  pp.  64,  68,  986,  987.  The  same  author  treats  the  matter  with  more 
circumspection,  torn.  V.,  p.  790.  This  controversy  can  only  be  terminated 
with  facility  by  an  inspection  of  Pepin's  grant  of  the  territory  in  question. 

"  Fontanini  in  his  First  defence  of  the  temporal  jurisdiction  of  the  see  of  Rome 
over  the  city  of  Comachio,  written  in  Italian,  intimates  that  this  grant  is  still  in 
being,  and  even  makes  use  of  some  phrases  that  are  contained  in  it  ;  see  pp. 
242,  346  of  that  work.     This,  however,  will  scarcely  be  believed.     Were  it 


APPENDIX   D. 


511 


indeed  true  that  such  a  deed  is  yet  in  being,  its  being  published  to  the  world 
would  be,  undoubtedly,  unfavorable  to  the  pretensions  and  interests  of  the 
Church  of  Rome. 

"It  is  at  least  certain  that  in  the  recent  disputes  between  the  Emperor 
Joseph  and  the  Roman  pontiff,  concerning  the  city  of  Comachio,  the  partisans 
of  the  latter,  though  frequently  called  upon  by  those  of  the  emperor  to  produce 
this  grant,  refused  constantly  to  comply  with  this  demand. 

"  On  the  other  hand  it  must  be  confessed,  that  Blanchinus,  in  his  '  Prolegom. 
ad  Anastasium  de  vitis  pontif.  Roman.'  p.  55,  has  given  us  from  a  Farnesian 
manuscript,  a  specimen  of  this  grant,  which  seems  to  carry  the  marks  of  remote 
antiquity. 

"  Be  that  as  it  may,  a  multitude  of  witnesses  unite  in  assuring  us,  that  the 
remorse  of  a  wounded  conscience  was  the  source  of  Pepin's  liberality,  and  that 
this  gratit  to  the  Roman  pontiff  was  the  superstitious  remedy  by  which  he  hoped 
to  expiate  his  enormities,  and  particularly  his  horrid  perfidy  to  his  master  Chil- 
deric."  Mosheim,  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  I.  cent.  VIII.,  pt.  II.,  ch.  VIII., 
note  t. 

It  is  proper  to  add  the  testimony  of  the  pope's  own  letters  to  Pepin  in  which 
he  distinctly  and  explicitly  adduces  the  grant  as  written  under  the  king's  own 
handwriting. 

"  Decertate  bonum  opus  quod  coepistis,  et  quae  per  donationem  manu  vestra 
confirmastis,  Protectori  vestro  B.  Petro  reddere  festinate. — Sciatis  enim  quia 
Chirographum  vestram  donationem  Princeps  Apostolorum  firmiter  tenet,  et 
necesse  est,  ut  ipsum  Chirographum  expleatis." — Ep.  Steph.  ad.  Pip.  Carol, 
et  Carolom.,  Cod.  Carol.  IX.  apud  Censi,  Monum.  Dominat.  Pontif c,  torn. 
I.,  p.  82. 


APPENDIX  D. 

Table  of  Alcuin's  Epistles  to  Charles.1 


No. 

Date. 

Subject. 

XIV. 
XXVIII. 

793 
796 

On  the  transfiguration  of  Christ. 
Alcuin  congratulates  Charles  on  the  Avar  victory, 
advising  : 

1  This  table  follows  the  numeration 
of  Frobenius,  and  the  analysis  of  Gui- 
zot,  Histoire  de  la  Civilization  en 
France,  vol.  II.,  189  sqq. 

It  may  be  advantageously  compared 
with  the  best  edition  of  Alcuin's  let- 
ters, entitled  Monumenta  Alcuiniana, 


being  vol.  VI.  of  Bibliotheca  Rcrum 
Germanicarutn . 

According  to  the  latest  recognition 
306  of  Alcuin's  letters  have  been  pub- 
lished. 

The  last  five  of  this  table,  with  Ara- 
bic numerals,  correspond  to  the  order 
of  Monum.  Alcuin. 


512 


APPENDIX   D. 


No. 


Date. 


Subject. 


XXVIII. 


XXXII. 
XXXVIII. 


LXI. 


796  1.   The  sending  of  gentle  missionaries  to  the  con- 

quered people. 

Suspension  of  tithes,  saying,  "it  is  better  to 
lose  tithes  than  faith  ;  even  we,  born,  trained, 
and  instructed  in  the  Catholic  faith  are  loth 
to  pay  them.  How  much  greater  must  be  the 
repugnance  of  a  people  of  nascent  faith, 
feebleness  of  heart,  and  parsimonious  habits  ! " 
A  fixed  order  of  religious  instruction. 
"  Begin  with  teaching  the  immortality  of  the 
soul ;  future  life ;  just  recompense  to  the 
good  and  the  evil ;  the  eternity  of  such  retri- 
bution ;  that  crimes  and  sins  entail  eternal 
punishment  with  the  devil,  but  virtues  and 
good  works  conduce  to  eternal  glory  with 
Christ ;  inculcate  faith  in  the  Holy  Trinity, 
and  that  Christ  came  into  the  world  to  save 
the  family  of  man." 

796  Alcuin  recommends  Charles  to  show  forbearance 

to  the  Avars,  and  mercy  to  his  enemies. 

796  Alcuin  explains  his  work  in  the  Abbey  School  at 
Tours. 

"I,  your  Flaccus,  agreeably  to  your  exhortation 
and  wise  decision,  am  dispensing,  under  the 
roof,  of  St.  Martin,  to  some  the  honey  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  endeavoring  to  inform  the 
mind  of  others  with  the  old  wine  of  the  class- 
ics ;  some  I  nourish  with  the  fruit  of  gram- 
mar, others  I  seek  to  dazzle  with  the  splendor 
of  the  stars.  .  .  .  But  I  sadly  miss  the  best 
works  on  education,  which,  thanks  to  my 
master's  excellent  care  and  through  my  own 
effort,  used  to  be  at  my  service  in  my  own 
country,  submitting  to  your  majesty  the  pro- 
priety of  your  authorizing  the  departure  of 
some  of  our  servants  to  Britain  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  for  our  benefit  the  bloom  of 
her  letters.  ...  In  the  morning  of  my  life 
I  scattered  there  the  seeds  of  knowledge, 
which  at  its  eve,  although  my  blood  is  growing 
cool,  I  cease  not  to  sow  in  Francia,  trusting 
that  through  the  blessing  of  God  the  good 
seed  may  spring  up  and  thrive  in  both  lands." 

797  Explanation  of  the  lunary  cycle. 


APPENDIX    D. 


513 


No. 

Date. 

Subject. 

LXIV. 

798 

Recommendation  of  certain  individuals. 

LXV. 

Explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  words  Septua- 
gesima  and  Sexagesima.  [Letter  LXVI.  con- 
tains the  king's  objections.] 

LXVII. 

Reconsideration  of  the  same  topic,  and  a  dis- 
claimer of  obstinacy.  "As  to  what  you  say 
near  the  close  of  your  epistle,  in  a  friendly 
spirit  and  for  my  benefit,  that,  if  in  my  opin- 
ion reform  is  necessary,  I  should  make  it  in 
humility,  I  beg  to  reply  that  by  divine  grace,  I 
have  never  been  obstinate  in  error,  or  confident 
in  opinion  ;  I  can  readily  adapt  myself  to  better 
advice,  for  I  remember  the  saying  that  it  is 
better  to  use  our  ears  than  our  tongue.  Please 
therefore  in  your  wisdom  to  remember,  that  I 
write  less  to  a  disciple  than  to  a  judge,  and 
state  my  humble  notions  not  to  one  deficient 
in  knowledge,  but  to  one  qualified  to  reform." 

LXVIII. 

797 

On  the  solar  course,  the  phases  of  the  year,  and 
the  heresy  of  Felix,  bishop  of  Urgel. 

LXIX. 

798 

On  astronomy  and  chronology,  with  answers  to 
the  questions  of  a  lady,  probably  Gisla,  the 
sister  of  Charles. 

LXX. 
LXXI. 

On  astronomy,  answering  questions  on  the  solar 

course,  constellations,  etc. 
On  the  same  subject. 

LXXX. 

LXXXI. 

799 

On  public  affairs. 

Apology,  on  account  of  ill  health,  for  not  accom- 
panying Charles  to  Rome. 

LXXXIV. 

Soo 

Complimentary,  and  astronomical  calculations. 

LXXXV. 
XC. 

" 

Alcuin   thanks   Charles   for  reading  his   treatise 

against  bishop  Felix,  and  sends  examples  of 

orthography  and  arithmetic. 
Alcuin   condoles  with  Charles  on   the   death   of 

Liutgard  (?),   and  sends   a  brief   epitaph,    or 

pious  wish  : 

"  Semper  in  aeternum  vivat  feliciter,  opto, 
Filia  cara  mihi  ;  sit,  rogo,  cara  Deo." 

XCI. 

«. 

On  the  same  subject. 

XCIII. 

Alcuin  congratulates  Charles  on  his  victories  ; 
exhorts  him  to  clemency  ;  adverts  to  the  health 
of  Pope  Leo  ;  apologizes  for  remissness  in  writ- 
ing ;  and  declines  going  to  Rome. 

cm. 

Soi 

Alcuin  having  long  tried  sending  Charles  a  pres- 

33 


5H 


APPENDIX    D. 


No. 


CIV. 


cv. 


Subject. 


ent  worthy  of  his  eminent  station  and  express- 
ive of  his  affection,  begs  his  acceptance  of  a 
copy  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  revised  by  him- 
self.1 

Alcuin  rejoices  in  the  emperor's  safe  return  from 
Italy. 

Regrets  that  old  age  prevents  his  going  to  Court. 

Alcuin  deplores  the  death  of  Magenfried ;  recom- 
mends the  building  of  a  church  ;  2  and  warns 
Charles  against  the  dangers  of  the  Beneventan 
expedition. 

"  My  affection  for  you  may  seem  foolish,  but 
none  can  charge  me  with  disloyalty  in  great 
things  or  small,  and  my  confidence  in  your  ap- 
proved humility  emboldens  me  to  write  as  I  do. 
Some  one  may  ask,  '  why  does  he  meddle  with 
things  outside  his  province  ? '  Such  an  one  does 
not  know  that  I  consider  nothing  concerning 
your  welfare  to  lie  outside  my  province,  deem- 
ing that  welfare  higher  than  my  own  health, 
or  the  term  of  my  life.  Thou  art  the  happi- 
ness of  the  realm,  the  salvation  of  the  people, 
the  ornament  of  the  Church,  the  protector  of 
all  believers  in  Christ.  Under  the  shadow  of 
thy  power  and  the  shelter  of  thy  piety,  God 
has  graciously  granted  us  to  lead  the  religious 


1  This  is  probably  the  exquisite  MS.  of  a  Codex  Evangeliorum,  formerly  at 
Priim,  now  at  Treves,  containing,  after  the  Generation  of  Christ,  the  following 
metrical  inscription  : 

"  Suscipe,  rex,  parvum  magni  modo  munus  amoris, 
Quod  tuus  Albinus  obtulit  ecce  tibi. 
Magna  ferunt  secli  gazarum  dona  potentes, 

Fert  mea  pauperies  ista  minuta  duo,* 
Ne  vacua  in  sacris  venisset  dextra  diebus 

Ante  piam  faciem,  rex  venerande,  tuam. 
Nomina  sanctorum  signavi  sancta  parentum 

Haebrea  depromens  ore,  Latine,  tuo. 
Fer  mea,  carta  mea,  supplex  munuscula  domno, 
Corpore  premodico  viscera  magna  gerens." 
*Cf.  Luc.  XXI.,  2. 

Cf.  Pertz,  Archiv  fiir  altere  deutsche  Geschichtskunde,  VII.,  159;  Fro- 
benius  I.,  456. — Diimmler. 

2  Not  at  Benevento,  but  at  Tours. — Diimmler,  /.  c,  p.  584. 


APPENDIX   D. 


515 


No. 


Date. 


Subject. 


CV.  801  life,  and  in  tranquil  peace  serve  Jesus  Christ ; 

wherefore  it  is  meet,  and  essential  to  my 
happiness,  that  I  should  intently  and  with 
sincere  cordiality,  follow  thy  course,  take  the 
warmest  interest  in  thy  welfare,  and  pray  God 
to  bless  King  David,  most  beloved,  and  most 
worthy  of  all  honor." 

CVI.  Alcuin  thanks  Charles  for  his  kindness,  entreat- 

ing his  permission  to  remain  at  St.  Martin's. 

CXCV.  802-S03  Alcuin  apologizes  for  himself  and  the  brothers  of 

St.  Martin  in  having  accorded  asylum  to  a 
clerk  of  the  church  of  Orleans,  and  thereby 
occasioned  trouble,  as  well  as  displeasure  to 
Charles  and  Theodulf. 

CXXIII.  Uncertain.         Alcuin  answers  the  king's  inquiry  on  the  differ- 

ence between  aeternum  and  sempiternum  j 
perpetuum  and  immortale  j  saeculum,  aevu/n, 
and  tempus. 

CXXIV.  Alcuin  answers  certain  questions  of  Charles  on 

passages  in  the  Gospels. 

CXXV.  Alcuin   explains  why  the  hymn,  which   Christ  is 

said  to  have  sung  after  the  Holy  Supper,  is 
not  of  record  in  the  Gospels. 

CXXVI.  Alcuin  answers  the  king's  question,  propounded 

in  the  name  of  a  learned  Greek,  "who  re- 
ceived the  price  of  redemption  ?  " 

CXXVII.  Alcuin's  advice   under  the  title  of  capitula  con- 

cerning testaments,  successions,  etc. 
800  Alcuin  leaves  the  decision  of  the  publication  of 

his  treatise   against    Felix,   bishop   of    Urgel, 
with  Charles. 
Alcuin  names  the  authorities  he  followed  in  the 
said  treatise. 
170  801  Alcuin  sends   Candidus   to  meet  Charles  on   his 

return  from  Italy,  stating  that  though  in  better 
health  he  should  prefer  remaining  at  Tours. 

238  801-804  Alcuin  answers  the  emperor's  question  of  the 
meaning  of  the  two  swords  ;  submits  the  pro- 
priety of  an  imperial  inhibition  of  bishops  sus- 
pending presbyters  from  preaching,  and  an 
injunction  preventing  the  desecration  of  altars. 

239  801-804  Alcuin  dedicates  his  Book  on  the  Life  and  Mira- 
cles of  St.  Richarius,  Confessor,  to  Charles. 


5i6 


APPENDIX   F. 


APPENDIX  E. 


Table  of  the  Winds. 

Charles  divided  the  heavens  into  twelve  regions,  giving  to  the  winds  blowing 
from  them  appropriate  names.  The  table  exhibits  in  the  first  column  the 
Roman  names  of  the  winds,  in  the  second  those  invented  by  Charles,  and  in 
the  last  the  corresponding  cardinal  points  of  the  Mariner's  Compass. 


Roman  Names. 
SEPTENTRIO. 

Aquilo. 

Volturnus. 
SUBSOLANUS. 

Eurus. 

Euro-Auster. 
AUSTER. 

Austro-Africus. 

Africus. 
ZEPHYRUS. 

Caurus. 

Circius. 


Caroline  Names. 
NORDRONI. 

Nordostroni. 

Ostnordroni. 
OSTRONI. 

Ostsundroni. 

Sundostroni. 
SUNDRONI. 

Sundwestroni. 

Westsundroni. 
WESTRONI. 

Westnordroni. 

Nordwestroni. 


Mariner's  Compass. 
NORTH. 


EAST. 


SOUTH. 


WEST. 


APPENDIX  F. 


List 

Charles  called  : 

January,   Wintermanoth,  that 

February,  Hornunc, 

March,  Lenzinmanoth, 

April,  Ostermanotk, 

May,   Winnemanoth, 

June,  Brachmanoth, 


July,  Hcivimanoth, 
August,  Aranmanoth, 

Witumanoth,  or 
Widemanoth, 


September, 


October.  Windiimemanoth, 
November,  Hcrbistmanoth, 
December,  Heilagmanoth, 


of  the  Months. 

s,  winter  month  ; 
the  month  in  which  stags  shed  their  horns; 
Lent  month  ; 
Easter  month  ; 
pasture  month  ; x 
the    month    in   which    the    ground    breaks 

open  ; 
hay  month  ; 
earing  month  ; 
'     either   the   month    in  which  cattle  is  sent 
to  pasture   on  the   second  crop,  or  the 
month  in  which   the   hunt   begins  ;  the 
old  German  wide  allows  both  meanings. 
'     vintage  month  ; 
'     autumn,  or  harvest  month  ; 
'     holy  month. 


1  Or,  if  the  variation  Wunnimanoth  Compare    on    the   variation   in    the 

is  preferred,  the  month  of  delight,  for      spelling,    Teulet,  /.  c,  whose   list   is 
wunni  —  wonne  is,  delight.  exhaustive. 


APPENDIX   G. 


517 


APPENDIX  G. 

List  of  Capitularies  set  forth  in  the  Reign  of  Charles  the  Great. 

Karoli  Magni  Capitularia. 


No. 

No. 

Title. 

Date. 

OF 

Cap. 

I. 

Karoli  M.  Capitulare  primum.                  circa. 

769. 

18. 

2. 

Capitulare  Heristallense. 

779,  March. 

23- 

3- 

Capitulare  Episcoporum. 

780? 

I. 

4- 

Admonitio  Generalis. 

789,  March. 

82. 

5- 

Duplex  Legationis  Edictum. 

"      23. 

37- 

6. 

Breviarium  Missorum  Aquitanicum. 

" 

18. 

7- 

Capitulare  Missorum. 

792  or  786. 

6. 

8. 

Capitulatio  de  partibus  Saxoniae. 

775-79°- 

34- 

9- 

Capitulare  Saxonicum. 

797,  Oct.  28. 

11. 

10 

Synodus  Franconofurtensis. 

794,  June. 

56. 

11. 

Karoli  epistola  de  litteris  colendis. 

780-800. 

1. 

12. 

Karoli  epistola  Generalis. 

786-S00. 

1. 

13- 

Capitulum  in  pago  Cenomannico  datum. 

800. 

1. 

14. 

Capitulare  de  Villis. 

800  or  before  ? 

70. 

15- 

Capitulare  Missorum  Generale. 

802,  early. 

40. 

16. 

Capitulare  Missorum  Speciale. 

802,     " 

19. 

17- 

Capitulare  Missorum  item  Speciale. 
Synodus    et    conventus    exeunte    anno    802 
Aquisgrani  habita. 

802? 

59- 

18.  Capitula  a  sacerdotibus  proposita. 

802,  Oct.? 

22. 

19.  Capitula  ad  lectionem  canonum  et 

regulae  S.  Benedicti  pertinentia. 

802,  Oct.? 

24. 

20.  Capitula  de  examinandis  ecclesias- 

ticis. 

802,  Oct.? 

17- 

21.  Capitulare  legibus  additum. 

803. 

11. 

22.  Capitulare  Missorum. 

803. 

29. 

23.  Capitulare  legi  Ribuariae  additum. 

803. 

12. 

24. 

Capitula  ecclesiastica  ad  Salz  data. 

Duplex  Capitulare   Missorum   in  Theodonis 

803-804. 

8. 

villi  datum. 

805,  late. 

25.  Capit.  Missor.  in  Theod.  villa  dat, 

primum,  mere  ecclesiasticum. 

16. 

26.  Capit.  Missor.  in  Theod.  villa  dat, 

secundum,  generale. 

22. 

27. 

Divisio  Regnorum. 

806,  Feb.  6. 

20. 

28. 

Capitulare  Missorum  Niumagae  datum. 

806,  March. 

18. 

29. 

Capitula  excerpta  de  canone. 

806,  later  ? 

23- 

30. 

Memoratorium  de  exercitu  in  Gallia  occiden- 

tale  praeparando. 

807,  early. 

3- 

5i8 


APPENDIX   G. 


No. 

Title. 

Date. 

No. 

OF 

Cap. 

31. 

Capitula  de  causis  diversis. 

807? 

4- 

32. 

Capitulare  Missorum  de  exercitu  promovendo. 

808,  early. 

9- 

33- 

Capitula  cum  primis  conferenda. 

808. 

13- 

34- 

Capitula  cum  primis  constituta. 

808. 

7- 

35- 

Capitula  Missorum. 

808. 

10. 

36. 

Capitula  per  episcopos  et  comites  nota  facienda. 

805-808. 

6. 

37- 

Capitula  post  a.  805  addita. 

806-813. 

3- 

38. 

Capitula  Karoli  Magni. 

803-  813. 

4- 

39- 

Capitula  omnibus  cognita  facienda. 

j  801-814. 
1  801-806  ? 

7- 

40. 

Responsa  Misso  cuidam  data. 

801-814? 

8. 

41. 

Capitula  a  Misso  cognita  facta. 

803-813. 

13- 

42. 

Capitulare  Missorum. 

802-813. 

4- 

43- 

Capitulare  Aquisgranense. 

809. 

14. 

44. 

"       Missorum  Aquisgranense  primum. 

809. 

29. 

45- 

alterum. 

809. 

13- 

46. 

primum. 

8 10. 

20. 

47- 

secundum. 

Sio. 

16. 

43. 

Capitula  de  Missorum  officiis. 

810. 

5- 

49- 

Capitula  per  Missos  cognita  facienda. 

803-813. 

6. 

50. 

Capitula  ad  legem  Baivvariorum  addita. 

801-813. 

7- 

5i- 

Capitulare  Baiwaricum. 

810,  circa. 

9- 

52. 

Capitula  Karoli  apud  Ansegisum  servata. 

810,  811? 

6. 

53- 

Capitula  tractanda  cum  comitibus,  episcopis 

et  abbatibus. 

811. 

13. 

54- 

Capitula  de  causis  cum  episcopis,  et  abbatis 

tractandis. 

811. 

13. 

55- 

Capitula    de    rebus    exercitalibus   in    placito 

tractanda. 

811. 

10. 

56. 

Capitulare  Bononiense. 

811,  Oct. 

11. 

57- 

Karoli  ad  Fulradum  abbatem  epistola. 

804-811. 

1. 

58. 

Praeceptum  pro  Hispanis. 

812,  April  2. 

1. 

59- 

Capitulare  Aquisgranense. 

801-813. 

20. 

60. 

Capitula  e  canonibus  excerpta. 

813. 

26. 

6r. 

Capitula  originis  incertae. 

813,  or  later. 

4- 

62. 

Capitulare  de  iusticiis  faciendis. 

811-813. 

13. 

63. 

Capitula  ecclesiastica. 

810-813? 

20. 

64. 

Capitulare  Karoli  M.  de  latronibus. 

804-813. 

9- 

65. 

Capitula  Missorum. 

813? 

9- 

66. 

Capitula  vel  Missorum  vel  synodalia. 

813? 

14. 

67. 

Capitula    a    Missis     Dominicis    ad    comites 

directa. 

801-813. 

7- 

6S. 

Capitula  incerti  anni. 

789-S14? 

5- 

69. 

Capitula  de  rebus  ecclesiasticis. 

7S7-813? 

4. 

APPENDIX   G. 


519 


Title. 


Date. 


No. 

OF 

Cap. 


KAROLI  MAGNI   ET   PIPPINI  FILII  CAPITULARIA 
ITALICA. 

Karoli  Magni  notitia  Italica. 

Capitulare   cum  episcopis   Langobardicis  de- 

liberatum. 
Capitulare  'Mantuanum. 
Pippini  Italiae  regis  Capitulare. 
Capitulare  Mantuanum  primum.  mere  ecclesi- 

asticum. 
Capitulare  Mantuanum  secundum,  generale. 
Pippini  Capitulare  Papiense. 
Pippini  Capitulare. 

Capitula  cum  Italiae  episcopis  deliberata. 
Karoli  epistola  in  Italiam  emissa. 
Capitulare  Italicum. 

Karoli  M.  Capitulare  Missorum  Italicum. 
Pippini  Italiae  regis  Capitulare. 
Karoli  Capitulare  Italicum. 
Pippini  Capitulare  Italicum. 
Karoli  ad  Pippinum  filium  Epistola. 

CAPITULA   SINGILLATIM    TRADITA     KAROLO 
MAGNO    ADSCRIPTA. 

Capitula  Francia. 
Capitula  Italica. 

ADDITAMENTA    AD     PIPPINI     ET     KAROLI     M. 
CAPITULARIA. 

Nomina  episcoporum    et  abbatum   Attiniaci 

congregatum. 
Interrogationes  et  responsiones  baptismales. 
Indiculus  superstitionum  et  paganiarum. 
Precatio  franconica. 
Summula  de  bannis. 
Memoratorium     Missis      datum     ad     papam 

Adrianum  legatis. 
Statuta   Rhispacensia,  Frisingensia,  Salisbur- 

gensia. 
Capitula  excerpta  canonica. 
Capitula  e  conciliorum  canonibus  collecta. 
Indiculus  obsidum  Saxonum  Moguntiam  de- 

ducendorum. 


776  or  781,  Feb. 

20. 

4- 

780-790  circa. 

10. 

781? 

13. 

782-786. 

10. 

787,  early? 

11. 

787,  early  ? 

8. 

787,  Oct. 

14. 

790,  circa. 

17- 

790-800  ? 

6. 

790-800. 

1. 

801. 

8. 

781-810. 

13- 

800-810? 

4- 

790-810? 

3- 

801  (8o6?)-8io. 

20. 

806-810. 

1. 

779-813  ? 
779-813? 


760-762. 


785? 

799,  800. 


8. 
22. 


30. 


47- 
7- 
5- 


520 


APPENDIX   G. 


No. 

Title. 

Date. 

No. 

OF 

Cap. 

98. 

Interrogationes  examinationis. 

15. 

99. 

Quae  a  presbyteris  discenda  sint. 

6. 

IOO. 

Quibus  de  rebus  in  synodo  quadam  provin- 
ciali  tranctandum  sit. 

12. 

IOI. 

Capitula  in  dioecesana  quadam  synodo  trac- 

tata. 

9- 

102. 

Capitula  de  presbyteris  admonendis. 

103. 

Missi  cuiusdam  admonitio. 

801-812. 

104. 

Karoli    M.  ad    Ghaerbald.   episc.    Leodiens. 
epistola,    et    Ghaerbaldi   ad    dioeceseos 

suae  presbyt.  Epistola. 

803-810. 

105. 

Ghaerbaldi  Leodicensis  episcopi  capitula. 

802-810. 

20. 

106. 

Karoli  ad  Ghaerbaldum  Episcopum  epistola. 

807,  Nov. 

107. 

Karoli  M.  ad  Odilbertum  epistola. 

S09-812. 

108. 

Odilberti  ad  Karolum  M.  responsum. 

809-812. 

109. 

Rihcolfi  archiep.  ad  Eginonem  epistola. 

810. 

no. 

Brevium  exempla  ad  describendas  res  ecclesi- 

asticas  et  fiscales. 

810,  circa. 

39- 

III. 

Iudicatum  regium. 

1. 

112. 

Capitula  duo  incerta. 

2. 

"3- 

Capitula  de  Iudaeis. 

6. 

Alfredus  Boretius,  Capitularia  Regum  Francorum,  t.    I.  in  Monum.  Germ. 
Historica. 


APPENDIX   H. 


521 


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522  APPENDIX   I. 

APPENDIX  I. 

Illustrative  Extracts. 
I.  The  Family  of  Charles. 

65.  Janna  pandatur,  multisque  volentibus  intrent 

Pauci,  quos  sursum  quilibet  ordo  tulit. 
Circumdet  pulchrum  proles  carissima  regem, 

Omnibus  emineat,  sol  ut  in  arce  solet. 
Hinc  adstent  pueri,  circumstent  inde  puellae, 

Vinea  laetificet  sicque  novella  patrem. 
Stent  Karolus,  Hludowicque  simul,  quorum  unus  ephebus, 

lam  vehit  alterius  os  iuvenale  decus. 
Corpora  praevalido  quibus  est  nervosa  inventa, 

Corque  capax  studii,  consiliique  tenax. 
Mente  vigent,  virtute  cluunt,  pietate  redundant, 

Gentis  uterque  decor,  dulcis  uterque  patri. 
Et  nunc  ardentes  acies — rex  flectat  ad  illos, 

Nunc  ad  virgineum  flectat  utrimque  chorum, 
Virgineum  ad  coetum,  quo  non  est  pulchrior  alter, 

Veste,  habitu,  specie,  corpore,  corde,  fide, 
Scilicet  ad  Bertram  et  Chodthrudh,  ubi  sit  quoque  Gisla — 
82.       Pulchrarum  una,  soror,  sit  minor  ordo  trium. 

91.   Prompta  sit  obsequio  soboles  gratissima  regis 

Utque  magis  placeat,  certet  amore  pio. 
Pallia  dupla  celer,  manuum  seu  tegmina  blanda 

Suscipiat  Carolus,  et  gladium  Ludoich. 
Quo  residente,  suum  grata  inter  basia  munus 

Dent  natae  egregiae,  det  quoque  carus  amor 
Berta  rosas,  Chrodtrudh  violas  dat,  lilia  Gisla, 

Nectaris  ambrosii  praemia  quaeque  ferat  ; 
99.   Rothaidh  poma,  Hiltrudh  Cererem,  Tetrada  Liaeum, 

Quis  varia  species,  sed  decor  unus  inest. 
Ista  nitet  gemmis,  auro  ilia  splendet  et  ostro, 

Haec  gemma  viridi  praenitet,  ilia  rubra. 
Fibula  componit  hanc,  illam  limbus  adornat, 

Armillae  hanc  ornant,  hancque  monile  decet. 
Huic  ferruginea  est,  apta  huic  quoque  lutea  vestis, 

Lacteolum  strophium  haec  vehit,  ilia  rubrum. 
Dulcibus  haec  verbis  faveat  regi,  altera  risu, 

Ista  patrem  gressu  mulceat,  ilia  ioco. 
Quod  si  forte  soror  fuerit  sanctissima  regis 

Oscula  det  fratri  dulcia,  frater  ei. 
Talia  sic-placido  moderetur  gaudia  vultu, 
112.       Ut  sponsi  aeterni  gaudia  mente  gerat. 

A.  796.     Theodulfi  Carmina,  Dummler,  MG.  Poetae  Lat.  aevi  Carolini,  I. 
2,  p.  485  sq. 


APPENDIX   I.  523 

II.  The  Family  of  Charles. 

210.  Cornua  rauca  sonant,  avido  latratibus  auras 

Conplent  ore  canes,  fragor  ignea  sidera  pulsat. 

Inde  puellarum  sequitur  mox  ordo  coruscus  ; 

Rhodrud  ante  alias  rapidoque  invecta  puellas 

Fulget  equo  et  placidum  prior  occupat  ordine  gressum. 

Immixta  est  niveis  ametistina  vitta  capillis, 

Ordinibus  variis  gemmarum  luce  coruscans  ; 

Namque  corona  caput  pretiosis  aurea  gemmis 

Implicat  et  pulchrum  subrectit  fibula  amictum. 

Virgineos  interque  choros  turbamque  sequentem 
220.   Proxima  Berta  nitet,  multis  sociata  puellis. 

Voce,  virili  animo,  habitu  vultuque  corusco, 

Os,  mores,  oculos  imitantia  pectora  patris 

Fert ;  caput  aurato  diademate  cingitur  almum. 

Aurea  se  niveis  commiscent  fila  capillis  ; 

Lactea  quippe  ferunt  pretiosam  colla  murinam. 

Ornatur  vestis  variis  speciosa  capillis 

Ordine,  gemmarum  numerosa  luce  coruscat 

Bratea,  crysolitis  ornantur  tegmina  gemmis. 
229.   Gisala  post  istas  sequitur  candore  coruscans  ; 

Virgineo  comitata  choro,  micat  aurea  proles. 

Tecta  melocineo  fulgescit  femina  amicta, 

Mollia  purpureis  rutilant  velamina  filis, 

Vox,  facies,  crines  radianti  luce  coruscant. 

Splendida  colla  nitent  roseo  inflammata  rubore, 

Argenta  stat  facta  maims,  frons  aurea  fulget, 

Et  magnum  vincunt  oculorum  lumina  Phoebum. 

Laeta  super  rapidum  conscendit  caballum  ; 

Frena  superbus  equus  spumantia  dente  volutat. 

Hinc  comitata  viris,  illinc  stipata  puellis 

Innumeris  circum,  circumstrepit  agmen  equorum. 

His  cumulata  bonis  praecelsa  solaria  linquens, 

Virgo  pudica  pii  sequitur  vestigia  regis. 
243.   Rhodhaid  inde  micat  multis  ornata  metallis  ; 

Agmen  ovans  rapido  praecedit  femina  gressu. 

Pectora,  colla,  comae  lucent  variata  lapillis, 

Serica  et  ex  humeris  dependent  pallia  pulchris  : 

Inseritur  capiti  nitido  gemmata  corona  ; 

Stringit  acus  clamidem  gemmatis  aurea  bullis. 

Pulchra  vehetur  equo  Rhodhaidis  virgo  superbo, 

Quo  latitare  solent  hirsuto  tergore  cervi. 
251.  Interea  egreditur  vultu  Theodrada  corusco, 

Fronte  venusta  nitens  et  cedit  crinibus  aurum  ; 

Pulchra  peregrinis  conlucent  colla  zmaracdis, 

Pes,  manus,  ora,  genae,  cervix  radiata  nitescit. 


524  APPENDIX   I. 

Clara  serenatis  fulgescunt  lumina  flammis, 
Pallia  permixtis  lucent  iachyntina  talpis, 
Clara  Sophocleoque  ornatur  virgo  coturno. 
Turba  puellarum  circumstrepit  agmine  denso, 
Atque  venusta  cohors  procerum  nitet  ordine  longo. 
Et  sedet  in  niveo  pulcherrima  virgo  caballo  ; 
Acri  fertur  equo  Karoli  pia  filia  regis  ; 
In  nemus  ire  parat,  sacrata  palatia  linquens. 
Agminis  extremam  partem  sibi  vindicat  Hiltrud, 
Illi  sorte  datur  dehinc  ultimus  ordo  senatus  ; 
Ipsa  auteni  medio  fulgescit  in  agmine  virgo  ; 
Temperat  expositum  spatii  moderamine  gressum 
267.   Litorei  iuxta  ore  soli.     .     .     .     • 

III.  Image  Worship. 

The  definition  of  Image  Worship  passed  by  the  Council  of  Nicaea  (a.  d. 
787)  is  too  long  for  reproduction  in  these  pages.  For  the  full  text  see  Labbei 
Concil.  torn.  VIII.,  p.  1202  sqq.  The  concluding  sentences  setting  forth  the 
true  sentiments  of  the  Council  are  couched  in  these  words  : 

".  .  .  .  definimus  in  omni  certitudine  ac  diligentia,  sicut  figuram  pre- 
ciosae  ac  vivificae  crucis,  ita  venerabiles  ac  sanctas  imagines  proponendas,  tarn 
quae  de  coloribus  et  tesselis,  quam  quae  ex  alia  materia  congruenter  in  Sanctis 
Dei  ecclesiis,  et  sacris  vasis,  et  vestibus,  et  in  parietibus  ac  tabulis,  domibus 
et  viis  :  tam  videlicet  imaginem  Dei  et  salvatoris  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  quam 
intemeratae  dominae  nostrae  sanctae  Dei  genitricis,  honorabiliumque  angelorum, 
et  omnium  sanctorum  simul  et  almorum  virorum.  Quanto  enim  frequentius 
per  imaginalem  formationem  videntur,  tanto  qui  has  contemplantur,  alacrius 
eriguntur  ad  primitivorum  earum  memoriam  et  desiderium,  ad  osculum,  et  ad 
honorariam  his  adorationem  tribuendam. 

"  Non  tamen  ad  veram  latriam,  quae  secundum  fidem  est,  quaeque  solam 
divinam  naturam  decet.  impartiendam  ;  ita  ut  istis,  sicuti  figurae  preciosae  ac 
vivificae  crucis  et  Sanctis  evangeliis,  et  reliquis  sacris  monumentis,  incensorum 
et  luminum  oblatio  ad  harum  honorem  efficiendum  exhibeatur,  quemadmodum 
&  antiquis  piae  consuetudinis  erat.  Imaginis  enim  honor  ad  primitivum  trans- 
it :  &  qui  adorat  imaginem,  adorat  in  ei  depicti  subsistentiam.  Sic  enim 
robur  obtinet  sanctorum  patrum  nostrorum  doctrina,  id  est  traditio  sanctae 
catholicae  ecclesiae,  quae  a  finibus  usque  ad  fines  terrae  suscepit  evangelium. 
Sic  Paulum,  qui  in  Christo  locutus  est,  &  omnem  divinum  apostolicum  coet- 
um,  &  paternam  sanctitatem  exequimur,  tenentes  traditiones  quas  accepimus. 
Sic  triumphales  ecclesiae  prophetice  canimus  hymnos  :  Gaude  satis  filia  Sion. 
.     .     .      .     aeternn7n  (Soph.  III.). 

"  Eos  ergo  qui  audent  aliter  sapere  aut  docere,  aut  secundum  scelestos  haeret- 
icos  ecclesiasticas  traditiones  spernere,  &  novitatem  quamlibet  excogitare,  vel 
projicere  aliquid  ex  his  quae  sunt  ecclesiae  deputata,  sive  evangelium  sive  figur- 

1  A.  799.     Angilberti  Carmen,  Diimmler,  /.  c.  I.,  p.  371  sq. 


APPENDIX   I.  525 

am  crucis,  sive  imaginalem  picturam,  sive  sanctas  reliquias  martyris  ;  aut  ex- 
cogitare  prave  aut  astute  ad  subvertendum  quidquam  ex  legitimis  traditionibus 
ecclesiae  catholicae  ;  vel  etiam  quasi  communibus  uti  sacris  vasis,  aut  venerabil- 
ibus  monasterii :  si  quidem  episcopi  aut  clerici  fuerint,  deponi  praecipimus  ; 
monachos  autem  vel  laicos  a  communione  segregari." 

Then  follow  the  subscriptions  of  so  many  hundred  bishops,  presbyters, 
etc.,  the  majority  of  whom  put  the  epithet  unworthy  (dval-io5)  after  their  Chris 
tian  names  ;  some  adding  that  they  held  their  office  "  by  the  mercy  of  God," 
and  some  describing  themselves  as  "  sinners"  (e.  g.  Elias,  a  sinner,  bishop  of 
Crete)  ;  and  when  all  this  meek  company  of  unworthy  ones,  sinners,  and 
miracles  of  divine  mercy  had  subscribed  their  names,  even  that  Holy  Synod 
with  one  accord  burst  forth  in  this  acclaim  : 

"  Omnes  ita  credimus,  omnes  idipsum  sapimus,  omnes  consentientes  sub- 
scripsimus.  Haec  est  fides  apostolorum,  haec  fides  orthodoxorum,  haec  fides 
orbem  terrarum  firmavit.  Credentes  in  unum  Deum  in  Trinitate  laudandum, 
honorabiles  imagines  osculamur.  Qui  sic  se  non  habent,  anathema  sint  :  qui 
sic  non  sentiunt,  procul  ab  ecclesia  pellantur.  Nos  antiquam  legislationem 
ecclesiae  catholicae  sequimur.  Nos  leges  patrum  custodimus.  Nos  eos  qui 
addunt  quid  vel  adimunt  de  ecclesia,  anathematizamus.  Nos  subinductam 
novitatem  Christianos  accusantium  anathematizamus.  Nos  venerandas  imag- 
ines recipimus.  Nos  eo  qui  sic  non  se  habent,  anathematismis  submittimus. 
His  qui  assumant  dicta  quae  a  divina  scriptura  contra  idola  proferuntur,  in 
venerabiles  imagines,  anathema.  His  qui  non  salutant  sanctas  &  venerabiles 
imagines,  anathema.  His  qui  vocant  sacras  imagines  idola,  anathema!  His 
qui  dicunt,  quia  ut  ad  deos  Christiani  ad  imagines  accesserunt,  anathema. 
His  qui  dicunt,  quia  praeter  Christum  alius  eruit  nos  ab  idolis,  anathema.  His 
qui  audent  dicere,  catholicam  ecclesiam  aliquando  idola  recepisse,  anathema. 
Multos  annos  imperatorum  Constantini  &  Irenae  matris  eius  multos  annos. 
Victorum  imperatorum  multos  annos.  Novo  Constantino  &  novae  Helenae 
aeterna  memoria.  Dominus  custodiat  imperium  eorum.  Coelestis  rex  terre- 
nos  custodi.  Omnibus  haereticis  anathema.  Frementi  concilio  contra  venera- 
biles imagines,  anathema.  Ei  qui  recepit  impias  haereseos  ratiunculas  ipsorum, 
anathema.  Theodosio  falsi  nominis  episcopo  Ephesino  anathema.  Sisimino 
cognomento  Pastillae  anathema.  Basilio  qui  obscoena  pronunciatione  Tricac- 
cabus  appellatus  est,  anathema." 

After  anathematizing  a  number  of  ill-savory  individuals,  with  whose  short- 
comings we  are  not  particularly  concerned,  but  whose  teachings,  the  Holy 
Synod  exclaims,  were  put  down  by  the  Sacred  Trinity,  specializing  the  case 
of  John  of  Nicomedia,  andConstantine  of  Nacolia,  as  that  of  heresiarchs,  duly 
anathematizing  them,  and  continuing  : — "  Ad  nihilum  deduxerunt  imaginem 
domini  et  sanctorum  eius  :  ad  nihilum  deduxit  eos  dominus. 

"Si  quis  quemquam  haereseos  Christianos  accusantis,  vel  in  ea  vitam  suam 
transigentem  defendit,  anathema. 

"  Si  quis  Christum  Deum  circumscriptum  secundum  humanitatem  non  con- 
fitetur,  anathema. 

"  Si  quis  evangelicas  narrationes  titulis  picturisque  factas  non  admittit, 
anathema. 


526  APPENDIX   K. 

"  Si  quis  non  osculatur  has  tanquam  in  nomine  domini  &  sanctorum  eius 
factas,  anathema. 

"  Si  quis  omnem  traditionem  ecclesiasticam  sive  scriptam,  sive  non  scriptam, 
irritam  facit  (aQersT),  anathema. 

"  Germani  orthodoxi  aeterna  memoria. 

"  Joannis  &  Gregorii  aeterna  memoria. 

"  Praedicatorum  veritatis  aeterna  memoria. 

"Trinitas  hos  tres  glorificant :  quorum  disputationes  sequi  mereamur,  miser- 
ationibus  &  gratia  primi  &  magni  pontificis  Christi  Dei  nostri,  intercedente 
intemerata  domina  nostra  sancta  Dei  genitrice,  &  omnibus  Sanctis  eius.  Fiat. 
Amen." 

With  which  holy  sentiments  the  Synod,  having  finished  its  cursing  for  that 

day,  adjourned  until  the  next. 

♦ — i 

APPENDIX  K. 

LITERARY  NOTES  ON  SOME  OF  THE  AUTHORITIES  FOR  THE 
HISTORY  OF  CHARLES  THE  GREAT. 

The  Easter  Tables,  circulated  by  Irish  and  British  missionaries,  were  prob- 
ably the  modest  beginnings  of  the  Annals.  These  Tables  had  a  limited 
vacant  space,  mostly  on  the  right  hand  margin,  in  which  the  monks  were  wont 
to  record  meagre,  and  often  uninteresting  data  concerning  their  monastery,  but 
occasionally  also  political  events.  The  oldest  example  known  dates  from  the 
sixth  century.1  Sometimes  the  side  margin  did  not  suffice,  and  occasioned 
entries  between  the  lines,  or  elsewhere  on  the  page.  The  original  MSS.  ex- 
tant are  often  difficult  to  decipher. 

The  historical  value  of  the  Annals  depends  upon  their  origin,  and  the  proper 
sundering  of  corruptions  or  later  additions  from  the  original  documents.  The 
first  attempt  in  this  direction  for  the  whole  Carlovingian  period  was  made  by 
Pertz. 2 

1.  Annates  S,  Amandi,  a.  6S7-810.  MG.  SS.,  L,  6-11.  They  run  in  two 
continuations  from  771  to  791,  and  from  791  to  Sio.  The  earlier  entries  are 
not  contemporary  ;  e.  g.,  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Testry,  a.  6S7,  is  an  addition 
of  later  date. 

2.  Annates  Tiliani,  ibid.  I.,  6-8,  so  called  after  the  owner  of  the  MS.,  are 
related  to  No.  I,  which  they  follow  to  a.  737  ;  the  remainder  from  a.  741-807 
is  taken  from  Annal.  Lauriss. 

3.  Annates  Lanbaeenses,  ibid.  I.,  7-12,  15,  52,  appear  also  to  be  taken  from 
No.  1. 

4.  Annates  Mosellani  (so-called  on  account  of  their  conjectured  origin  in 
monasteries  on  the  Moselle),  ibid.  XVI.,  491-499,  from  a.  703-797. 

5.  Annates  Petaviani,  ibid.  I.,  7-18  ;  cf.  III.,  170,  seem  until  a.  770  to  be 
compiled  from  Nos.  1  and  4,  but  contain  from  that  date  to  a.  799  independent, 
and  probably  official  notices. 

1  MG.  SS.,  III.,  Tab.  I.  a  See  Bericht  von  Pertz,  in  Archiv., 

VI.,  258  sqq. 


APPENDIX   K.  527 

6.  Annates  Murbacenses  denote  a  series  of  Annals  to  which  they  gave  rise, 
or  with  which  they  are  connected.  Under  this  general  designation  may  be 
enumerated  : 

a.  Annates  Laureshamenses ;  b.  Annates  Alamannici  J  c.  Annates  Guelfer- 
bytani  ;  d.  Annates  Nazal  iani.  Certain  gaps  excepted,  they  run  parallel  to  a. 
768  ;  then,  those  named  first  are  independent  to  a.  803,  while  the  three  others 
run  in  continuations  to  a.  790.  After  that  date,  A.  Guelf.  extend,  but  not  con- 
tinuously, to  a.  826;  A.  Alain,  were  continued  at  Murbach  to  a.  800,  and  at 
Augia,  but  in  very  fragmentary  form,  to  859.  The  original  of  A.  Alain,  has 
been  found  at  Zurich. 

A.  Alam.,  widely  circulated  in  Suabia,  found  their  way  to  Hersfeld,  and  are 
the  basis  of  Lambert's  historical  work,  while  the  Annals  of  Reichenau,  derived 
from  the  same  source,  are  the  foundation  of  the  Chronicle  of  Hermann  the 
Lame.1 

7.  Annates  Lindisf.  (reprinted  below),  are  connected  with 

8.  Annates  S.  Dionysii,2  and 

9.  Annates  S.  Germani  minores,  a.  642-919.      MG.  SS. ,  III.,  136. 

10.  Annates  S.  Germani  Paris.,  a.  466-1061.      MG.  SS.,  III.,  166-168. 

To  the  same  group  of  Annals  belong  A.  Juvavenses  major.,  a.  550-855, 
976 — very  defective;  A.  Juvav.  minor.,  a.  742-814;  Annal  Salisb.  a.  499- 
1049,  contemporary  since  784  ;  A.  S.  Emmerammi  majores,  748-843,  minores, 
732-1062,  MG.  SS.,  I.,  92  ;  XIII. ,  47  ;  and  Annal.  Bawarici  breves,  a.  684- 
811,  MG.  SS.,  XX.,  8. 

11.  Annal.  Fuldenses  antiqui,  MG.  SS.,  HI.,  16. 

It  may  interest  those  not  familiar  with  these  beginnings  of  annalistic  litera- 
ture to  study  out  two  examples  sufficiently  brief  for  reproduction  in  this 
volume. 

Annales  Lindisfarnenses  et  Cantuarienses,  a.  618-690.3 

Anno  ab  Incarnationi  Domini 

618  Filius  rex  Edilbert  Cantioriorum  Irminrici  obiit  6.  Kal.  Mart,  feria  4. 

643  Oswi  regnare  incipit. 

651  Aidan  episcopus  obiit. 

658  Finan  moritur. 

664  Colman  obiit. 

673  Ecbert  Cantuariorum  rex  depositus  4  Non.  Jul.  fit 

1  Wattenbach,  /.  c,  5  ed.,  I.,  139  ;  Denis  until  887,  continued  from  919- 
Pertz,  /.  c,  I.,  19  sqq.  997. 

2  MG.  SS.,  XIII.,  718-721.  Another  copy,  Arno,  the  friend  of 

3  This  MS.,  as  Pertz  thinks,  was  Alcuin,  carried  to  Salzburg  ;  it  gives 
brought  by  Alcuin  to  the  Court  of  the  Easter  celebrations  until  797,  and 
Charles,  where  he  made  the  entries  then  continues  with  Salzburg  notices, 
specifying  the  places  at  which  he  This  copy  goes  by  the  name  of  Annal. 
celebrated  Easter.      The  monks  of  St.  Salisb. 

Germain  then  added  their  own  Annals  See  Wattenbach,  /.  c,  141. 

which  have  been  traced  to  those  of  St. 


528  APPENDIX   K. 

680  Kap.  sciei. 

685  Hlotheri  frater  Ecberti  Cantuariorum  deponitur  7,  Id.  Feb. 

6S7  Edric  Cantuariorum  rex  deponitur  2  Kal.  Sept.  feria  6. 

690  Theodorus  episcopus  deponitur  13  :  Kal.  Oct.  feria  2. 

Annales  ut  videtur  Alcuini  a.  782-797. 

Pars  Prior  a.  782-787. 

782  in  Carisiaco. 

783  in  Theudunvilla. 

784  (786)  in  Aristalle. 

785  (787)  in  Eresburgi. 

786  (788)  Attinago. 

787  (790)  Romae  cellebravit  pascha  domnus. 

Pars  altera  a.  7SS-797. 

78S  Domnus  rex  Carolas  celebravit  pascha  in  Inglimhaim. 

789  in  Aquis. 

790  ad  Wormatiam. 

791  Carolus  in  Pannonia. 

792  ad  Ragenesburc. 

793  ad  Franchonofurt. 

794  ad  Aquis. 

795  ad  Aquis. 

796  ad  Aquis. 

797  ad  Aquis. 

814  5  Kal.  Febr.  obiit  Karolus  \magnus\  imperator.    Man.  SAEC.  IX.  INEUKT. 

MG.  SS.,  IV.,  2. 

Annales  antiqui  Fuldenses.1 
742    ...     . 
753  Bonifat?Y  martyris  passio. 
768  Pippinus  rex  obiit. 

774  Langobardorum     .     .     .     Desiderius     .     .     .     XV. 
776  Saxonum. 
779  Sturm  abbas  obiit. 

784 

789  depositio  Tassilonis  ducis. 

790  ...      . 

791  in  Avaros. 

792  in  sinodo  haercsis  damnata,  et  Felix  per  TZngilbertum  Romam  ductus  est. 
800     ...     . 

804  Leo  papa  adivit  in  Francia. 

814  Karolus  imperator  bonus  obiit.  MG.  SS.,  I.,  95. 

1  This  is  a  very  interesting  document,      denote  that  the  letters  and  words  have 
and  requires  no  comment.    The  italics      been  supplied. 


APPENDIX   K.  529 

It  would  lead  us  too  far  to  open  the  vexed  and  perhaps  insoluble  question  of 
the  origin  of  these  earlier  Annals  or  to  take  sides  in  the  animated  controversy. 
The  brief  notices  here  furnished  are  purely  introductory,  and  only  designed  to 
aid  those  desirous  of  studying  the  matter,  by  directing  them  to  works  dealing 
with  it  at  considerable  length. 

By  far  the  most  important  historical  helps  for  the  reign  of  Charles,  apart 
from  Einhard's  famous  biography,  and  other  works  to  be  mentioned  in  subse- 
quent paragraphs,  are  the  Annales  Laurissenses  majores,  and  the  so-called 
Annales  Einhardi. 

The  former  of  these  are  also  called  Annales  plebei,  Annales  Loiseliani,  and 
Royal,  Court  or  Imperial  Annals.  They  were  called  Annales  Laurissenses 
majores,  after  the  monastery  of  Lorsch,  where  the  oldest  MS.  was  found,  and 
where  they  were  believed  to  have  been  drawn  up. 

This  monastic  origin,  however,  it  was  thought,  seemed  well  nigh  incredible, 
because  their  author  could  not  in  his  cloistered  retirement  have  procured  the 
information  essential  to  the  record  of  so  long  and  eventful  a  reign  as  that  of 
Charles  the  Great. 

The  first  and  most  able  advocate  of  a  new  and  very  different  theory  of  their 
origin  was  Leopold  von  Ranke.  He  subjected  the  Annals  to  a  close  and  criti- 
cal examination,  and  communicated  the   results    to   the   Berlin  Academy  in 

1854.1 

They  met  at  the  time  with  almost  universal  approbation,  but  have  been  much 
controverted  since.  Still  the  views  he  advanced,  and  the  manner  of  his  advo- 
cacy as  well  as  the  keen  analysis  of  his  close,  compact  reasoning,  cannot  be 
said  to  have  been  set  aside  by  his  opponents.  I  feel,  that  for  the  present  pur- 
pose it  may  suffice,  without  entering  into  the  controversy,  to  present  his  views 
in  his  own  language. 

Explaining  that  Ranke  understands  by  the  "Old  Annalist''  the  author  of 
Annales  Laurissenses  majores,  he  states  the  case  as  follows  : 

"We  notice  two  striking  characteristics  in  the  Old  Annalist:  1.  He  sup- 
presses great  calamities,  either  ignoring  domestic  commotions  and  occasional 
conspiracies,  or  recording  them  in  an  unsatisfactory  manner  ;  2.  he  is  uncom- 
monly well-informed  on  the  events  themselves. 

"  A  monk  could  not  possibly  have  found  means  to  collect  in  his  monastery 
such  accurate  information  as  is  here  described.  We  have  the  monastic  annals 
of  his  country  of  the  same  period,  but  they  cannot  be  named  in  the  same 
breath  with  the  others.  They  only  record  the  most  general  features  of  the 
most  startling  occurrences.  But  here  is  an  author  who  describes  briefly,  yet 
with  the  precision  of  positive  knowledge,  military  expeditions,  the  character 
and  conduct  of  the  troops  and  separate  feats  of  valor.  He  has  also  compara- 
tively trustworthy  information  even  on  the  subject  of  treaties.  Only  a  person 
having  near  relations  with  the  imperial  Council  could  have  been  so  well  informed 
on  the  subject  of  the  Bcneventan  and  Bavarian  enterprises. 

"These  two  peculiarities,  I  mean,  good  information  and  great  reticence, 
seem  to  indicate  an  official  composition,  while  their  characteristic  diction  dis- 


Abhandlungen  der  Berliner  Akademie  aus  dem  Jahre  1854,  S.  434. 
34 


530  APPENDIX   K. 

closes  a  clerical  scribe.  Every  phrase  suggests  such  an  origin,  and  warrants 
the  conclusion  that  an  ecclesiastic,  familiar  with  secular  business,  was  charged 
with  the  duty  of  drawing  up  the  Annals  from  information  officially  communi- 
cated to  him  by  the  Court. 

"  The  crude,  unpolished  style,  moreover,  suits  the  period  prior  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Palace  School,  and  marks  the  scribe  as  a  man  of  the  old  cut 
and  manner,  who  attained  a  higher  degree  of  excellence  simply  because  the 
events  themselves  he  had  to  record  necessarily  entailed  such  improvement. 

"  But  historiography  soon  passed  into  the  more  skilful  literary  hand  of  Ein- 
hard,  who  recast  the  Old  Annals  and  drew  up  new  ones,  apparently  in  the  Palace 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  at  the  very  time  when  the  events  he  recorded  took  place. 

"  The  credibility  of  the  Older  Annals  is  much  enhanced  by  the  circumstance, 
that  Einhard  left  them  substantially  unchanged,  and  that  his  intercalations  are 
confined  to  only  a  few  of  the  more  important  events.  It  seems  to  have  been 
his  chief  aim  to  conform  their  style  to  the  progressive  development  of  the  Latin 
School,  and  his  treatment  #f  the  subject  to  the  dignity  of  his  ideal  of  the  new 
Empire.  But  the  New  Annals,  that  is,  his  own,  constitute  his  true  and  per- 
sonal merit. 

"  Einhard's  Annals  are  invaluable  where  they  are  independent,  and  our  most 
important  historical  monument  for  the  last  few  years  of  the  eighth  century,  and 
the  first  decades  of  the  ninth." 

Without  discussing  the  origin  of  the  Annals,  Ranke  confines  himself  to  the 
comparison  of  the  two  texts,  and  simply  inquires  : 

1.  "  Are  Einhard's  Annals  in  perfect  agreement  with  the  older  work  ? 

2.  "  If  they  differ,  what  is  the  nature  of  their  difference? 

3.  "  Which  is  entitled  to  preference  ?" 

He  then  examines  a  number  of  passages,  selecting  the  famous  reply  of 
Zacharias  to  Pepin's  question  (a.  749)  ;  the  disagreement  of  Charles  and  Car- 
loman  on  the  march  to  Aquitaine  (a.  769)  ;  the  Lombard  campaign  (a.  773)  ; 
the  first  Saxon  expedition  (a.  772),  etc. ;  matters  connected  with  the  affairs 
of  Benevento  and  Bavaria,  etc.,  concluding  the  investigation  with  these  re- 
flections : 

1.  Einhard's  Annals  while  superior  to  the  older  "  in  ease,  style,  and  arrange- 
ment, are  more  superficial,  inaccurate,  and  less  characteristic." 

2.  "  The  older  Annals  are  preferable  to  Einhard's  for  all  purposes  of  his- 
torical inquiry,  although  those  of  Einhard  have  cast  them  in  the  shade,  and 
met  with  all  but  universal  acceptation." 

He  adds  that  the  "  Poeta  Saxo  "  led  the  way  in  the  ninth  century  in  discard- 
ing the  older  Annals  and  echoing  Einhard,  thus  inducing  many  errors  which 
continue  to  this  day. 

"  But  is  Einhard  to  be  set  absolutely  aside  for  the  whole  of  the  period  in  ques- 
tion?    Does  he  advance  nothing  that  makes  his  testimony  peculiarly  valuable  ? 

"  The  years  of  which  he  treats  contain  two  very  remarkable  additions — 
both  relating  to  calamities — viz. :  the  battle  at  the  Stintel,  and  the  defeat  in  the 
Pyrenees. 

"  Einhard  has  the  moral  courage  to  admit  undoubted  defeats,  which  the 
Older  Annalist  does  not  seem  to  possess. 


APPENDIX   K.  531 

"  The  disastrous  events  at  the  Suntel  a.  782  are  so  vague  and  ambiguous  on 
the  page  of  the  Old  Annalist,  that  his  notices  suggest  only  a  victory  dearly 
bought  with  the  blood  of  great  men.  Einhard,  on  the  other  hand,  is  quite 
explicit  both  on  the  details  of  the  battle  and  the  Frankish  loss. 

"  The  description  of  the  Spanish  expedition  in  778  with  its  tragical  termina- 
tion is  not  without  merit,  as  told  by  the  Older  Annalist.  He  indicates  with 
greater  precision  than  later  writers,  that  the  army  advanced  in  two  divisions, 
one  of  which,  commanded  by  Charles  himself,  took  the  route  of  Navarre,  and 
probably  consisted  in  the  main  of  Neustrians,  for  the  other  composed  of  Septi- 
manians,  Burgundians,  Austrasians,  Bavarians  and  Lombards  effected  a  junc- 
tion with  him  at  Saragossa. 

"It  is  highly  probable  that  the  nationalities  moved  in  the  same  order  on 
the  Spanish  retreat,  for  we  know  that  such  was  the  policy  followed  on  the 
Avar  expedition. 

"  If  this  was  done,  then  the  calamitous  surprise  on  the  retreat  through  the 
Pyrenees  was  meted  out  to  the  Neustrians,  or  North  French  Division. 

"  The  Old  Annalist  suppresses  the  whole  of  the  disaster,  which  would  be 
unknown  to  history  had  Einhard  not  recorded  it." 

One  of  Ranke's  examples  follows  in  illustration  of  his  method. 

"  I  begin  with  the  enterprise  of  Charles  against  the  Lombards  in  773. 
Without  dwelling  on  minor  variations  I  find  that  the  two  annalists  differ  in 
their  conception  of  the  events  themselves. 

"  Einhard's  Charles  upon  receipt  of  the  papal  message  at  Thionville  con- 
siders the  difference  pending  between  the  Romans  and  the  Lombards,  and 
resolves  to  go  to  war. 

"  He  is  introduced  as  the  world's  judge  and  an  autocrat  {rebus,  quae  inter 
Romanos  ac  Langobardos  gerebantur,  diligenti  cura  pertractatis  bellum  sibi — 
suscipiendum  ratus). 

"  The  Plebeian  Annals,  on  the  other  hand,  state  the  case  more  originally, 
simply,  and  in  a  less  grandiose  style.  The  papal  nuncio  requests  Charles  to 
interpose  {pro  dei  servitio  etjustitia  Sti.  Petti  seu  solatio  ecclesiae). 

"  They  represent  the  pope  not  only  oppressed  by  the  temporary  insolence  of 
the  enemy,  as  Einhard  does,  but  explain  that  the  old  disputes  between  the 
Chair  of  St.  Peter  and  the  Lombards,  which  took  Pepin  to  Italy,  burst  forth 
anew,  and  the  interests  of  St.  Peter  must  be  defended  ;  whereas  Einhard 
treats  the  case  as  a  judicial  sentence,  executed  forthwith. 

"Again  Einhard  represents  the  king  as  reflecting,  and  resolving  upon  the 
course  by  himself  ;  the  Old  Annals  state  that  he  consults  the  Franks,  and 
follows  their  advice  {rex  consiliavit  una  cum  Francis,  quid  per  ageret,  et  sumpto 
consilio,  tit  sicut  missus  apostolici  postulavit,  ita  Jieret)  ;  the  Council  accedes 
to  the  pope's  request.  Then  the  assembled  heerbann,  i,  e.,  the  nation  under 
arms,  which  was  also  a  Synod  {sinodum  rex  temiit  generaliter  ctwi  Francis}, 
approved  and  ratified  the  action  of  the  Council  according  to  usage. 

"  Einhard's  account  of  the  progress  of  the  expedition  also  is  vague  ;  he 
says  :  superato  Alpium  jugo  Desiderium  citra  congressionem  fugavit,  which 
suggests  so  little  that  Baronius  lauds  the  invasion  as  a  miracle. 

"  The  Chronicon  Moissiacense,  forsooth,  makes  the  king  send  a  legion  of  his 


532  APPENDIX   K. 

ablest  warriors  across  the  mountains,  who  put  Desiderius  to  flight,  and  I  have 
read  in  a  history,  published  1841,  that  the  clausae  were  carried  by  storm. 
But  that  chronicle  also  gives  no  clear  statement,  and  being  only  a  com- 
pilation, is  not  entitled  to  independent  credibility.  If  its  statement  were 
true,  how  could  Einhard  have  dared  to  assert  that  there  was  no  engagement 
at  all  ? 

"The  Old  Annals  explain  the  case  in  the  significant  but  clumsy  clause: 
mittens  [Carolus]  scaram  suam  per  montana,  hoc  sentiens  Desiderius,  clusas 
relinquens.  This  shows  that  the  king's  peculiar  troops,  his  own  scara,  found 
a  passage  across  the  mountains,  like  the  French,  who  turned  Fort  Bard,  on 
the  occasion  of  Napoleon's  passage  of  Mount  St.  Bernard,  by  following  a 
shepherd's  path.  Desiderius  anticipated  their  arrival  and  fled.  The  annalist, 
nevertheless,  shared  the  belief  that  the  easy  opening  of  the  clausae  was  due  to 
the  special  protection  of  St.  Peter. 

"The  account  of  the  end  of  the  expedition,  like  that  of  its  commencement, 
is  much  clearer  in  the  Old  Annals  than  in  Einhard  who  simply  states  that  Pavia, 
exhausted  with  the  long  siege,  was  forced  to  capitulate  and  that  all  the  other 
cities  followed  its  example,  and  made  their  submission  to  the  king  of  the 
Franks. 

"  The  Plebeian  Annals,  on  the  other  hand,  relate  that  Charles  took  the 
city,  secured  the  persons  of  Desiderius,  his  wife,  and  daughter,  together  with 
the  treasure  in  his  palace  ;  that  thus  the  royal  castle  and  treasure  fell  into  his 
hands,  and  that  then  all  the  Lombards  from  all  the  cities  of  Italy  submitted  to 
the  lordship  of  the  glorious  king  Charles,  and  of  the  Franks. 

"  The  description  of  Einhard  might  suit  any  place,  but  the  other  Annals, 
which  I  believe  record  the  truth,  represent  the  Lombards  upon  their  arrival 
recognizing  the  conqueror  of  Desiderius,  in  possession  of  the  royal  treasure,  as 
their  new  king.     Charles  became  King  of  the  Lombards. 

"This  entailing,  of  course,  Frankish  supremacy,  the  royal  castle  thence- 
forth was  garrisoned  by  Frankish  troops.  Only  the  Old  Chronicler  brings 
out  this  point  with  necessary  clearness  :  custodia  Francorum  in  Papia  civitate 
dimittens. 

"Einhard  hastily  throws  out:  pro  tempore  ordinata  Italia,  although  the 
policy  was  uniformly  adhered  to.  After  the  suppression  of  the  Friulian 
revolt,  the  conquered  cities  of  the  province  received  Frankish  garrisons 
(disposuit  eas  omnes  per  Francos)  ;  it  was  the  natural  course  for  the  main- 
tenance of  order  in  the  East  and  West,  and  the  Frankish  colonists  on  the 
former  frontier  defended  the  country  from  the  incursions  of  the  Avars.  Here 
again  Einhard  has  only  the  general  statement  that  the  Avars,  he  calls  them 
Huns,  made  a  simultaneous  attack  on  Bavaria  and  the  Marche  of  Friuli,  and 
in  utroque  loco  victi  fugatique  sunt. 

"  It  is  probable  that  the  first  of  these  notices  gave  rise  to  the  legend  told 
by  the  peasants  about  Treviso  that  the  old  Roman  military  road  along  the 
Lagunes  was  guarded  by  Roland,  who  amused  himself  with  playing  a  kind  of 
billiards  with  milestones." 

Thus  far  Ranke,  who  expressed  the  views  stated  more  than  thirty  years  ago. 
Since  that  time  the  most  able,  sagacious,  and  keen  criticism  has  busied  itself 


APPENDIX   K.  533 

with  the  whole  question  from  every  conceivable  point  of  view,  without  materi- 
ally shaking  them.  They  have  been,  and  still  are  the  subject  of  animated 
controversy,  but  as  it  would  lead  me  too  far  to  open  and  discuss  it  here,  I  beg 
to  refer  to  Wattenbach,  Deutschland's  Geschichtsquellen  im  Mittelalter,  5  ed., 
I.,  180,  sqq.,  for  a  statement  of  the  controversy,  and  to  the  subjoined  litera- 
ture on  the  whole  subject. 

MG.  SS.  I.,  124-218  ;   separate  reprint,  1845. 
Cod.  Steinveld.  (9),  British  Museum,  Add.  21,109. 

Frese,  De  Einhardi  Vita-  et  Scriptis  Specimen.     Diss.    Berol.    1845  (deny- 
ing Einhard's  authorship). 
Abel,  Einhard's  Jahrbiicher,  Berl.  1850. 

L.   Ranke,   Zur  Kritik  frdnkisch-deutscher  Reichsannalisten,    in    Abhand- 

lungen  der  Berliner  A kademie  aus  de?n  Jahre,  1854,  pp.  415-435. 

G.  Waitz,   Zu  den  Loj-scher   und  Einhard's  Annalen,   in   Getting.   Nach- 

richten,  1857,  pp.  46-52. 
B.  Simson,  De  statu  quacstionis  :  sintne  Einhardi  necne  sint  quos  ei  asctib- 

unt,  Annates  imperii,  Diss.  Regiom.  i860. 
W.   Giesebrecht,   Die  Frankischen   Konigsannalen   und  ihr   Ursprung,   in 

Munch.  Histor.  Jahrbuch,  1864,  pp.  186-238. 
G.  Monod,  Revue  Crit.  1873,  no.  42. 
Fr.  Ebrard,  Reichsannalen  741-829  u.    ihre    Umarbeitung,  in  Forschungen 

XIII.,  425-472. 
E.  Di'inzelmann,  Beitrage  zur  Kritik  der  Karol.  Annalen  in  N.  A.  II.,  475— 

537- 
H.  v.  Sybel,  Historische  Zeitschrift,  XLIL,  260-288  ;  Entgegnung  Simson's, 
Forsch.  XX.,  205-214  ;  Replik  von  Sybel,  H.  Z.  XLIIL,  410; 
Duplik  v.  Simson,  Karl  der  Grosse,  p.  604-611. 
Harnak,  Das  Karol.  u.  das  byz.  Reich,  1880,  Excurs. 

Manitius,  Die  Annal.  Sithienses,  Lauriss.  mitt.,  u.  Enharti  Fuld. — Dissert. 
Lips.  1881. 
"  Einhard's  Werke  u.  ihr  Stil,  N.  A.  VII.,  517-568. 

Is.  Bernays,  Zur  Ktitik  Karol.  Annalen,  Strassb.  1883. 
Dorr,  N.  A.  X. 
To  these  add  : 

Simson,  Bemerkungen   tiber  Sprachgebrauch   und  Stil  der  Annales  Lauris- 
senses  maiores ;  Exc.  III.  in  Jahrb.  des  Frank.  Reichs  unter  K.  d. 
G.,  I.,  659,  ed.  1888. 
"        In  der  Controverse  fiber  die  Annales  Sithienses,  ibid.  Exc.  IV. 
"        Zur  Frage  nach  dem  Ursprung  der  frankischen  Reichsannalen.  ibid. 
II.,  604,  ed.  18S3. 
The  notes  to  the  last  three  papers  contain  very  full  literary  references. 
It  may  be  accepted  as  certain  that,  whatever  was  the  origin  of  the  Annal. 
Lauriss.    major.,   they  were  drawn    up  by  a  succession  of  scribes  ;  and  that 
the  author  of  the  Annals  known  as  Einhard's  1  was  an  incomparably  abler  man 
than  that  of  the  former. 

1  See  p.  535. 


534 


APPENDIX  K. 


Still  avoiding  the  controversy,  I  now  present  in  full  the  record  of  a.  792  in 
both  Annals. 


Annales  Laurissenses  majores. 

792. 
Haeresis  Feliciana  primo  ibi  con- 
demnata  est,  quern  Anghilbertus,  ad 
praesentiam  Adriani  apostolici  adduxit, 
et  confessione  facta  suam  haeresim 
iterum  abdicavit.  Conjuratio  contra 
regem  a  filio  ejus  Pippino  facta,  detecta 
et  compressa  est.  Eodem  anno  nul- 
lum iter  exercitale  factum  est.  Pons 
super  navigia  flumina  transeuntia  fact- 
us  est,  anchoris  et  funibus  ita  cohaer- 
ens,  ut  jungi  et  dissolvi  possit.  Et 
celebravit  domnus  rex  natalem  Domini 
ibi,  similiter  pascha  celebratum  est. 


Einhardi  Annales. 
792. 
Orgellis  est  civitas  in  Pyrinei  montes 
jugo  sita,  cujus  episcopus  nomine 
Felix,  natione  Hispanus,  ab  Elipando, 
Toleti  episcopo,  per  litteras  consultus, 
quid  de  humanitate  salvatoris  dei  et 
domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  sentire 
deberet,  utrum  secundum  id  quod 
homo  est,  proprius  an  adoptivus  Dei 
Alius  credendus  esset  ac  dicendus, 
valde  incaute  atque  inconsiderate,  et 
contra  antiquam  catholicae  ecclesiae 
doctrinam,  adoptivum  non  solum  pro- 
nuntiavit,  sed  etiam  scriptis  ad  memor- 
atum  episcopum  libris,  quanta  potuit 
pertinacia  pravitatem  intentionis  suae 
defendere  curavit.  Hujus  rei  causa 
ductus  ad  palatiam  regis — nam  is  tunc 
apud  Reginum,  Baioariae  civitatem,  in 
qua  hiemaverat  residebat,  ubi  congrega- 
to  episcoporum  consilio  auditus  est,  et 
errasse  convictus,  ad  praesentiam  Ha- 
driani  pontificis  Romam  missus,  ibi 
etiam  coram  ipso  in  basilica  beati  Petri 
apostoli  haeresem  suam  damnavit  atque  abdicavit.  Quo  facto,  ad  civitatem 
suam  reversus  est.  Rege  vero  ibidem  aestatem  agente,  facta  est  contra  ilium 
conjuratio  a  filio  suo  majore,  nomine  Pippino,  et  quibusdam  Francis,  qui  se 
crudelitatem  Fastradae  reginae  ferre  non  posse  adseverabant,  atque  ideo  in 
necem  regis  conspiraverant.  Quae  cum  per  Fardulfum  Langobardorum  detecta 
fuisset,  ipse  ob  meritum  fidei  servatae  monasterio  sancti  Dionisii  donatus  est, 
auctores  vero  conjurationis  ut  rei  majestatis  partim  gladio  caesi,  partim  patib- 
ulis  suspensi,  ob  meditatum  scelus  tali  morte  multati  sunt.  Rex  autem  prop- 
ter bellum  cum  Hunis  susceptum  in  Baioaria  sedens,  pontem  navalem,  quo  in 
Danubio  ad  id  bellum  uteretur,  aedificavit,  ibique  natalem  Domini  et  sanctum 
pascha  celebravit. 

Text  of  Pertz,  MG.  SS.,  I. 

It  is  not  very  hazardous  to  affirm  that  the  first  part  of  the  Annales  Lauriss. 
major,  was  not  composed  till  after  788  and  extends  to  the  end  of  a.  794.  The 
record  of  the  years  787  and  788  dealing  with  the  events  in  Benevento  and 
Bavaria  is  uncommonly  well  done,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  some,  discloses  or 
suggests  the  authorship  of  Arno,  archbishop  of  Salzburg. 

This  portion  of  the  Annals  breathes  the  vivacity  of  intelligent,  contemporary 
observation  by  a  man  thoroughly  familiar  with  all  the  ramifications  of  the 
political  agencies  at  work.     The  style,  however,  and  the  language  are  crude 


APPENDIX   K.  535 

and  barbarous,  but  not  worse  than    found    in    the    contemporary  documents 
indited  at  Rome.1 

A  decided  change  in  both  respects  runs  through  the  subsequent  portions  of 
these  Annals,  and  their  striking  resemblance  with  the  biography  of  Einhard, 
together  with  the  express  but  not  unchallenged  testimony  of  Odilo  (MG.  SS., 
XV.,  37Q  sq.),  that  Einhard  wrote  them — renders  it  probable  that  he  took  part 
in  their  redaction.  At  any  rate,  we  may  not  doubt  that  the  writer,  who  con- 
tinued the  Annals  to  a.  829,  must  have  stood  in  official  relations  to  the  Court, 
and  recorded  contemporary  events. 

The  Annals,  ascribed  to  Einhard,  and  cited  as  his,  are  substantially  a  revision 
of  the  Annal.  Lauriss.  to  a.  801  ;  and,  after  that  date,  almost  identical  with 
them.  Their  coincidences  with  the  Einhardian  biography  are  striking  and 
indicate  a  mutual  dependence,  although  it  is  difficult  to  solve  the  question  if 
the  Vita,  as  is  generally  held,  be  the  outcome  of  the  Annals,  or,  for  the  period 
in  question,  the  Annals  are  the  outcome  of  the  Vita. 

The  Annates  Laurissenses  majores  underwent  other  independent  redactions, 
e.  g.,  one  extending  to  805,  of  which  fragments  have  been  preserved,  has  fur- 
nished the  Annates  Met  tenses  with  peculiar  notices.2 

Annal.  Xantenses  (797-811)  and  Annal.  Maximin.  (beginning  with  a.  790) 
seem  to  be  based  on  Annal.  Lauriss.  maj. 

By  far  the  greater  number  of  the  Annals  are  of  Germanic  origin. 
The  metrical  version  of  the  Annals  by  Poeta  Saxo,  composed  towards  the 
close  of  the  ninth  century,  is  a  work  of  little  value  to  the  historian  ;  it  closely 
follows   the  Annates  Einhardi,  and  adds  only  special  notices  respecting  the 
Saxons.  3 

Resuming  the  brief  notes  on  some  of  the  authorities,  there  remain  to  be  con- 
sidered : 

Annates  Lautissenses  minores,  MG.  SS.,  I.,  121-133  cf.  III.,  18. 
They  are  a  poor  compend,  drawn  up  from  an  older  compilation  (Wattenbach, 
/.  c,  I.,  191),  with  supplementary,  and  possibly,  independent  notices.  They 
run  from  a.  806  to  a.  817  in  two  separate  continuations,  that  of  Fulda  being 
strongly  tinged  with  local  references.  The  Vatican  MS.  Pal.  243  (Arch.  XII. , 
332)  has  not  yet  been  used. 

Chronica  de  sex  aetalibus  mundi,  MG.  SS.,  II.,  256,  a  fragment,  author  un- 
known, extending  to  a.  810,  possesses  no  independent  merit. 

Annates  Maximiani,  MG.  SS.,  XIII.,  19-25,  extending  from  a.  741-811. 
See  Wattenbach,  /.  c.,  I.,  138  sq.;  Compte-rendu,  etc.,  VIII.  (1844),  307- 
322;  Gotting.  Nachr.  1871  ;  NA.  V,  475-501. 
Annates  Flaviniacenses,  containing  the  Annal.  Mosell.  to  a.  785,  are  a  chron- 
ological compilation  from  a.  816  to  879.  Cf.  Waitz,  NA.  V.,  484. 
Chronicon  Moissiacense,  MS.  only  to  Honorius  ;  printed  MG.  SS.,  I.,  280- 
313  ;  cf.  II.,  257,  giving  emendations  from  a.   804-813  after  a  new  MS. 

1  Jaffe,  commenting  on  the  Latin  of     ticorum   praeceptis   abhorret." — BibL 
the  papal  Epistles,  calls  it  "  scribendi      Rer.  Germ.  IV.,  6. 
genus,  quod  ab  omnibus  fere  gramma-  2  See  Abel-Simson,  /.  c.,  I.,  5. 

3  Idem,  /.  c.,  I.,  6  and  note  2. 


536  APPENDIX   K. 

This  Chronicle  drawn  up  from  the  Chronicon  universale  ad  a.  741,  MG.  SS., 
XIII. ,  1-19,  the  compilation  ending  a.  805  or  806  (Wattenbach,  /.  c,  I.,  193,  and 
note  5,  5  ed.,  and  printed  ibid.  p.  540,  2  ed.),  the  Annal.  Lauriss.  and  other 
authorities,  extends  to  a.  818.  It  is  believed  to  contain  valuable  and  otherwise 
unknown  notices  of  Aquitanian  origin.  The  compiler  is  so  conscientious  a 
copyist,  that  the  continuation,  or  last  part  of  the  Chronicle  from  a.  813-818,  is 
believed  to  be  also  the  production  of  another  but  unknown  author. 

The  Chron.  Moiss.  which  appears  to  have  been  produced  in  the  South  of 
France,  exists  in  two  entirely  different  redactions,  one  made  at  Moissac  (in 
which  the  period  a.  716-777  is  omitted),  and  another  at  Aniane.  The  latter 
contains  very  arbitrary  and  astonishing  additions,  such  as  the  substitution  of 
Spanish  names  for  Saxon  ones  under  a.  779,  780.  (Wattenbach,  /.  c,  I.,  194  ; 
Monod,  Revue  critique,  1873,  II.,  262.) 


Alcuini  Opera,  ed.  Frobenius  (Froben  Forster,  prince-abbot  of  St.  Emmeram) 
4  vols.  fo.  Ratisb.  1777. — Reprinted  in  Migne  C.  CL. 

Monumenta  Alcuiniana,  being  Vol.  VI.  of  Jaffe,  Bibliolheca  Rerum  Ger- 
manicarum,  contains  the  best  edition  of  the  epistles  and  historical  writings, 
edited  after  the  preliminary  labors  of  Jaffe,  by  Diimmler  and  Wattenbach. 
The  poetical  works  of  Alcuin  are  edited  by  Dummler  in  Poet.  Lat.  etc.,  I.,  160- 
351.  The  epistles  of  Alcuin  are  extremely  valuable  for  the  second  half  of  the 
reign  of  Charles. 

On  the  other  hand  the  epistles  in  the  Codex  Carolinus  (Monumenta  Carolina, 
Jaffe,  Bibl.  Rer.  German.  IV.)  are  a  rich  storehouse  of  authentic  information, 
especially  for  the  first  half  of  the  same  reign.  It  contains  only  the  epistles  of 
the  popes,  none  of  Charles  ;  but  the  merit  of  the  collection  belongs  to  Charles 
himself,  who  commanded  it  to  be  made  in  791. 


Einhard's  Vita  Caroli  is  only  of  secondary  importance  as  an  authority,  although, 
viewed  as  a  purely  literary  production,  it  marks  an  era  in  the  history  of  literature, 
being  justly  regarded  as  the  best  biography  written  since  the  classical  period. 

Ranke  (/.  c.)  says  concerning  it  : 

"  Among  modern  works  none  is  probably  more  strongly  marked  by  imitation 
of  classical  models  than  Einhard's  biography  of  Charles  the  Great.  He  copies 
Suetonius  in  expression  and  phrase,  the  arrangement  of  the  subject  and  the  very 
sequence  of  the  chapters.  It  is  truly  startling  that  an  author  undertaking  the 
portraiture  of  one  of  the  grandest  and  rarest  characters  in  the  realm  of  history, 
hunts  for  words  previously  applied  to  some  of  the  emperors. 

"  He  delights  to  set  forth  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  his  hero  in  the 
phrase  of  Suetonius  as  found  in  the  biographies  of  Augustus,  Vespasian,  Titus, 
and  even  of  Tiberius.  He  arranged  the  dimensions  of  his  biography,  like  his 
architectural  works,  after  antique  models,  and  imbedded  antique  remains  in 
both.  We  may  believe  that  he  did  not  violate  truth,  but  he  could  not  with 
such  a  method  bring  out  the  whole  originality  of  his  subject.  History  demands 
more  than  beautiful  diction  ;  it  insists  first  and  foremost  upon  strict  truthful- 
ness, which  is  incompatible  with  artificiality,  and  must  suffer  from  constant 
reference  to  a  model. 


APPENDIX   K.  537 

"  Einhard  doubtless  intended  to  furnish  a  pleasing  and  comprehensive 
account  rather  than  one  strictly  accurate,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  his  small 
volume  teems  with  historical  blunders. 

"  The  regnal  years  are  not  infrequently  given  wrongly,  e.  g.  Carloman  is 
said  to  have  reigned  only  two  years,  whereas  his  reign  contemporary  with  that 
of  Charles  the  Great  exceeded  three  ;  in  the  division  of  the  Empire  between 
the  two  brothers,  the  biographer  narrates  the  opposite  of  what  actually  took 
place  ;  he  represents  indecisive  battles,  e.  g. ,  the  engagement  on  the  Berre,  as 
decisive  ;  he  confounds  the  names  of  the  popes,  and  even  blunders  in  mention- 
ing the  wives  and  children  of  Charles  the  Great  ;  indeed  his  errors  are  so 
numerous  that  the  established  genuineness  of  the  work  has  often  been  ques- 
tioned." 

Thus  far  Ranke.  We  may  add,  that  without  impugning  the  honesty  of  Ein- 
hard, the  biography  is  too  general,  too  rhetorical,  too  much  arranged  for  general 
effect  to  be  of  value  to  the  historian.  It  is  a  general  sketch  of  the  emperor 
rather  than  of  the  man  Charles,  and  such  may  have  been  all  that  Einhard  pro- 
posed to  do.1  He  admits  that  "  no  man  can  write  with  more  accuracy  than  I 
of  events  that  took  place  about  me,  and  of  facts  concerning  which  I  had  per- 
sonal knowledge,  ocular  demonstration,  as  the  saying  goes  ;  "  yet  in  these  very 
points  he  often  maintains  a  tantalizing  silence,  and  it  is  impossible  to  exonerate 
him  from  the  charge  of  intentional  mystification.  It  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge 
upon  this  theme  here,  having  been  frequently  noticed  in  previous  portions  of 
this  volume. 

The  general  picture  of  the  Einhardian  Charles  is  doubtless  accurate  and  life- 
like, but  we  need  the  light  of  the  Annals,  Epistles,  Laws,  Poems,  and  other 
contemporary  records,  in  order  to  see  and  understand  it  aright. 

In  German  literature,  moreover,  this  biography  is  a  landmark  as  the  first 
biography  commemorating  a  secular  character,  for  until  then  the  only  lives 
written  were  those  of  ecclesiastics,  especially  of  saints. 

Among  these  some  are  of  great  value  and  importance  for  the  history  of 
Charles  the  Great ;  especially  : 

Eigil.   Vita  S.  Sturmi,  MG.  SS.  II. 

Altfridii  Vita  Liudgerii,  ed.  Diekamp,  Geschichtsquellen  des  Bisthums 
Miinster,  IV. 

Vita  S.  Willehadi,  MG.  SS.  II. 

Hucbaldi  Vita  Lebuini,  MG.  SS.  II. 


The  epistles  of  Einhard  (Jaffe,  Bibl.  IV.)  are  valuable  only  for  the  history  of 
Louis  the  Pious  ;  his  Translatio  SS.  Marcellini  et  Petri  (ed.  Henschen,  Acta 
SS.  Jun.  I.,  1S1-206  ;  ed.  Waitz,  MG.  SS.  XV.,)  sheds  light  on  the  morality, 
and  habits  of  life  of  the  period,  such  as  modes  of  travel,  and  contains  valuable 
topographical  notices. 

Thegani  Vita  Hludowici  imperatoris,  MG.  SS.  II.,  585  sqq.,  the  Vita  Hludo- 
wici  imperatoris,  ascribed  to  Astronomus,  ibid.  II.,   604  sqq.;    and    Ermoldi 

1  Preface  to  the  Vita. 


53§  APPENDIX   K. 

Nigelli  Carmina,  ibid.  II.,  464  sqq.,  though  belonging  to  the  next  reign,  con- 
tain important  details  for  the  history  of  Charles. 

Of  considerable  importance  and  value  also  are  the  lives  of  the  several  con- 
temporary popes : 

Vita  Stephani  III.,  apud  Duchesne,  Lib.  pontif.  I. 

Vita  Hadriani  I.,  apud  Muratori,  Rer.  Ital.  SS.  III. 

Vita  Leonis  III.,  ibid. 

The  Vitae  Pontificum  Romanorum  sive  Liber  Pontificalis,  generally  ascribed 
to  Anastasius,  the  Librarian,  exists  in  many  editions,  of  which  that  of  Vig- 
nolle,  Romae  1724-53  in  3  vols.  40,  enjoys  the  reputation  of  being  the  best. 
On  the  different  texts  see :  Duchesne,  £tude  sur  le  Liber  pontificalis,  Paris, 
1877  !  an&  tne  reply  of  Waitz  in  NA.  IV.,  215  sqq.,  entitled  :  Ueber  die  ver- 
schiedejien  Texte  des  Liber  pontificalis. 

The  Liber pont.  contains  biographical  sketches  of  the  popes  from  St.  Peter 
to  Nicolaus  I.,  but  they  are  manifestly  not  the  work  of  Anastasius,  who 
seems  to  have  contributed  only  the  concluding  portion.  The  earlier  lives 
were  written  by  different  authors,  and  at  different  times  ;  they  are  of  unequal 
merit,  and  the  book  should  be  used  with  the  utmost  caution. 


Pauli  Diaconi  Gesta  epp.  Mett.  MG.  SS.  II.,  260  sqq.,  his  Historia  Lango- 
bardorum,  Waitz,  SS.  rer.  Langob.,  must  not  be  omitted  ;  the  latter  extends 
only  to  the  death  of  Liutprand,  a.  744,  and  consequently  contains  hardly  any- 
thing of  use  for  the  history  of  Charles,  but  the  former,  as  founded  partly  on 
old  and  lost  documents,  partly  on  local  tradition,  are  of  permanent  value. 


Erchempert.  Historia  Langobardorum  Benevent.  SS.  rerum  Langobard.,  a 
work  written  towards  the  close  of  the  ninth  century,  and  the  Chronicon  Saler- 
nitanum,  MG.  SS.,  III.,  contain  valuable  information,  but  require  to  be  used 
with  caution. 

The  same  observation  applies  to  Agnelli  Liber  pontificalis  eccl.  Ravenn. 
SS.  rer.  Langobard.,  the  Chronicon  Cassinense,  MG.  SS.  III.,  to  Theophanis 
Chronographia,  ed.  de  Boor,  to  Andr.  Dandul.  Chronic.  Muratori,  Rer.  It. 
SS.  XII.,  Andr.  Bergom.  Hist.,  SS.  rer.  Langob.,  and  a  number  of  other 
works,  occasionally  cited  in  this  volume. 


The  work  of  the  Monk  of  St.  Gall  (Monachus  Sangallensis,  MG.  SS.  II., 
726  sqq. ;  Jaffe,  Bibl.  IV.,  619  sqq.,)  though  rather  a  repertory  of  historical 
and  legendary  anecdotes  than  history,  supplies  valuable  notices,  but  all  his 
statements  need  verification  and  must  be  received  with  great  caution.  Some 
conjecture  him  to  be  identical  with  Notker,  the  Stammerer. 

His  book  gives  an  excellent  idea  of  the  popular  conception  of  the  great 
emperor  about  seventy  years  after  his  death,  the  date  of  its  composition 
(a.  883),  and  records  many  a  characteristic  trait  which  otherwise  would  not  be 
known. 


Poetic  authorities,  mentioned  and  cited  in  different  portions  of  this  volume 


APPENDIX   K.  539 

need  not  be  recapitulated ;  they  are  collected  in  the  meritorious  volumes  of 
Dummler,  Poetae  Latini  Aevi  Carolini,  2  vols.  40.  in  Monumenta  Germ. 
Historiae. 

The  vast  and  most  important  Collection  of  Laws,  under  the  splendid 
editorship  of  Boretius,  in  his  Capitularia  Regum  Francorum  ;  and  Capitularien 
im  Langobardenreich,  is  a  rich  treasury  especially  for  the  second  half  of  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  Great  ;  unfortunately  it  is  not  indexed.  A  full  list  of  the 
Capitularies  is  given  in  Appendix  G. 

Numerous  public  and  private  documents,  mostly  diplomas,  pertaining  to 
the  several  portions  of  the  Frankish  empire,  are  in  many  respects  decisive 
authorities,  and  very  important. 

They  are  given  in  chronological  order  and  with  clear  analysis,  by  Bohmer- 
Muhlbacher  in  Regestcn  des  Kaiserreichs  unter  den  Karolingern.  Compare 
Sickel,  Regesten  der  Urkunden  der  ersten  Karolinger ;  Urkundenlehre  ;  Fickel, 
Beitrage  zur  Urkundenlehre ;  Jaffe,  Regest.  Pontif.,  2  ed. 

Among  the  earliest  traditions  respecting  Charles  the  Great  may  be  named  : 
Visio  domni   Caroli,   assigned  to  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,   Jaffe, 
Bibl.  IV.,  701.     See  p.  492  sqq. 

Expeditio  Hispanica,  MG.  SS.  III.,  708. 

Legends  in  the  Chronicon  Novaliciense,  MG.  SS.  VII. 

The  story  of  a  duel  between  Charles  and  Wittekind,  MG.  SS.  X.,  576. 

Vita  S.  Arnoldi,  in  Acta  SS.  Jul.  IV. ,  449  sqq. 

On  the  poetic  history  of  Charles,  see  G.  Paris,  Histoire  poetique  de  Charle- 
magne, Paris,  1865,  and  the  subjoined  Chronological  Table  of  the  Poetical 
History  of  Charlemagne. 

{From  the  French  of  L.  Gautier.) 

I.  The  most  ancient  group  is  represented  in  the  Song  of  Roland,  founded 
not  only  on  legends  dating  from  the  IXth  and  even  the  VHIth  centuries,  but 
on  historical  texts  of  considerable  importance.  [Einh.  Vita  Caroli,  9  ;  Annales, 
and  Poeta  Saxo  ad  a.  778  ;  Vita  Hludowici,  MG.  SS.  II.,  608.] 

II.  Simultaneously  with  the  legend  of  Roncevaux,  but  independently  in 
another  cycle,  arose  that  of  Ogger  (Ogier),  which  has  also  a  historical  basis. 
[Epistle  of  Pope  Paul  to  Pepin  a.  760,  Bouquet  V.,  122;  Chronic.  Moissiac. 
from  752-814,  ib.  pp.  69,  70;  Monach.  Sangall.  II.,  26;  Anastasius,  a.  753, 
772,  774;  Annal.  Lobiens.  MG.  SS.  II.,  195  ;  Chronic.  Sancti  Martini  Colo- 
niens.  a.  778,  ibid.  II.,  214;  Chronic.  Sigebert.,  Xlth  cent.;  Bouquet,  V., 
376  ;  Conversio  Othgaii  militis,  of  the  Xth  or  Xlth  cent.;  the  tomb  of  Ogger 
at  S.  Faro,  Acta  SS.  Ord.  S.  Bened.,  saec.  IV.,  pars  I.,  pp.  664,  5.]  Related 
to  this  group  are  :  Chevaletie  Ogier  de  Danemarche  by  Raimbert  ;  Enfances 
Ogier,  of  Adenes  ;  the  third  branch  of  the  Karlamagnus  Saga  and  the  fourth 
of  the  Charlemagne  of  Venice. 

III.  Towards  the  close  of  the  Xth  century  a  falsification  of  the  text  of 
Eginhard  gave  rise  to  the  legend  of  the  voyage  to  Jerusalem  [Benedicti  Chroni- 


540  APPENDIX   K. 

con,  MG.  SS.  III.,  pp.  710  sq.]  from  which  sprung  the  first  part  of  the  Voyage 
to  Jerusalem  and  Constantinople,  and  from  this  two  narratives  of  the  Karla- 
magnus  Saga. 

IV.  In  the  middle  of  the  Xlth  century  a  monk  of  Compostella  wrote  the 
first  five  chapters  of  the  pretended  Chronique  de  Turpin,  with  the  history  of 
an  entire  crusade  of  Charles  in  Spain.  This  narrative  has  not  had  any  influ- 
ence on  the  development  of  French  Romance. 

V.  Prior  to  the  redaction  of  the  Song  of  Roland  {Chanson  de  Roland) 
numerous  legends,  and  most  probably  certain  poems  treating  of  other 
episodes  in  the  lives  of  Charles  or  Roland,  were  already  in  circulation.  The 
original  text  of  Roland  contains  very  plain  allusions  to  the  capture  of  Nobles, 
as  told  in  the  first  branch  of  the  Karlamagnus  Saga;  to  the  embassy  of 
Basin  and  Basile,  retold  much  later  by  the  author  of  the  capture  of  Pampe- 
luna  {Prise  de  Pampelune) ;  and  to  the  family  of  Olivier  as  presented  in  Girars 
de  Viane.  Of  course  these  poems  older  than  the  Song  of  Roland  were  not 
identical  with  those  which  we  possess  now,  but  analogous  songs  in  assonance, 
and  decasyllabic,  etc. 

VI.  The  traditions  and  legends  thus  far  enumerated  are  based  on  certainty; 
but  those  which  follow,  and  not  mentioned  in  the  Chanson  de  Roland,  rest 
only  on  probability.  The  facts  detailed  at  length  in  the  versions  of  Renans  de 
Montauban  which  have  come  down  to  us,  those  given  in  connection  with  the 
Spanish  war  in  the  Kaiserscronik  of  the  Xllth  centuiy,  in  parts  I.  and  V.  of 
the  Karlamagnus  Saga,  in  the  second  third  of  the  Entree  en  Espagne,  in  the 
Prise  de  Pampelune,  and  the  last  part  of  Girars  de  Viane,  must  have  circu- 
lated in  France,  for  an  indefinite  length  of  time,  before  the  Xllth  century. 

VII.  The  Song  of  Roland  has  passed  through  different  hands  and  under- 
gone repeated  rejuvenation  ;  and  it  grew  under  the  process.  Some  of  the 
new  episodes  added  to  it,  such  as  the  capture  of  Narbonne,  are  based  on 
tradition,  while  others,  such  as  the  two  flights  of  Ganelon,  his  fight  with 
Othe,  the  interview  of  Aude  and  Gilain,  etc.,  are  purely  imaginary. 

VIII.  Chapter  VI.,  etc.,  of  the  Chronicle  of  Turpin  may  be  assigned  to  the 
interval  between  1109  and  11 19,  when  the  Romance  sources  from  which  it 
sprang  were  corrupted,  distorted,  and  clericalized.  This  apocryphal  work  has 
considerably  influenced  the  Romance  Literature  of  the  French. 

IX.  Quite  a  series  of  poems,  half  legendary,  half  fictitious,  originated  from 
rather  vague  traditions  of  the  Xllth  century  and  later.  The  taking  of  Rome 
by  the  Saracens  gave  rise  to  the  old  poem  of  Balant  revived  by  M.  G.  Paris, 
to  Fierabras,  and  even  to  Aspremont  in  which  other  traditions  may  be  found. 

X.  Several  universal  stories,  met  with  in  every  land  {e.  g.  the  traitor,  the 
avenger,  the  innocent  wife  restored  to  honor,  etc.)  induced  the  composition  of 
the  Enfance  de  Charles  from  the  close  of  the  Xllth  to  the  commencement  of 
the  XHIth  centuries.  That  legend  reappears  in  Enfances  Charlemagnes  of 
Venice  (at  the  end  of  the  Xllth  century) ;  Chronique  Saintongeaise  (beginning 
of  the  XHIth  century) ;  Meinet  in  French  verse,  fragments  of  which  (Xllth 
century)  have  recently  been  discovered  in  Berte  aux  grans  pies  (about  1275)  ; 
the  Strieker  of  1230 ;  the  Chronicle  of  Weihenstephan  (originated  in  the 
XlVth    century,    MS.    of    the    XVth    cent.);    Wolter's    Chronica   Bremensis 


APPENDIX   K.  54I 

(XVth  c.)  ;  the  Karlamagnus  Saga  (second  third  of  the  XHIth  cent.)  ;  Girart 
d'Amiens,  Charlemagne  (beginning  of  the  XlVth  c.) ;  Karl  Meinet  (beginning 
of  the  XlVth  cent.)  ;  and  in  Reali  (about  1350),  etc. 

XI.  However,  with  a  view  to  contesting  the  pretensions  of  French  legen- 
daries, there  were  invented  in  Spain  certain  legends  designed  to  ruin  the  glory 
of  Roland.  Such  is  the  drift  of  the  Cronica  Hispaniae  by  Rodrick  of  Toledo 
(+  1247X  of  the  Cronica  General  of  Alphonso  X.  (2d  half  of  the  XHIth  cent.) 
and  several  other  Romants. 

XII.  Lastly,  the  works  which  follow  are  purely  literary  and  imaginary  : 
viz.,  Jean  de  Lanson  ;  Simon  de  Pouille  ;  Otinel ;  the  last  part  of  the  Entrance 
of  Spain  {Roland  en  Orient )  ;  Gui  de  Bourgogne  ;  Gaidon ;  Ans/is  de  Car- 
thage j  Galien  ;  the  last  part  of  Voyage  to  Jerusalem,  and  some  parts  of  Girars 
de  Viane. 

Thus  all  our  Songs  of  Feats  (gestes)  range  from  those  with  some  historical 
basis  to  such  as  not  only  cease  to  be  legendary,  but  are  only  novels  in  the 
modern  acceptation  of  the  word. 

For  a  much  fuller  account,  and  an  analysis  of  not  less  than  thirty  such 
chansons  by  M.  Gautier,  see  his  epopees  Francaises,  t.  II. 


INDEX. 


Latin,  and  occasionally  modern  foreign  proper  names,  foreign  words,  and  most  of  the 
titles  of  works,  are  printed  in  italics. 
Abbreviations,  M.,  monastery;   P.,  palace  ;  R.,  river;  St.,  saint. 
The  list  of  saints  precedes  that  of  churches,  etc.,  called  after  them. 


Aa,  R,  148. 

Abaidun,  wali  of  Tortosa,  437. 

Abbassides,  154,  414. 

Abbio,  Saxon  chief,  121  sq. 

Abdallah,  ambassador  of  Harun,  438. 

Abdallah,  Ommiad  Saracen,  295  sq. 

Abd-el-Malek,  290. 

Abdel-Rhaman,    Abderrahman,  al.  21 

sqq. 
Abdel-Rhaman,  Abderrhaman,  Abdur- 

rhaman,  emir  of   Cordova,  '54,155, 

295- 
Abdel-Rhaman,    son    of    El    Hakem, 

435  sq. 
Abimelech,  son  of  Gideon,  220. 
Abiscamp,  battle  of,  291. 
Abodrites,   a  Wendish  tribe,  127  sq., 

130,  137  sq.,  139  sqq.,  440  sqq.,  462, 

489,  496. 
Abraham,  khakhan,  206. 
Abul-Abbas,  elephant,  414. 
Abu-Taher,  Abu- tor,  Abitaurus,   158, 

289. 
Acroama,  240. 
Acropoli,  Lucania,  304. 
Adalbert,  canon,  265,  486. 
Adalbert,  vassal  of  duke  Ceroid,  198. 
Adalgis,  chamberlain,  116  sq. 
Adalhard,  abbot  of  Corbie,  81,  86,  142, 

174,   243,  253,  264,  374,  378,  449, 

451,  470,  475. 
Adalinda,  see  Adelaide. 
Adalpert,  abbot  of  Tegernsee,  207. 
Adalric,  the  Vasconian,  287  sqq. 
Adaltrud,  daughter  of  Charles,  233. 
Adalung,  abbot  of  Lorsch,  456. 
Adelaide,  Adalhaid,  Adelhaid,  daugh- 
ter of  Charles,  108. 
Adelaide,    daughter   of   Pepin,    k.    of 

Italy,  446. 


Adelaide,  Adalhaid,  Adelheid,  Ada- 
linda, morganatic  wife  of  Charles, 
473  sq. 

Adelchis,  son  and  associate  of  Desi- 
derius,  77,  80,  91  sq.,  96,  98,  166 
sq.,  190,  302,  305,  310. 

Adelperga,  Adelberga,  daughter  of 
Desiderius,  wife  of  Arigiso,  175, 
261,  302  sq. 

Adigo,  valley  of  the,  180. 

"Administration,"  394-406. 

"  in  Aquitaine,  283  sqq. 

in  Italy,  301  sq.,  451, 
496. 

Adoptianism,  325  sqq. 

Adoption,  by  cutting  the  hair,  29  note. 

Adriatic,  the,  431,  494,  496. 

Aelbert,  archbishop  of  York,  241. 

Aesar,  491  sq.,  note. 

Aetius,  patrician,  408. 

Afiarte,  Paul,  partisan  of  Desiderius, 
88. 

Africa,  21,  414,  427,  439. 

African  Christians,  466. 

Agde,  27. 

Agilfrid,  bishop  of  Liege,  151. 

Agilolfingians,  67,  184,  188. 

Agnellus,  Liber pontific.  ecd.  Ravenn., 
538. 

Agriculture,  64. 

Agrippa,  491  note. 

Ahmed  el  Mokri,  295,  435  note. 

Aio,  Lombard,  duke  of  Friuli,  452. 

Aisa,  fate,  492  note. 

Aix,  in  the  Provence,  454  note. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  71,  133,  199,  202, 
233>  237,  239,  266  sq.,  271  sqq., 
295  sq.,  311,  313  note,  316,  391, 
399,  409,  414,  416,  433,  443,  450, 
459  sq.,  464,  474  sqq.,  481,  483  sq. 
note,  485,  490,  496  note. 


544 


INDEX. 


Aix-la-Chapelle,  synod  of,  329,  449. 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  cathedral  at,  see   St. 

Mary  the  Virgin,  basilica  of. 
Alberich,  abbot  at  Utrecht,  146. 
Albinus,  chamberlain,  343. 
Albiola,  431  sq. 
Alcuin's  epistles  to  Charles,  Table  of, 

Alcuini  Opera,  536. 

Moniimenta  Akuiniana,  536. 

Alchiiini  Vita,  300. 

Aldulf,  deacon,  440. 

Alemannia,  Alamannia,  Suabia,  3°. 
52,  419,  495,  and  passim. 

Alemannian  Code,  59  sqq. 

Alemannians,  Alamanm,  Alemanni, 
31,  32,  54,  67,  1S5,  201,  203. 

Alexander  the  Great,  498,  501. 

Alcuin,  Flaccus,  Albinus,  abbot  of  St. 
Martin's,  Tours,  125,  134  sq.,  138, 
144,  147,  172,  197,  200,  204,  2ii,  226 
sqq..  231,  239,  241-251,  253  sq.,  260, 
264  sqq.,  268,  270,  289,  300  sq.,  313 
note,  327,  329  sqq.,  337,  348,  351 
sqq.,  364,  388,  416  sq.,  439,  449, 
473.  5°3.  an<i  passim. 

Aldana,  mother  of  Wilhelmus,  288. 

Alexander  III.  pope,  487. 

Alexander,  bishop  of  Liege,  487. 

Alexandria,  439. 

Algihad,  holy  war,  289  sq. 

Alim,  bishop  of  Seben,  207. 

Allah,  315. 

Aller,  R.,  118. 

Alio,  duke,  172. 

Allodial  lands,  67. 

Alme,  R.,  130. 

Alonso  II.,  king  of  Gallicia  and  As- 
turia,  135,  294,  296. 

Alpais,  wife  of  Pepin  of  Heristal,  18. 

Alps,  the,  21,  42  sq.,  90,  414,  419  sq., 

495,  503- 
Alpuni,  abbot  of  Sandau,  208. 
Alsatia,    Alsace,    Elsass,  32,   52,  167, 

495- 
Altabicar,  Altabicaren  Cantua,  160. 
Altfrid,  biographer  of  Liudger,  537. 
Altmi'thl,  R..  277  sq. 
Amalarius,  Symphysitis,  244,  460. 
Amain,  464. 
Ambleve,   19. 

Amorbach,  M.,  in  the  Odenwald,  151. 
Amoroz,  wali,  435  sq. 
Ampurias,  Spanish  Marche,  465. 
Anastasius,   the  Librarian,  biographer 

of  the  popes,  94,  97,  356,  538. 
Anaxagoras,  227  note. 
Ancona,  354,  405. 

"        Marches  of,  49. 


Andr.  Bergom.  Hist.,   538. 

Andr.  Dandul.  Chron.,  538. 

Anecdotes,  73,  81,  91,  97,  211,  220  sq., 
235,  258  sq.,  262,  272  sqq.,  312,  444 
note. 

Angeac,  P.,  293. 

Angilram,  archbishop  of  Metz,  193, 
377.  388. 

Angilbert,  Homer,  chaplain,  poet,  au- 
riculus,  abbot  of  St.  Riquier,  138, 
174,  225,  229,  232,  239,243  sq.,  253 
sq.,  258  and  note,  260,  264,  267, 
300,  313  note,  327,  332,  339  sq.,  344, 
347.  351  sq.,  377.  445.  45&,  502. 

Anglo-Saxons,  398,  405. 

Angria,  Engern,  part  of  Saxony. 

Angrians,  54,  no,  114,  133  and  passim, 
101-153. 

Angouleme,  75. 

Aniane,  M.,  285  sq.,  287  sq. 

Aniane,  R.,  285. 

Annates  Alamannici,  527. 

Annates,  ut  videtur,  Alcuini,  528. 

Annates  S.  Amandi,  526. 

Annates  Bawaiici  breves,  527. 

Annates  S.  Dionysii,  527. 

Annates  Einhardi,  529  sqq. 

Annates  S.  Emmerani  tnaj.  et  minor., 

527- 
Annates  Flaviniacenses,  535. 
Annates  Fuldenses  antiatei,  527  sq. 
Annates  S.  Germani  Paris,  527. 
"         "  "        minores, 

527- 
Annates  Guelferbytani,  527. 
Annates  Juvavenses  major,  et  minor., 

527- 

Annates  Laubacenses,  526. 

Annates  Laureshamenses ,  527. 

Annates  Laurissenses  majores,  529  sqq. 
"  "        et     An- 

nates Einhardi,  compared,  529  sqq. 

Annates  Laurissenses  maj.  et  Annal. 
Einhardi  a.  792,  534. 

Annates  Laurissenses  minores,  535. 

Annates  Lindisfarnenses,  527  sq. 

Annates  Loiseiiani,  see  A.  Lauriss. 
maj. 

Annates  Maximiani,  535. 

Annates  Afettenses,  535. 

Annates  Mosellani,  526. 

Annates  A/urbacenses,  527. 

Annates  Arazariani,  527. 

Annates  Petaviani,  526. 

Annates plebei,  see  A.  Lauriss.  maj. 

Annates  Tiliani,  526. 

Annates  Xanthenses,  535. 

Annals,  Royal,  Court,  Imperial,  see 
Annal.  Lauriss.  maj. 


INDEX. 


545 


Ansa,   queen    of   Desiderius,    97  sq., 

397.  499- 
Anselm,  count  Palatine,  159. 
Ansigisil,  Aclalgisel,  Anchisus,  17. 
Antecopsita,  picture  of  Christ,  40. 
Anteus,  298. 

Anthimus,  duke  of  Naples,  464. 
Antrustion,  61. 
Anulo,  claimant  of  the  Danish  throne, 

461. 
Aosta,  420. 

Aquae,  Dax  on  the  Adour,  468. 
Aquino,  178. 
Aquitaine,  19,  21,  26,  52,  74  sq.,  i§6, 

283  sqq.,   287  sqq.,    299,    312  sq., 

413,  419  sq.,  432,  451,  468,  478,  481, 

495,  passim. 
Aquitaine,    royal   villas    in,    293    and 

note. 
Aquitaine,  corruption  in,  297  sq. 
Aquitanian  Revolt,  51. 
Aquitanians,  32,  54,  and  passim. 
Arab  walis,  287. 

Arabs,  21  sqq.,  31,  154,  290,  435,  467. 
Arce,  178. 

Archchaplains,  apocrisiarii,  377. 
Architecture,  271. 

domestic,  64. 
Ardennes  Range,  32,  82,  475  sq.,  478. 
Arezzo,  bishopric  of,  368. 
Arichis,    Arigiso,    brother   of    Paulus 

Diaconus,  168  sq.,  261. 
Arigiso,  Aregis,  Arichiso,  al.  175,  177 

sq.,    179,    190,   261,    263,   302,   304, 

309  sq. 
Aries,  27,  391,  and  454  note. 
Arluin,  curator,  284. 
Arminius,  25,  107,  113. 
Arno,  Am,  Aquila,  archbishop  of  Salz- 
burg, 179  sq.,  184,    186,    193,    202, 

209,    210    sq.,    243    sq.,    330,    348, 

350.  451  note,  454- 
Arnold,     baiulus   of    King   Louis    of 

Aquitaine,   174. 
Arnulf,  bishop  of  Metz,  17. 
Arpino,  178. 
Arsafius,     spatharius,     45 1     sq.,    457, 

459- 
Arthur,  124. 
Ascaricus,  bishop,  326. 
Ascarius,  count,  344. 
Asenbrugg,  152. 
Aschheim,  synod  of,  207. 
Asia,  21. 

Asnapium,  Villa,  403  sqq. 
Astolf,  king  of  the  Lombards,  39,  40, 

41.  42  to  51. 
Astronomus,  biographer  of  Louis  the 

Pious,  477  note. 

35 


Astronomus,  Vita  Hludowici  impcrat- 

oris,  wj  note. 
Astronomy,  268. 
Astura,  492  note. 
Asturia,  290,  326,  411,  495. 
Alalia,  359. 

Atlantic  Ocean,  54,  494. 
Attigny,  P.,  on  the  Aisne,  122,  399. 
Attila,  191,  199. 
Atto,  deacon,  302,  304. 
Atto,  Hatto,  abbot  of  Scharnitz,  bish- 
op of  Freising,   207,  209,  265,  350. 
Atula,  daughter  of  Pepin,  k.  of  Italy, 

446. 
Auch,  church  of,  454  note. 
Auda,  sister  of  Autchar,  Otgar,  83. 
Aude,  R.,  291. 
Audulf,  Menalcas,  seneschal,  217,  244, 

281. 
Auerochs  (buffalo)  hunt,  238. 
Augsburg,  180. 
Augustus,  Life  of,  254. 
Aureolus,  count,  435. 
Auriculus,  232,  353. 
Ausona,  Vich,  in  the  Spanish  Marche, 

294. 
Autchar,  see  Autcharius. 
Austragild,  queen,  58. 
Austrasia,  Austria,  18  sqq.,  30,  52,  216, 

419,  495,  and  passim. 
Austrasians,  18  sqq.,  155,  and  passim. 
Austro-Hungarian  monarchy,  495. 
Autcharius,     Autchar,    Otger,    Ogger, 

etc.,  partisan  of    Carloman,  40,   78 

note,  82,  89,  98,  118. 
Authari,  commissioner,  307. 
' '  Authorities  for  the  History  of  Charles 

the  Great,"  526. 
Autun,  21. 
Auxois,  419. 
Avalon,  419. 
Avars,    127  sqq.,    179,    182  sq.,    189- 

212,    277,  280,  287,  306,  360,  445, 

469,  489,  496,  and  passim. 
Avignon,  126  sq. 
Azov,  Sea  of,  204. 


B 

Babylon,  503. 
Bacchus,  229,  347. 
Baddenfelde,  on  the  Eder,  114. 
Badenfliot,    Beienfleth,   on    the    Stor, 

442. 
Bagdad, 154. 

"       khalif  of,  466  sq.,  500. 
Bagnorea,  Balneum  Regis,  178. 
Baiulus,  174,  253,  283,  301,  451  note. 
Baldwin,  fictitious  character,  164. 


546 


INDEX. 


Balearic  Isles,  297,  299,  495. 

Sea,  54. 
Ballista,  97. 

Ealtic,  the,  128,  441,  494  sqq. 
Banns,  394. 
B annum,  103  note. 
Bant,  submerged  island,  147. 
Baptismal  formula,  122. 
Barcelona,  52,  156,  410  sqq.,  436. 
Bardengau,  121,  130,  139. 
Bardowick,  130,  137  sq.,  389,  406. 
Basileus,  459. 

Basiliscus,  ambassador,  296. 
Basques,  159  sqq. 
Bathing,  239. 

Baugulf,  abbot  of  Fulda,  265. 
Bavaria,  20,  30,  51, 175  sqq.,  183  sqq., 

189  sq.,  196,  206  sqq.,  281,  302,  416, 

419,  495,  and  passim. 
Bavaria,  synods  in,  207. 
Bavarian  code,  59  sqq.,  77,  207,  382. 
Bavarians,  20,  22,  31,  54,   60,  67,  155, 

181  sqq.,  190,  193,  201,  and  passim. 
Beatrice,  wife  of  Frederic  I.,  487. 
Beatus,    doge    of    Venice,    415,    430, 

457- 
Beatus,  presbyter,  326. 
Bede,  venerable,  241. 
Begga,  daughter  of  Pepin  the  Old,  17. 
Belgium,  494. 
Bellona,  470. 
Benedict  of  Aniane,  Vitiza,  267,   285 

sqq.,  288,  330. 
Benedict,  musician,  180. 
Benedictio,  292. 

Beneventans,  302  sqq.,  305,  309,  445. 
Benevento,     Beneventum,     city,    303 

sqq.,  492  note. 
Benevento,  duchy,  94,   175,   177,   179, 

3o3  sqq.,    351,   354,  407  sqq.,  410, 

470,  496  sq. 
Benevento,  duke  of,  99,  166,  175  sqq., 

306. 
Bera,  count,  413,  433,  437,  457. 
Berceto,  94. 
Bernald,    bishop    of    Strasburg,    264, 

477  note. 
Bernard,  Great  St.,  90. 
Bernard,  duke,   uncle  of   Charles  the 

Great,  90,  92,  156  sq. 
Bernard,    Bernhard,    king    of    Italy, 

253,  425,  446.  475,  477,  496. 
Bernhard    =    Bernhar,      bishop       of 

Worms?,  350. 
Bernharius,       Bernhar,      bishop       of 

Worms,  449. 
Bernlef,  minstrel,  236. 
Bernoin,  archbishop  of  Besancon,  456. 
Bersinica,  battle  of,  460. 


Bertha,  daughter  of  Charles,  171,  228 

sq.,  232,  254. 
Berthaid,    daughter  of    Pepin,    k.    of 

Italy,  446. 
Berthrada,     Bertrada,      Bertha,      al., 

mother  of  Charles,  40  sq.,  note,  42, 

71  sq.,  76,  78,  So  note,  82  note,  214, 

483. 

Besancon,  454. 

Bethencians,  468. 

Beziers,  27. 

Bilitrud,  widow  of  Grimoald,  20. 

Biscay,  bay  of,  312. 

Blaye,  26. 

Blood  of  Christ,  discovery  of,  415  sq. 

Boanerges,  315. 

Bobbio,  M.,  521  note,  503. 

Bocholt,  Buocholt,=  Buchholz,  beech- 
wood,  in  Westphalia,  114. 

Bohemia,  192,  196,  281  sq. ,  495  sq. 

Bohemian  War,  280  sqq. 

Bohemians,  208,  2Sosqq.,  496. 

Bohemian  Forest,  281. 

Boniface,  see  St.  Boniface. 

Bonn,  city,  39. 

Bordeaux,  21,  26.  454. 

Borough,  bourg,  68. 

Boulogne-sur-Mer,    Gesotiacum,   405, 

463- 

Bourges,  454. 

Brabant,  148. 

Brabants,  143. 

Brandenburg,  495  sq. 

Bremen,  140,  150,  152. 

Bribery,  297. 

Bremberg,  389. 

Bretons,  217,  311,  493. 

Britain,  331,  440,  463,  500. 

Britons,  217. 

Brittany,   and    Marche   of,    159,   217, 

311  sqq.,  468  sq.,  494  sq. 
Brunhild,  queen,  57. 
Brunia  =  lorica,  379. 
Bruno,  Angrian  chief,  no. 
Bubenheim  on  the  Altmuhl,  278. 
Buchonian  Forest,  63,  405. 
Bukkigau,  canton  of  Bucki,  betw.  the 

Weser  and  Dreister  Range,  no. 
Bulgarians,  460. 
Bull-horn,   162. 

Burchard,  count,   constable,  427,  456. 
Burchard,  bishop  of  Wiirzburg,  35,  37. 
Burellus,  count,  294,  433. 
Burgundian  code,  62. 
Burgundians,  22,  54,  155. 
Burgundy,   20,    21,   26,    30,    52,   308, 

419  sq.,  495  sq. 
Buriaburg,    Buraburg,    Burberg,    108, 

145,  152  sq. 


INDEX. 


547 


Bulicularius,  379. 

Buto,  Saxon  chief,  105. 

Byzantines,  Byzantine  court,  179,  307, 

310,  362,  407,  409,  414  sq.,  429  sqq., 

465,  489,  and  passim. 


Cacus,  297. 

Caesar-Augusta,  see  Saragossa. 

Caesar    Augustus,    Life    of,    491    sq. 

note. 
Caesar,  Julius,   158,  170,  501. 
Calabria,  310,  333,  495. 
Caligula,  463. 
Cambray,  19. 
Camp,  R.,  495. 
Camp,  below  Krems,  195. 
Catnpics  Martius,  491  note. 
Campulus,  sacellarius,  341,   351,   355, 

366  sq. 
Canalization,  276  sq. 
Canburg,  Bohemia,  281. 
Canitius,  bishop,  57. 
Canons,  collection  of,  317. 

"        abstract  of   a.  813,  392  and 

note. 
Cape  Cavallo,  495. 
Cape  San  Vito,  495. 
Cap  de  la  Franqui,  26. 
Capitanei,  217. 
Capitida    e    Canonibus   excerpta,    392 

note. 
Capitida  of  council  of  Frankfort,  334. 
Capitulum  on  Lord's  Day,  319  sq. 
Capitulare  Saxonicum,  133. 
Capitularies  set  forth  in  the  reign  of 

Charles  the  Great,  List  of,  517. 
Capitulary  of   Boulogne,   a.    811,  381 

and  note. 
Capitula7-e  de  Villis,  399,  402. 
Capitularies,  383. 

Heristal,  a.  779,  384. 
"  Frankfort,  a.  794,  385. 

"  Thionville,    a.   805,   S06, 

389. 
Capittdatio  de  partibus  Saxoniae,  1 16. 
Capua,   177  sq.,  305. 
Capuans,  305  sq. 
Carantanians,  20S  sq. 
Carcassonne,  291. 
Cardona,  castle,  294. 
Carinthia,    Carantania,   208   sq. ,   212, 

495  sq. 
Carloman,    son    of    Charles    Martel, 

mayor  of    the  palace,   30,  31   sqq., 

42,  397- 
Carloman,    king,   brother    of   Charles 
the  Great,  52sq.,  72,  74  sq.,  76  sqq., 


79.  82  sq.,  87,  89,  98,  314,  420,  424, 
498  sq. 

Carloman,  son  of  Charles,  =  Pepin, 
king  of  Italy,  171,  173. 

Carloman,  son  of  Louis  the  Stam- 
merer, 374. 

Carlovingian  lineage,  17,  37. 

Carlsburg,  near  Munich,  71. 

Carlstadt,  on  the  Lippe,  III. 

Carlstadt,  on  the  Main,  71. 

Carnuntum,  205. 

"Caroline  Books,"  331,  334  note. 

Carthage,  439. 

Cassel,  106. 

Castaserra,  Casseres,  294. 

Catalonia,  494. 

Catania,  466. 

Cathwulf,  his  epistle  to  Charles,  74 
note. 

Cenon  (Sesone),  22. 

Ce/itenarii  centenaries,  hundreders,  68, 

379- 
Centula,  313  note. 
Centumcellae,      see     Civita     Vecchia, 

172. 
Ceolvvulf,  Anglo-Saxon  prince,  32. 
Ceres,  229. 

Chalons-sur-Marne,  48. 
Chalons  sur-Saone,  391,  398,  419. 
Chalydon,  River,  298. 
Chamberlain,  379. 
Chancellors,  378. 
Channel,  the,  299,  494, 

"         Coast,  313  note. 
Chant  d'Altabicar,  161. 
Charibert,   Heribert,    count  of    Laon, 

72. 
Charlemagne,  the  traditional,  84. 

"  reason      for     discarding 

the  name,  Preface. 
"  Charles  and  Carloman,"  71-85. 
Charles  the  Great  {David),  passim.  See 
Contents,     Chrono- 
logical Annals,  and 
Genealogical  Table. 
"        alleged  illegitimacy 
of,  41  note. 
"  "        date  of  birth  of,  40 

note. 
"  *'        family  of.     See  Ap- 

pendix, 522  sqq. 
"        family  life  and  hab- 
its of,  234  sqq. 
"  "        names  of,  502. 

"  "       queens  and  wives  of, 

213  sq.,  221-228. 
See  Genealogical 
Table  and  Index 


548 


INDEX. 


Charles  the  Great,  sons  and  daughters 
of,  228-234.  See 
Geneal.  Table  and 
Index  s.  vv. 

"Charles  and  the  Church," — Hadrian, 
314-338. 

"Charles  and  Leo,"  339-353. 

"Charles,  the  Man,"  471-488. 

Charles,  progress  of  a.  800   313  note. 

Charles,  prince,  king,  son  of  Charles 
the  Great,  120,  130,  132,  139,  180, 
218  sq.,  230,  232,  281  sqq.,  299 sqq., 
313  note,  361  sqq.,  413,  416  sq.,  419 
sq.,  441,  443.  471  sqq. 

Charles  Martel,  17,  18,  19-30,  34,  53, 
72,  85,  90,  157,  423,  4S3,  498. 

"Charles  Martel,"  17-30. 

Charles,  the  Bald,  233. 

Chase,  the,  237  sqq. 

Chasseneuil,  on  the  Clain,  P.  in  Aqui- 
taine,  155,  293-299,  313,  399. 

Chaucer,  335. 

Chelles,  M.  near  Paris,  20,  80,  1S3. 

Cheminot,  213. 

Chiemsee,  M.,  189. 

Chieti,  Teate,  Benevento,  409. 

Chieti,  Marche  of,  496. 

Childeric  III.,  36,  37,  38. 

Chilperic  II.,  Merovingian  king,  19 
sq.,  26. 

Chletgau,  419. 

Chlodoicus,  see  Louis  the  Pious. 

Chlodulf,  bishop  of  Metz,  17. 

Choisy  au  Bac,  Cauciacum,  214. 

Chorso,  duke  of  Toulouse,  287  sq. 

Chotimir,  duke,  208. 

Chremsa,  see  Krems.  R. 

Christian  effort  in  Bavaria,  207  sqq. 

Christian  Saxony,  144  sqq. 

Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz,  40. 

Chronicon  Cassinense,  538. 

Chronica  de  sex  a/a  ti  bus  mundi,  535. 

Chronica)!  Moissiacense,  535  sq. 

Chronicon  Novaliciense,  538. 

Chronicon  Salernitanum,  538. 

Chronicon  universale,  536. 

"  Chronological  Table  of  the  Sources 
of  the  Poetical  History  of  Charle- 
magne," 539. 

Chur,  Coire,  171,  419  sq. 

Cilicium,  4S5. 

Cinca,  R.,  434. 

Civita-Vecchia,  Centumcellce,  172,  465. 

"  Civilization,"  54-68. 

Civilization  of  the  Merovingians,  54 
sqq. 

Clain,  R.,  22. 

Clement,  Irish  teacher,  258  sq.,  note 
259- 


Clothair,  Merovingian  prince,  19,  20. 

Clovis,  31. 

Cluses,   the,    clausae  of  the  Alps,  49, 

91,  419. 
Clusium,  duke  of,  166. 
Codes,  ancient  Germanic,  61  sqq.,  382. 
Codex  Caro linns,  536. 
Coenobium     Gemmeticense,    Jumieges, 

188  note. 
Coenulf,  king  of  Mercia,  440. 
Coinage,  307,  406,  451. 
Collect  for  St.  Charles,  488. 
Colloquy  between  Alcuin  and  Charles, 

24S  sqq. 
Colloquy  between   Alcuin  and  Pepin, 

244  sqq. 
Cologne.  18,  19,  113,  115,  130,  454. 
Columbanus,  abbot  of  Trudo,  521. 
Comacchio,  Comiaclnm,  88  sq.,  431. 
Comagenae,  near  Tuln,  195. 
Commerce,  405. 

Compiegne,  Compendium,  P.,  51,  399. 
Confessio,  361  note,  362. 
Conjurationes    et    conspirationes,    387. 
Conques,  M..  292. 
"Conquest  of  the  Avars,"  189,  212. 
Consacramentales,  61. 
Conspiracies  : 

of  Thuringians,  215  sqq. 
of  Pepin  the  Hunchback.  218  sqq. 
Conspiracy  against  Leo  III.,  341  sqq. 
Constable,  379. 
Constance,  143,  171,  198. 
Constantine  the  Great,  emperor,  341, 

349.  365.  501. 
Constantine,  V.    (Copronymos),    Byz., 

emperor,  50. 
Constantine,     VI.      (Porphyrogenitus) 

Byz.  emperor,  98,  173,  231,  255,  262, 

309.  445- 

Constantinople,   city   of,   21,  98,    310, 

359.  407.   409.   415,  430,  452,  457. 

459.  500. 
Constantinople,   council  of,   331,  333, 

448. 
Constantinople,    court    of,     166,    304, 

310.  407,  409,  429  sq. 

"  Contributions  in  kind,"  395. 
Corbeny,  near  Laon,  Villa,  83,  399. 
Corbie,     M.,     on    the    Somme,     near 

Amiens,  142,  253. 
Cordova,  291  sq.,  295  sq.,  411,  414. 
Cordova,  cathedral  of,  292. 
Cordova,  emir  of,  154  sqq.,  295,  411, 

414,  433,  435.  43MS9.  5oo. 
Cordova,  emirate  of,  155,  463,  495. 
Coriosolitae,  217. 
"Coronation,"  the,  354-368,  500. 
"  of  Louis,  479  sqq. 


INDEX. 


549 


Corsica,  island,  94,  426  sqq.,  464  sq., 

494  sq 
Corvey,  M.,  253. 

Cotani,  daughter  of  Tassilo,  183  note. 
Council  of  Constantinople,  a.  38r,  448. 
"       "  Nicaea,  a.  325,44s,  524  sqq. 
"        "  Ephesus,  a.  431,  448. 
"       *'  Toledo,  a.  589,  448. 
"       "  Gentilly,  a.  767,  448. 
"       "  Aix-la-Chapelle,  a.  809,  449. 
Council  of  Orleans,  68. 
Counterfeiting,    406. 
Count  Palatine,   236,  378. 
Counts,  379,  394. 
"  Covenant  of  Death,"  207. 
Creed,  Nicene-Constantinopolitan,  450. 
Crescent,  the,  25,  361. 
Crispinus  and    Crispinianus,    martyrs, 

relics  of,  487. 
Croatia,  495  sq. 
Cuise,  forest  of,   18. 
Cumeoberg,   192,  195. 
Cunigund,  wife  of  Bernhard,  king  of 

Italy,  475- 
Cunipert,   bishop,  350. 
Curia,  Roman,  333  note. 
Czechs,  282,  472,  496. 


D 

Dachtelfeld,  119. 

Dagobert  III.,  king  of  the  Neustrians, 

18,  19. 
Dahnatia,    415,    429    sqq.,    452,    494 

sqq. 
Damoetas,  Flavius,  see  Richulf,  152. 
Danes,  312,  440  sqq. 
Daniel,  cleric,  see  Chilperic  II. 
Daniel,  archbishop   of  Narbonne,  284 

sq. 
Danube,  R.,  20,  54,  191  sq.,  195  sqq., 

204  sq.,  209,  212,  276  sq.,  279,  406, 

419,  458,  494  sq.,  and  passim. 
Date  of  birth  of  Charles  the  Great,  40 

note. 
Datus,  292. 
David,  315. 
Dax,  see  Aquez. 

Deans  of  the  Chapel  Royal,  etc.,  377. 
"  Death  of  the  Goths,"  Mors  Gothor- 

um,  2S7. 
"  Death  League,"  207  sq. 

Members   of,    207, 

sq. 
Deianira,  298. 
De  Joieuse,  sword,  S5. 
Demelcians,  Dalemincians,  281. 
Demelcion ,  country  of  the  Demelcians, 

Dalemincians,  281. 


Demosthenes,  498. 

Denmark,    nS,    136,    460   sqq.,    462, 

494,  500. 
Denominati,  61. 
Deoderich,  bishop,  212. 
"  Deposition  of  Childeric  and  Corona- 
tion of  Pepin,"  34  sqq. 
Desiderata,     daughter   of   Desiderius, 

77  note,    80,  82  note,  86,  97,  183, 

498  sq. 
Desiderius,  duke,  58. 
Desiderius,  king   of  the  Lombards,  50 

sq.,  76-79.  80,  87-98,  175,  183  sq. 

190.  222,  261,  310,  314,  498  sq. 
Desiderius,   daughters  of,  77  note. 
Desiderius,   an  impostor,  56. 
Detmold,    7 heotmalli,  119. 
Deutz,  on   the  Rhine,  114. 
Develtus,  458. 

Deventer,    Hamaland,  105,  146. 
Dicuil,  author,  259  note. 
Diemel,  R.,    106,  130,  150. 
"  Diet  and  Capitularies,"  371-393. 
Dii  manes,   57. 
Dingolfing,   Synod  of,  207. 
Dionysius  Exiguus,  collection  of  Can- 
ons, 317. 
Diptychs,  38S  and  note. 
"  Disputation  of  Pepin,  etc.,  with  Al- 

binus  the  pedagogue"  244  sqq. 
Division  of  the  dominions  of  Charles 

Martel,  29  sq. 
Division    of  the  dominions  of  Pepin, 

52. 
Division  of  the  dominions  of  Charles, 

417-425. 
Dokkum,  in  the  Ostergau,  149. 
Domanial  lands,  65,  293,  394  sqq. 
Dona  Regia,  289. 
Donations  :  By  Pepin,  49. 

By  Charles,  94,   100  ;  Sa- 

bina,  173  ;   Beneventan  cities,  178. 
Donatus,   commentary  on,  260. 
Donatus,   bishop  of  Zara,  415. 
Doorkeeper,  chief,  379. 
Dordogne,  R.,  75. 
Doue,  P..  293. 

Douzy,  Villa,  near  Sedan,  399. 
Dragowit,    king   of   the  Welatabians, 

128. 
Drave,  R. ,  204,  212,  496. 
Drenthe,  see  Thrianta. 
Duasdives,    Moncontour-de-Poitou  on 

the  Dive  ?,  75. 
Duke,  meaning  of,  379. 
Dungal  the  Scot,  259  note,  267  sq. 
Durance,  R.,  26,  27. 
Diiren,  P.,  109,  399. 
Duurstede,  405. 


55o 


INDEX. 


Eanbald,  archbishop  of  York,  241. 
Eardulf,  king  of  Northumbria,  439  sq. 
Easter  Tables,  526. 
Eastern  Francia,  Austrasia,  495. 

"        Franks,  54. 
Eastern  Marche,  Northgau,  495,  500. 
Eastphalia,  see  Saxon  War,  passim. 
Eastphalians,  54,  110, 114  and  passim, 

101-153,  282. 
Eause.  Elusa,  454  note. 
Eberhard,  cupbearer,  175. 
Eboris,  missus,  137. 
Ebreuil,  P.,  293. 

Ebro,  R.,  52,  158,  433  sqq.,  494  sqq. 
Echerigus,  count-palatine,  451  note. 
Echternach,  Epternach,  M.,  150,  267, 

393. 

Eder,  R.,  114. 

Edlinge,   1 3 1 . 

Edo,  count,  457. 

Edobola,  51. 

Education  of  the  royal  children,  230. 

Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  241. 

Eger,  R.,  2S1. 

Eggihard,  seneschal,  159. 

Egypt,  21,  439. 

Eider,  R.,  140,  441,  494  sq. 

Eigil,  biographer  of  Sturmi,  265,  270. 
"       Vita  S.  Sturmi,  537. 

Einhard,  Eginhard,  Beseleel,  biog- 
rapher of  Charles,  36,  71,  109,  243 
sq.,  251,  254  sqq.,  264,  267,  364 
sq.,  378,  413.425,  471  note,  476  sq., 
491.  493,  502,  and  passim. 

Einhardi  Annates,  254. 

Einhardi  Epistolae,  254,  537. 

Einhardi  Translatio  SS.  Marcellini 
et  Petri,  254,  490,  537. 

Einhardi  Vita  Caroli.  254,  536. 

Elbe,  R.,  100,  116,  120,  127  sq.,  130 
sq.,  132  sq.,  139,  149,  281  sqq.,  312, 
406,  441  sqq.,  495  sq.,  and  passim. 

Elephant  Abul-Abbas,  413  sq. 

El  Hakem,  295,  435  sq.,  467. 

Elifant,  bishop  of  Aries,  386. 

Elipandus,  archbishop  of  Toledo,  286, 
325  sqq.,  330. 

Emma  or  Imma,  wife  of  Einhard,  pre- 
tended daughter  of  Charles,  legend 
of,  255  sq. 

Embrun,  454. 

Emir,  emirate,  see  Cordova. 

Emmer,  R.,  120. 

Ems,  R.,  119,  148. 

Enger,  Westphalia,  123. 

Engi,  419. 

England,  18,  242. 


Enns,  R.,  180,  193,  209,  406,  495. 

Enti,  492  sq. 

Ephesus,  council  of,  448. 

Epistle  from  St.  Peter,  44   and    note 

sqq. 
Epitaph  of  Charles  the  Great,  484  and 

note,  489  note. 
Epitaph  of  Fastrada,  224. 
"         "  Hadrian,  338. 
"         ''  Hildegard,  214. 
"  "  Liutprand,  29  note. 

"         "  Pepin,  445  sq.  note. 
Epizooty,  446. 
Equestrian  statue  at  Aix-la-Chapelle, 

275- 
Erau,  Arauris,  R. ,  285. 
Ercanbald,  chancellor,  378,  414. 
Ercangarius,  count,  457. 
Erchempert,  His  tot  ia  Langobardorum 

Benevent.  538. 
Eresburg,   Stadtberge   on    the  Diemel, 

105  sqq.,  109,  III,  121,  130,  150. 
Erfurt,  389,  406. 
Eric,  margrave  of  Friuli,  196  sq.,  199, 

201,  202  sqq. 
Erlebald,  bishop  of  Basel,  265  note. 
Ermoldus  Nigellus,  poet,  see  Nigellus. 

"  "  Carmina,  538. 

Ernst,  abbot  of  Oberaltaich,  20S. 
Erythrea,  see  Rothrud. 
Escaldunac  Range,  161. 
Esesfeld,  Itzehoe,  on  the  Stor,  443. 
Etcheco-Ioana,    Vasconian    chief,   161 

sqq. 
Ethelred,  king  of  Northumbria,  336. 
Etherius,  bishop  of  Osma,  326. 
Eudo,  duke  of  Aquitaine,  19,  20,  21, 

22,  26. 
Eulalius,  a  Frank,  58. 
Eutropius,  261. 
Euxine,  the,  276. 
Evangelium,  484  and  note. 
"  Events  from  Division  of  Empire  to 

death  of  Pepin,"  426-450. 
Exarchate  of  Ravenna,  49,  94. 
Exenodochia,  176. 
"  Exhortation,"  322. 
Expeditio  Hispanica,  539. 


Faenza,  Faventia,  88  sq. 

"  Fall  of  the  Lombards,"  86  to  100. 

Falconer,  Chief,  379. 

"  False  Corn,"  30S,  386,  no.  25. 

Family  life  of  Charles,  234  sq. 

Famous  Men,  253  sqq. 

Fardulf,  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  222,  451. 

Faremoutier,  M.  at  Meaux,  233. 


INDEX. 


551 


Fastrada,  queen  of  Charles,  192  sqq  , 

214 sqq.,  218,  223  sqq..  228,  230,  287. 
Fater,  abbot  of  Kremsmunster,  210. 
"  Father  of  the  Universe,"  489,  494. 
Felician  heresy,  325  sq. 
Felix,  bishop  of  La  Seo  de  Urgel,  286, 

325  sqq.,  329,  330. 
Felix,  monk,  438  sq. 
Felix,  tribune.  430. 
Ferrara,  city,  88  sq. 
Ferrieres,  M.,  diocese  of  Sens,  242. 
Filioque,  448  sqq. 
Filtrum,  495  note. 
Finances,  394  sqq. 
Fiscalinen,  390. 
Fiume,  203. 
Flaccus,  bishop,  350. 
Flaminian  Way,  93. 
Flemings,  143. 
Florence,  177. 
Fodrum,  294. 
Folrad,    Fulrad,   abbot  of   St.   Denis, 

archchaplain,  35,  37,  40,  377,  487. 
Fontenelle,  see  St.  Wandrille. 
Forchheim,  389,  406. 
Fortunatus,   patriarch  of  Grado,  414, 

429. 
Fosete.  a  divinity,  147. 
Fosetesland,  see  Heligoland,  147. 
France,  494. 
Francia,  passim. 
Franconia,  281. 

Frank,  as  used  by  Orientals,  25  sq. 
Frankfort, Frankfurt  on  the  Main,  Villa, 
129,  399- 
"         council  of,  187,  222  sq.,  327 
sq-,  330»  333  sq. 
Franks,  passim. 
Fredegarius,  57. 
Fredegonda,  queen,  57  sq.,  62. 
Frederic,  count  of  Burgundy,  39. 
Frederic  the  Wise,  elector,  487. 
Frederic  I.,  Barbarossa,  emperor,  487. 
Frederic,  son  of  Emperor  Frederic  I., 

487. 
Fridugisus,     Nathanacl,     abbot,    242 

note,  265,  456. 
Freising,  synods  at,  207,  208. 
Frisia,  20,  27,  123,  129,  139,  147,419, 

443  sq.,  495,  and  passim. 
Frisians,  20,   105,   120,  128,  192,  405, 

and  passim. 
Fritzlar,  108,  145.  152  sq. 
Friuli,  duchy,  and  Marche  of,  166  sqq., 
190,  192,  261. 

"      church  at,  454,  495  sq. 

"      duke  of,  166,  496. 
Froia,  ambassador,  296. 
Fronsac,  Fronciacum,  fortress,  75. 


Fulda,  M.,  114,  151,  216,  256,  446. 
Fulda,  list  of  abbots,  265  note. 
Fulda,  school  at,  254,  265. 
Fulda,  R.,  64,  114. 
Fulrad,  see  Folrad. 
Funeral  Chant,  504. 


Gaerbod,  bishop,  386. 

Gaeta,  464. 

Gallican  clergy,  27  sqq. 

Ganalon,  fictitious  character,  164. 

Gargano,  Mount,  397. 

Garonne,  R.,  21,  75,  284,  436. 

Gascony,  Vasconia,  164,  494  sq. 

Gau,  64,  380. 

Gaul,  21,  25,  27.  54,  259,  312. 

Geilo,  marshal,  116  sq. 

Gellone,  M.,  288. 

"  General  Admonition,"  316  sq. 

"         Abstract,  317  note. 
Geneva,  48,  90. 
Genewana,  281. 
Gentilly,  synod  of,  448. 
Gennapium,   near    Cleves,   see   Asna- 

pium. 
George,  monk,  43S  sq. 
Gerberga,  queen  of  Carloman,  82  sqq. , 

88  sq. ,  98,  499. 
Germans,  Germany,  passim. 
Germar,  count,  350. 
Gerold,  bishop  of  Mayence,  55. 
Gerold,  duke  in  Bavaria,  183,  190,  198, 

203,  212. 
Gerold,  duke  of  Suabia,  123. 
Geroldus,  Count  of  the  East  Marche, 

457- 
Gerona,  Gerunda,  52,  156,  289. 
Gersuinda,  morganatic  wife  of  Charles, 

233- 
Gewillieb,  bishop  of  Mayence,  55. 
Ghent,  405,  463. 
Gisla,  Lucia,  sister  of  Charles,  abbess 

of  Chelles,  77,  79  sq.,  183,  228,  232, 

243  sq.,  416,  445. 
Gisla,  Gisala,  Gisela,  Delia,  daughter 

of  Charles,  171,  175,  228   sqq.,  233, 

244. 
Glanz-Leimvand,  237. 
Godelib,  Abodrite  duke,  441. 
Godofrid,  see  Gottfried. 
Gontram,  king,  58. 
Gotheramnus,  ostiarius,  302. 
Gothia,  26,  52,  308,  329,  419  sq.,  496. 
Goths,  51. 
Gottfried,  Godofrid,  Gottrick,  king  of 

the  Danes,  141,  440  sqq.,  460  sqq., 

469,  490. 


552 


INDEX. 


Gottrick,  see  Gottfried. 

Gottschalk.  count,  136. 

Graben,  278. 

Grado,  city,  430,  454. 

Grandvabre,  292. 

"  Grant  of  Pepin,"  49,  510. 

"  Grant  of  Charles,"  94. 

Great  Britain,  382,  489. 

Greek  emperor,  34,  154,  451,  497. 

Greeks,  180,  304,  306,  309  note  sqq., 

332,  407,  and  passim. 
Gregorian  chant,  180,  263,  346  note. 
Gregory  I.,  pope,  332. 
Gregory  III.,  pope,  29,  333  note. 
Gregory  VII.,  pope,  38. 
Gregory,  abbot,  and  bishop  of  Utrecht, 

146,  265. 
Gregory,  presbyter,  305. 
Gregory  of  Tours,  57  sq. 
Grifo,  son  of  Charles  Martel  by  Swana- 

hild,  20,  30,  31,  33,  39.  49. 
Grimald,  abbot  of  St.  Gall,  264. 
Grimoald,  duke  of  Bavaria,  20. 
Grimoald,    son    of   Arigiso,    duke   of 

Benevento,   178,   302  sqq.,  306  sq., 

309  sq.,  410,  428. 
Grimoald  Storesaiz,  428,  446,  470. 
Gundrada,  Enlalia,  243  sq. 
Gundrada,  daughter   of    Pepin,  k.  of 

Italy,  446. 
Guntbadingi,  3S7. 
Gunthar,  son  of  Tassilo,  209. 


II 


Habaccuc,  prophet,  503. 

Hadeln,  land  of,  133. 

Hademar,  Aquitanian  noble,  313  note, 
411,  433,  437. 

Hadrian  I.,  pope,  86  sqq.,  89,  93  sqq., 
122  sq.,  167,  169.  173,  177  sqq., 
199,  301  sqq.,  308,  315,  326-338 
passim,  340,  349,  364,  3SS,  502. 

Hadumar,  count  of  Genoa,  427. 

Haimburg,  205. 

Haimrich,  Henricus,  count,  436. 

Halberstadt,   152. 

Halle,  2S3. 

Hallstadt,  406. 

Hamaland,  see  Deventer. 

Haman,  160. 

Hamburg,  140. 

Hannibal,  170. 

Hanover,  495. 

Harburg,  139. 

Hardrad,  count,  215. 

Harduin,  presbyter,  266  sq. 

Harun-al-Raschid,  361,  413  sq. ,  4305 
438  sq.,  466. 


Hartnidus,  son  of  Bertha,  232. 
Hase,  R.,  119. 

Hassan,  wali  of  Huesca,  299. 
Hassio,  Hessi,  chief  of  the  Eastpha- 

lians,  no. 
Hathumar,  bishop  of  Paderborn,  152. 
Hatto,  see  Atto. 
Hatto,  son  of  Endo,  26,  32. 
Hatto,  count,  456. 
Havel,  R.,  128,  496. 
Heerbann,   22,   75,  90,   102,    103    sq., 

109,   in,   114,   116,   129,   139,   155, 

380,  390,  443. 
Heersckau,  104. 
Hegau,  419. 

Heito,  bishop  of  Basel,  265,  452,  456. 
Heligoland,  Fosetesland,   147  sq. 
Helmgaud,  count,  350,  408,  428. 
Hemming,    king   of   the    Danes,    460 

sqq. 
Hemming,  Danish  prince,  461  sq. 
Hennegau,  211. 
Henry  the  Fowler,  123. 
Henricus,  count,  see  Haimrich. 
Henry  III.,  emperor,  255. 
Henry  of  Luxemburg,  100. 
Henry,  son  of  Emperor  Frederic   I., 

487. 
Heraclius,  emperor,  199. 
Hercules,  297  sq.,  498. 
Heres,  Arbeo,  bishop  of  Freising,  207. 
Heribert,  missus,  463,  467. 
Heriold,  Harald,  king  of  the  Danes, 

461. 
Heriold  and  Reginfried,  Danish  kings, 

461  sq. 
Herisliz,  76,  182,  1S6  sq.,  380. 
Heristal,  P.,  134,  399. 
Hermingard,    Irmingard,    consort    of 

Louis  the  Pious,  292. 
Herodotus,  221  note. 
Hersfeld,  145  sq. 
Herstelle,   Heristelle,  on    the  Weser, 

134  sq.,  137. 
Herzegovina,  496. 
Hesham,  Hescham,  emir  of  Cordova, 

289,  295  sq. 
Hessia,  Hessengau,  145,  495. 
Hibernia  Scottorum,  Ireland,  462. 
Hildebrand,  brother  of  Charles  Mar- 
tel, 18,  26,  27  note. 
Hildebrand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  34. 
Hildegard,  queen  of  Charles,  80  and 
note,  81,  92,  171,  173,  183.  213  sq. 
and  note,  219,   224  note,  228,  263, 

471,  49-8- 
Hildegard,  daughter  of  Charles,  213. 
Hildeprand,  duke  of  Spoleto,  170  sq., 


INDEX. 


553 


Hildesheim,  152. 

Hildibald,  archbishop  of  Cologne,  14S, 

.344.  350,  377.  338,  456,  482. 
Hildigern,  count,  457. 
Hiltrud,  Chiltrud,  mother  of  Tassilo, 

77,  1S8  note. 
Hiltrud,    daughter    of    Charles,    225, 

228,  233. 
Himiltrud,  wife  of  Charles,   86,    171, 

21S,  22S,  474.  498. 
Hincmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  253, 

267,  374.  378. 
Hippocrates,  Sect  of,  270. 
Hirschau,  school  at,  265. 
History  of  Charlemagne  and  Orlando, 

165  note. 
Hitherius,  Itherius,  abbot  of  St.  Mar- 
tin, Tours,  and  chancellor,  378. 
Hliuni,    Lime,   on  the  Ilmenau,  Bar- 

dengau,  see  Liine,  196,  200. 
Hodoinus,  233. 
Hof,  64  sq. 
Hohbuoki,  on  the  Elbe,  fortress,  444, 

469. 
Holland,  494. 
Hollenstedt,  139. 
Holstein,  140. 
Holy  Cross,  church  of  the,  Barcelona, 

413  and  note. 
Holy  Land,  2S4,  439. 
Holy    Places,    216,    358,     39S,     421, 

439- 
Holy  Sepulchre,  358. 
Homage,  formula  of,  181. 
Homiliarium,  264. 
Homines  faidosi,  392. 
Hostingabi,  canton,  gati,  on  the  Bal- 
tic, 140. 
Hostlaicus,  223. 
Hoxter,  134  note. 
Hrabanus  Maurus,  see  Rhabanus. 
Hrodgaud,  duke  of  Friuli,  166  sqq. 
Hrodrud,    daughter    of    Tassilo.    183 

note. 
Hrotfrid,  notary,  440. 
Hucbald,  biographer  of  Lebuinus,  537. 
Huculvi,  Hockeleve,  now  Petershagen, 

on  the  Weser,  120. 
Huesca,  Osca,  157,  295,  435  sq.,  467. 
Hugh  Capet,  124. 
Hugmerke.  Frisia,  149. 
Hugo,  count  of  Tours,  452. 
Hunold,  duke  of  Aquitaine,  26,  31,  32, 

74  sqq. 
Hungary,  103,  469. 
Hunrich,  abbot  of  Mondsee,  179. 
Huns,  Avars,  180,  184,    191,    199  and 

note.  200  sq.  and  note,  203,  469. 
Hypatos,  430. 


I 

Ibagueta,  chapel,  159. 

Ibaneta,  Pyrenees,  i6r. 

Iberian  peninsula,  494. 

Ibn-al-Arabi,  Saracen  noble,  154,  157. 

Illegitimacy,  alleged,  of    Charles    the 
Great,  41  note. 

"  Illustrative  Extracts,"  522  sq. 

Il/yricum  Orietttale,  333  note. 

Illyricum,  492  note. 

Ilmenau,  R.,  130. 

Image  worship,  331  sqq.,  524  sqq. 

Immorality  of  the  clergy  and   royalty 

55- 
Inconsistency  of  Charles,  314  sq. 

Inde,  M.,  near  Aix-la-Chapelle,  286. 
Imperial  prerogatives   at    Rome,    367 

sq. 
India,  Innichen,  Puster  valley,  209. 
Ingelheim,  P..  71,  186  sq.,  271,  399. 
Ingobert,  count,  436  sqq. 
Ingolstadt,  177,  419. 
Ingram,  count,  292. 
Inn,  R.,  495. 

"Instruction    for    the    royal  commis- 
sioners,"   missi,     abstract,   317  and 
note,  320,  389. 
"  Invasion  of  Spain,"  154  to  165. 
Inventory  of   villa   at  Asnapium,   403 

sqq. 
Ireland,  Hibernia  Scottorum,  18,  462. 
Irene,  Byzant.  empress,  173,  309  note, 

359.  366,  407  sqq. 
Irmingar,  Frankish  count,  465. 
Irmingard,     Hermingard,    consort    of 

Louis  the  Pious,  239. 
Irmino,  abbot,  456. 
Irminsul,    sanctuary    of    the    Saxons, 

105  sqq. 
Iron  crown  of  Lombardy,  99. 
Isar,  R.,  495. 
Isaac,  the  Jew,  414. 
Isambard,  Aquitanian  noble,  433,  463. 
Ischia,  island,  465. 
Islam,  289. 
Islamism,  52. 
Istria,  94,  192,  415. 
Italy,  passim. 
Itinerarium     Antonini   et    Hierosoly- 

mitanum,  165  note. 
Itherius,  see  Hitherius. 
Itzehoe,  see  Esesfeld. 


Jacob,  472. 
Jamdnner,  383. 
Jeremias,  chancellor,  378. 
Jerome,  261,  398. 


554 


INDEX. 


Jerusalem,    358,    430,    438    sq.,     449. 

"  figurative,  398. 

Jesse,    bishop    of    Amiens,  350,  408, 

456. 
Johannes,  archbishop  of  Aries,  456. 
John  the  Deacon,  346,  350,  364. 
John,  presbyter  and  monk  of  St.  Sabas, 

449. 
John,  treasurer,  310. 
Jordanis,  261. 
Joseph,  archbishop,  416. 
Joseph,  author,  259  note. 
Joseph,  deacon,  302. 
Joseph,  472. 
Joshua,  195,  315. 
Jove,  258. 

Judiciary,  the,  65,  378  sqq. 
Judith,  empress,  477  note. 
Jugur,  197. 
Jumieges,  Gemeticum,  M.,  near  Rouen, 

183. 
Justinian,  261. 
Juvarum,  see  Salzburg. 

K 

"  Karles  lot,"  pondus  Caroli,  406. 

Karlsgraben,  278. 

Karlshafen,  134  note. 

Karoli  Magni  Capitularia,  517. 

Kempten,  M.,  213. 

Kesselfang,  60. 

Khakhan,  197,  205  sq. 

Khalif,  see  Bagdad,  Cordova. 

Klosterneuburg,  195. 

Kochlsee,  M.,  183. 

Konig  Ludwig  Kanal,  279. 

Konigsbann,  103,  133. 

Konigszins,  390. 

Koran,  the,  25. 

Krems,  on  the  Danube,  195,  210. 

Kremsmiinster. ,  M.,  209  sq. 

Krumm,  Bulgarian  khan,  458,  460. 

Kunkel.,  65. 


Lahn,  R.,  114. 

Laidradus,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  210, 

266  sq.,  297,  330,  456. 
Lampedusa,  island,  464. 
"  Lance,"  a  man,  62. 
Landes  de  Charlemagne,  22. 
Landric,  a  convert,  148. 
Languedoc,  285  sq. 
Lantbertus,    commissioner    of    Louis, 

233. 
Landfrit,  abbot  of  Benedictbeuern,  207. 
Langres,  diocese  of,  2S5. 
Laon,  Laudunum,  31,  183. 


"  Last  years  of  Charles,"  451-470. 

Lateran,  P.  Rome,  94,  339,  341,  351. 

Latreia,  334  note. 

Lauren tian  hill,  204. 

Lauresheim,  M.,  255. 

Lauwers,   Loubach,   R.,  on  the   coast 

of  Frisia,  148. 
"  Laws  of  duke  Tassilo,"  207. 
Lebuinus,    Anglo-Saxon     missionary, 

104  sq.,  146  sq. 
Lech,  R.,  185,  495. 
Lech-feld,  near  Augsburg,  180,  186. 
Leckos,  282. 

Legendary    description    of     "Charle- 
magne," 84. 
Legends,  97,  99,  108,    111,    123  sqq., 
160,    163   sqq.,    188   note,    198   sq., 
255,  291,  295  sq.,  300,  476,  484  sqq. 
Legislation,    see    "  List    of    Capitula- 
ries," Appendix  G.,  517  sqq. 
Leine,  R.,  142. 
Lenne,  R.,  109. 

Leo    III.,    pope,    139,    329,    339"353 
passim  ;  354-367    passim  ; 
415  sq.,427  sqq.,  440,  449 
sq.  464  sqq.,  485,  502. 
"       "      Trial   and  exculpation  of, 
355  sqq. 
Leo  III.,  the  Isaurian,  332  note. 
Leo  IV.,  Byzantine  emperor,  173. 
Leo  V.,  Byzantine  emperor,  460. 
Leo,  a  Sicilian,  spatharius,  407,  452. 
Leo,  spatkarius,  408. 
Lerida,  433. 
Lesbos,  island,  408. 
Lcudes,  67. 
Levant,  the,  405. 
Liber  pontificalis    ecd.     Ravenn.,    by 

Agnellus,  538. 
Liburnia,  204,  452,  494. 
Liege,  P.  Belgium,  71,  399. 
Liguria,  414. 
Liguria,  Marche  of,  496. 
Linonians,  440  sq.,  468,  496. 
Lippe,  R.,  106,  in  sq.,  115,  133,  148. 
Lippeham,  138,  443. 
Lippspringe,  139. 
Lisbon,  296. 
"List  of  Capitularies,  set  forth  in  the 

reign  of  Charles  the  Great,"  517. 
List  of  Metropolitan    cities,   454   and 
note. 

"  List  of  the  Months,"  516. 
List   of   signers  of    the   testament   of 

Charles,  456  sq.,  457  note. 
Litany,  names  of  royal  family  in,  218. 
"  Literary  Notes  on  some  authorities 
for    the    History    of     Charles    the 
Great,"  526-541. 


INDEX. 


555 


Literature  on 
Annals,  533. 
Capitularies,  539- 
Diplomas,  539. 
Poetical  History  of  Charlemagne, 

539- 
Liuderich,  count,  302. 
Liudger,  missionary,  bishop  of  Miin- 

ster,  146,  147  sq. 
Liutard,   Liuthard,  Aquitanian  noble, 

463. 
Liutgard,  Leutgard,  al.  Ava,  queen  of 

Charles  the  Great,  134  sq.,  225  sqq., 

243  sq.,  299  sq.,  313. 
Liutperga,  Liutberga,  daughter  of  De- 

siderius,  wife  of  Tassilo,    177,  179, 

181  sqq.,  185. 
Liutprand,  king  of  the  Lombards,  29, 

34.  263. 
Loire,  R.,  19,   21  sqq.,   54,   175,  2S4, 

495- 

Lombard  Code,  382. 

Lombard  Plot,  166  sqq. 

Lombards,  29,  34,  40,  49,  54,  155. 

"  Lombards,  Fall  of  the,"  86-100. 

"Lombards,  Sequel  to  Fall  of  the," 
166-188. 

Lombardy,  passim. 

Longlier.  Longolare,  P.,  83. 

Lorch,  389,  406. 

Lord's  Day,  observance  of,  319  sq. 

Lorsch,  M.,471,  529. 

Lothair,  emperor,  493. 

Lothair,  son  of  Charles,  twin-brother 
of  Louis  the  Pious,  7,  s.  a.  778. 

Lotharius,  456  note. 

Lotusa,  Brabant,  148. 

Louis  the  Pious,  Chlodoicus,  Hludo- 
wicus,  son  of  Charles,  king  n{  Aqui- 
laine,  afterwards  emperor,  132,  137, 
139,  142,  171,  173,  192,  218,  230, 
232,  sqq.,  283  sq.,  286  sqq.,  292 
sqq.,  296  sq.,  299  sqq.,  308,  313 
note,  365,  410  sqq.,  419  sq.,  425  sq., 
433  sqq.,  436,  451,  463,  467,  471 
note,  474,  476  sqq.,  493,  497  and 
passim. 

Louis,  son  of  Louis  the  Pious,  493. 

Louis,  son  of  Rothrud  and  Roriko, 
231. 

Louis  the  Germanic,  king  of  East 
Francia,  28. 

Louis  I.,  king  of  Bavaria,  278. 

Lucania,  304. 

Luceria,  409. 

Lul,  archbishop  of  Mayence,  145  sq., 
152. 

Lullus,  260 

Liine,  Hliune,  on  the  Ilmenau,  130  sq. 


Luni,  94. 

Lupus,    biographer   of    St.    Wigbert, 

145. 
Lupus,    duke   of   Vasconia,    75,     156, 

160. 
Luther,  498. 
Lutrahahof,  Lauterhofen,  intheNorth- 

gau,  177,  419. 
Lychas,  298. 
Lyons,  26,  413,  419,  454. 


M 
Macon,  419. 
Mactrians,  217. 
Maeotic  marshes,  204. 
Magdalona,  counts  of,  285. 
Magdeburg,  281,  283,  389,  406. 
Magenfrid,  Thyrsis,  chamberlain,  192, 

196,  244. 
Maginarius,    chaplain,    abbot    of    St. 

Denis,  302  sq.,  377. 
Maguelonne,  27,  287. 
Main,  R.,  passim. 
Maine,  duchy,  219,  362,  472  sq. 
Maingau,  254. 
Mais,  Tyrol,  208. 

Mallorca,  Majorica,  island,  297,  465. 
Malamocco,  431. 
Malines,  405. 

Mall,  mallstatt,  mallberg.  66. 
Maltegard,  morganatic  wife  of  Charles, 

233- 
Manno,  bishop  of  Neuburg,  207. 
Mansioiiarius,  379. 
Mansir,  fictitious  character,    164. 
Mantua,  94,  171,  415  sq. 
Marche,  see  Ancona,  Brittany,  Chieti, 
Eastern,     Friuli,     Liguria, 
Northern,  Pannonian,  Susa, 
Spanish, 
military,  381,  395. 
Markung,  64. 
Marriage  of  Charles  and  Carloman,  77 

note. 
Mars  Gravidus,  45  note. 
Marseilles,  27. 
M artel,  see  Charles. 
"  Martellus,"  17. 
Master  of  the  Beavers,  379. 
Master  of  the  Game.  379. 
Master  of  the  Hounds,  379. 
Master  of  the  Hunt,  379. 
Master  of  the  Wardrobe,  379. 
Mathilda,  consort  of  Henry  I.,  124. 
Maurienne,  39,  49,  419. 
Mauritania,  295. 
Maurontius,  26  sq. 
Maurus  de  Nepi,  bishop,  342. 


556 


INDEX. 


Mayence,  106,  152  sq.,  224,  275  sq., 
351,  390  sq.,  399,  405,  454,  and 
passim. 

Meaux,  83  note. 

Mecklenburg,  496. 

Medical  men,  269  sq. 

Mediterranean  Sea,  156,  312,  463. 

Meginarius,  count,  (?)  293. 

Meginhardus,  456. 

Meginherus,  count  of  Sens,  (?)  456. 

Melle,  Metallum,  406. 

Mentana,  354. 

Mequinenza,  R.,  434. 

Mercia,  episcopal  sees  in,  335. 
"       king  of,  200. 

Merovingians,  dynasty,  28,   36,  38,  57 
sqq.,  156,  498. 
civilization  of,  54  sqq. 

Merstem,  canton,  142. 

Metallum,  see  Melle. 

Metrical  Passages,  160  sqq.,  200  note, 
214,  258,  262,  264  sq.,  270  sq.,  293, 
337  sq.,  473.  .504  sq.,  514,  521  sqq. 

Metropolitan  cities,  list  of,  454,  and 
note. 

Metz,  213,  261  sq.,  272. 

Meuse,  Maas,  R.,  19,  175,  495. 

Michael,  the  archangel,  164. 

Michael  I.,  Byzantine  emperor,  458 
sqq.,  464. 

Michael,  metropolitan,  459. 

Milan,  175.  454. 

Military  expeditions,  see  Chronologi- 
cal Annals. 

Military  Service,  67,  102  sqq.,  380. 

Milito,  Sorabian  prince,  282. 

Milo,  count  of  Narbonne,  284  sq. 

Milvian  Bridge,  351. 

Mimigernaford  on  the  Aa,  see  MUn- 
ster. 

Minden,  on  the  Weser,  117,  137,  152, 
487. 

Minorca,  Minorua,  island,  297. 

Miracles,  108,  in,  124,343,412.  See 
Omens. 

Mire,  near  Tours,  22. 

Missus,  missi,  283,  350  sq.,  367,  373, 
381  sq.,  3S9,  391,  395,  397,  429, 
441,  444,  451,  475,  and  passim. 

Modena,  420. 

Mohammed,   290,  315. 

Mohammedanism,  25. 

Momyllus  Augustulus,  366. 

Monasteries,  285  sqq. 

Mondsee,  M.,  dioc.  of  Passau,  179. 

Monk  of  Angouleme,  Monachus  En- 
gol,  489,  494. 

Monk  of  St.  Gall,  Monachus  Sangal- 
lensis,  80  sq.,  118,  198,  220  sq.,  25S, 


272,    312,   343,  353,  439,   444    note, 

533. 
Mons  Bardonis,  94. 
Monselice,  Mons  Silicis,  94. 
Monte  Casino,  M.,  33,  34,  42,  147. 
Months,  List  of  the,  516. 
Monumenta  Alcuiniana,  536. 

Carolina,  536. 
Monza,  99. 
Moors,  296  sq.,  312,  426  sqq.,  434  sqq., 

437>  4^4  sq.  and  passim. 
Moravians,  20S,  496. 
Mors  Gothorum,  Mouigoudou,  287. 
Mortal  Powder,  446  sq. 
Mosaics,  272. 

Moselle,  Mosel,  R.,  114,  426. 
Moses,  1S4,  315,  340. 
Moslems,  21  sqq.,  40,  51,  157  sq.,  160, 

413.  433'  435  and  passim. 
Mount  Calvary,  358. 
Mount  Cenis,  49,  90  sq.,419. 
Mount  Jupiter,  90. 
Mount  of  Olives,  358,  449. 
Mount  Zion,  358. 
Moutiers-en-Tarantaise,  454. 
Mi'inden,  near   the   confluence  of  the 

Fulda  and  Werra,  1 1 7. 
Minister,  in  Westphalia,  148,  152. 
Murbach,  in  Alsatia,  see  Annal.  Mur- 

bac. 


N 


Naples,  city,   304. 

"        duchy,  kingdom,  310,  495. 
Narbonensis,  299. 
Narbonese  Gaul,  312. 
Narbonessia,  454  note. 
Narbonne,  24,    26,  40,   51,   284,  291, 

454  note,  496. 
Nasg,  492  sq.,  502. 
Nationalities  in  Francia,  54. 
Nautharius,  abbot  of  St.  Omer,  440. 
Navarra,  Navarre,  432,  494. 
Nessus,  298. 
Nestorianism,  326. 
Nestorius,  326. 
Neuching,  synod  of,  207. 
Neufchateau,  fortress  in  the  Ardennes, 

32- 
Neustria,  18  sqq.,  30,  33,  52,  74,  183, 

216.  419,  495,  and  passim. 
Neustrians,  iS  sqq.,  passim. 
Nevers,  on  the  Loire,  419. 
New  City,  Cittanuova,  420. 
"  New  Era,"  407-425. 
New  Rome,  352,  366. 
Nicoea,  council  of,  331,  333  sq.,  44S. 
Nice,  Nizza,  465. 


INDEX. 


557 


Nicephorus,  Byzant.  emperor,  40S  sq., 

430,  452,  458,  460. 
Nicephorus,  patriarch,  459  sq. 
Nicetas,  patrician,  429  sq. 
Niederaltaich,  210. 
Nieto,  R.,  495. 
Nifridius,    archbishop    of    Narbonne, 

330. 
Nigellus,  Ermoldus,  poet,  301,477  note. 

"  "  Carmina,  53S. 

Nimes,  27. 

Nimeguen,  P.,  271,  399,  426,  439. 
Nithard,  historian,  143,  232,  267. 
Noirmoutier,  island,  312. 
Nomentum,  Mentana,  354. 
Nonantola,  M.,  460. 
Nordliudi,  136. 
Norican  Alps,  420. 
Norman  frontier,  462. 
Normans.  312,  313  note,  462  sq. 
Northalbingians,  121,  130  sq.,  136  sq., 

139  sqq.,  440. 
Northern  Marche,  495. 
Nordgau,  Northgau,  177,  419,  495. 
Northumbria,  episcopal  sees  of,  335. 
Northmen,  105,  312  sq.,  436. 
North  Sea,  133,  276,  441,  495. 
Norththuringia,  gau  of,  138. 
Notker,  the  Stammerer,  538. 
Novempopulonia,  454  note. 
Novi,  93. 
Noyon,  74. 

O 

Oath  of  Allegiance,  forms  of,  372  sq. 

"     "  Grimoald,  306  and  note. 
Oaths,  59. 
Obelierius,  doge  of   Venice,  415,  430, 

452,  457- 
Ocker,  R.,  no. 
Oder,  R..  21,  494  sqq. 
Odilo,  duke  of  the  Bavarians,  32,  77, 

189,  210. 
Odilo,  count,  233. 
Odo,  architect,  272. 
Odysseus,  498. 

Offa,  king  of  Mercia,  232,  335,  472. 
Officers,  executive  and  others,  379  and 

note. 
Ogger,  see  Autcharius. 
Oleron,  island,  312. 
Olivolo,  bishop  of,  430. 
Omens,  490  sq. 
Ommiad  family,  154,  295. 
Oportunus,  abbot  of  Mondsee,  207. 
Orbieux,  R.,  291. 
Ordeals,  60  sq. 

Ore  Mountains,  Erzgebirge,  281. 
Orlando,  Roland,  164  sq. 


Orleans,  175,  300,  313  note. 

Orosius,  261. 

Ortona,  409. 

Osca,  see  Huesca. 

Osnabriick,  117,  151,  487. 

Ostragau,  Ostergau,  Asterga,  123,  147. 

Otfried,  267. 

Otgar,  see  Autcharius. 

Otker,  see  Autcharius. 

Otto  I.,  emperor,  124. 

Otto  III.,  emperor,  485  sq. 

Otto,  count  of  Lomello,  485. 

Ottos,  the,  124. 

Osulfus,  servant  of  Alcuin,  473 

Otulfus,  =  Audulfus,  seneschal  (?),  456. 

Oviedo,  494. 

Owar,  see  Loire. 


Paderborn,  106,  III  sq.,  121,  123, 130, 
139,    150  sqq.,    154,   230,    345  sqq., 

364.  399- 
"Palace    School,"  241-252,    254,  257 

sqq. 
Palaces,  271  and  note. 
Palatiolum,  Palaiseau,  73. 
Palestrina,  431. 

Pampeluna,  157  sq.,  432,  468,  495. 
Pannonia,    129,  192,  201,  204  sq.,  302, 

468  sq. 
Pannonian  Marche,  495. 
Paris,  19,  313,  382,  405. 
Parma,  94,  172,  241. 
Partecipazio,  Agnello,  doge  of  Venice, 

458. 
Partition  of  the  empire,  417-425. 
Paschalis,  antipope,  487. 
Paschalis,  ptimicerius,    341,  351,  355, 

366  sq. 
Passau,  208. 

Patelaria,  Pantelaria,   island,  427. 
Paterno,  Italy,  486. 
Patrichts,    Patrician,    40,    87,    93,   99, 

366,  497,  510. 
Pauli    Diaconi    Histoiia    Langobard- 
orum,  5 38. 

"  Opera,  263  note,  264. 

Gesea  epp .  Mett.,  538. 

Paulinus,     grammarian,     patriarch    of 

Aquileia,   168,    197,    200,    202,  204, 

301,  329,  451  note. 
Paulipert,  commissioner,  307. 
Paulus,  Byzant,  admiral,  431. 
Paulus  Diaconus,  Paul  the  deacon,  his- 
torian and  poet,   168  sq.,  213,  224, 

260  sqq.,  263. 
Paulus,  duke   of   Zara    in    Dalmatia, 

415. 


558 


INDEX. 


Paulus,  prefect  of  Cephalonia,  432. 
Pavia,  40,  43,   49,  77,  80,  92,  97  sqq., 

16S,    171,    1S0,    260  sq.,  267,    309, 

420,  498. 
Peene,  R.,  128. 
Pelagius  I.,  pope,  358. 
Pepin  of  Landen,  266. 
Pepin  of  Heristal,  17,  18. 
Pepin,  son  of  Charles  Martel : 

"       mayor  of   the  palace,  29   note 
sqq-,  33-38. 

"       king,   39  sqq.  to   54,  88,   179, 
187,  214,  397,  483. 
Pepin  =  Carloman,     king      of     Italy, 

150,  173  sq.,  175  sqq.,  180,  182, 

192,  194,  201  sq.,  218,  230,  299  sqq., 

308  sq.,  313  note,  345,  354,  360  sq., 

409  sq.,  419  sq.,  425  sqq.,  444,   445 

and  note,  451,  474  sq.,  496. 
Pepin  the   Hunchback,   171,   196,  218 

sqq.,  474. 
Pepin  II.,  son  of  Louis  the  Pious,  477 

note,  493. 
Perahtcoz,  abbot  of  Schliersee,  208. 
Periander,  221  note. 
Persia,  21. 
Persians,  140. 
Persian  ambassadors,  23S. 
Perugia,  34. 

Peter,  abbot  of  Nonantola,  460. 
Peter  of  Pisa,  grammarian,  260  sqq. 
Peter  Petrus,  bishop  of   Verdun,    97, 

168,  219,  222  sq.,  386. 
Petershagen,  see  Huculvi. 
Pforing,  on  the  Danube,  180. 
"  Pibroch  of  Donald  Dhu,"  162. 
Pilgrimage,  397  sq. 

places  of,  397  sq. 
riombaruola,  convent,  34. 
Pious,  piety,  453  note. 
Piracies,  312,  463  sqq. 
Placita,  374. 
Plebiscites,  383. 
Plectrud,  wife  of   Pepin  of   Heristal, 

18,  19. 
Po,  R.,  97,  211,  420. 
Poeta  Saxo,  109,  225,  535. 
Poitiers,  22,  32,  405. 
Poitou,  406. 
Political  division,  64. 
Pomona,  228. 

Ponthion,  Politico,  Pontio,  P.,  41,  72. 
Ponza,  island,  465. 
Populonia,  Tuscia,  178. 
Porto- Venere,  405,  414. 
Praesul,  45  note,  48. 
Precariae,  3S4.     ■ 
Prerogatives,  imperial,  at   Rome,  367 

sq. 


Primicerius,  174. 

Prince's  Island,  Prinkipos,  408  sq. 

Procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  dogma 

of,  448  sqq. 
Procopia,  Byzant.  princess,  458. 
Prodigies,  447,  490  sq. 
"  Progress   of    Charles,   a.   800,"    313 

note. 
Propontis,  460. 
Proserpina,  483. 
Proskunesis,  334  note. 
Protospatharitis,  459. 
Provencals,  155. 
Provence,  21,  26,  27,  30,  52,  297,  308, 

419  sq..  494,  496. 
Provincial  synods,  390  sqq.,  476. 
Prtim.  M.,  221,  474. 
Prussia,  495. 
Pseudonyms,  243  sq. 
Puppet-kings,  see   ''Charles  Martel," 

174. 
Pusste  Sarto-Sar,  197. 
Puster  Valley,  209. 
Pyrenees,    the,    21,   52,  155   sqq.,  468, 

494  sqq. 


Quaestio,  355. 

Quentowic,  on  the  Canche,  405. 

Quierzy  on  the  Oise,  P.,  5,  399,  416. 

R 

Raab,  R.,  195,  495. 

Rachimburgii,  66. 

Rachis,  king  of  the  Lombards,  34,  50, 
261. 

Radbertus,  ambassador,  414. 

Rado,  chancellor,  378. 

Radoleiba,  492. 

Radolf,  count,  214. 

Ragenfrid,  mayor  of  the  palace,  19. 

Ra/it,  492,  502. 

Ratgar,  abbot  of  Fulda,  265. 

Ratisbon,  129,  181,  186,  189,  192,  194, 
196,  205,  219  sqq.,  287,  399,  406. 

Ravenna,  39,  49,  272,  274  sq.,  416, 
429. 

Ravenna,  territory,  39. 

Ravenna,  bishopric.  40,  169,  454,  456. 

Ravnaldus,  archbishop  of  Cologne, 
487. 

Recognition  of  Charles  by  the  Byzan- 
tines, 459. 

Rednitz,   R.,  277. 

Reformation,  the,  331. 

Reggio,  Rhcgiam,  94,  420,  466. 

Reginold,  Danish  prince,  441. 

Reginpert,  abbot  of  Mosburg,  208. 


INDEX. 


559 


Regusa,  495. 
Reichenau,  M.,  203,  213. 

school  at,  264  sq. 
Reims,    Rheims,  2S,    390,    398,    416, 

454- 
Relics,  59,  see  Saints,  St. 
Religious  readings,  236,  240. 
Renovatio  Imperii,  366. 
Reric,  commercial  emporium,  441  sq. 
"  Resume,"  490-505. 
Retrospective  view  of  Christian  effort 

in  Bavaria,  206. 
Reuss,  R.,  495. 
Revenue,  394  sqq. 
Rex,  459. 

Rezat,  Suabian,  R.,  277  sq. 
Rhabanus  Maurus,  256,  265,  267,  446, 

493- 
Rhe,  M.,  in  island  of  that  name,  32, 

74.  312. 
Rhenish  Provinces,  495. 
Rhetian  Alps,  495. 
Rhine,   R.,   20,    21,  passim,   54,   101, 

129,  180,  275,  405,  419.  426,  495. 
Rhine-bridge,  Mayence,  275  sqq.,  490. 
Rhone,  R.,  26,  27,  436. 
Rialto,  431,  458. 

Richard,  brother   of  Angilbert,  com- 
missioner, 293. 
Richard,  a  Christian  Saxon,  136,  142. 
Richbodo,  archbishop  of  Treves,  329. 
Richolf,  a  Christian  Saxon,  136. 
Richovvinus,  count,  457. 
Richulf,   Richulfus,  Ricolfus,  Damoe- 

tas,  archbishop  of  Mayence,  152  sq., 

243  sq.,  276,  356,  456. 
Riculf,  deacon,  175. 
Ried,  278. 

Rigontha,  princess,  58. 
Ring  of  the  Avars,  194,  198. 
Ripuarian  Law,  3S2,  475  note. 
Riustrigau,  on  the  Weser,  129. 
Roadhart,  abbot  of  Isana,  208. 
Robert  the  Strong,  124. 
Rocculfus,  count,  457. 
Roland,    prefect   of   the    Marches   of 

Brittany,  124,  159  sqq. 
Roland's  horn,  160. 
Roland,  Song  of,  163  sqq. 
Romagna,  49,  415. 
Rome,  Romans,  passim. 
Roncesvalles,  Roncevaux,  pass  of,  156, 

159  sqq.,  164,  494. 
Roriko,  count,  231. 
Rosellre,  in  Tuscia,  178. 
Roselmus,  governor  of  Chieti,  409. 
Rosogabi,    canton,   gau,    in    Saxony 

140. 
Rostagnus,  count  of  Gerona,  410  sq. 


Rotechild,  baiulus  of  King  Pepin,  174, 

451  note. 
Rothaid,    daughter   of    Charles,    171, 

228  sq. 
Rothard,  Frankish  duke,  40. 
Rothgar,  count,  350. 
Rothild,  daughter  of  Charles,  233. 
Rothrud,    Rotrud,  Columba,  daughter 

of  Charles,   171,    173,  228  sq.,  231, 

244,  262,  309,  445. 
Rouen,  313,  454. 

Rotrud,  wife  of  Charles  Martel,  20. 
Rouergue,  292. 
Roussilon,  410,  412. 
Royal  hunt,  237  sqq. 
Ruga,  361  and  note. 
Riigen,  island,  496. 
Ruhr,  R.,  109. 
Rule  of   St.    Benedict,    147,  285   sq., 

392,  and  passim. 
Rules  of  St.  Pachomius  and  St.  Basil, 

285. 
Rumoald,  Romuald,  eldest  son  of  Ari- 

giso,*  duke  of  Benevento,   177  sq., 

302. 
Rythmus  in  obitum  Caroli  Magni  Au- 

gnsti,  521. 

S 

Saale,  R.,  54,  116,  120,  281  sqq. 

Sabaria,  near  Sarwar,  195,  205. 

Sabina,  province,  173. 

Sacellarius,  379. 

Sachsenhausen,  143. 

"  Sacred  League,"  96. 

Saintes,  52. 

Salerno,  177,  303  sq. 

Salian  Law,  61,  382. 

Salii,  45  note. 

Salvianus,  Massil.  62. 

Salz,  P.,  on  the  Frankish  Saale,  399, 

409.. 
Salzburg,  Juvamm,  278,  454. 
Salzburg,      Verbriidernngsbuch,     etc., 

208. 
Samnium,  33. 

Samoussy,  P.,  7S  note    82. 
Saracens,  21,  29,  154 sq.,  158,  289 sqq., 

296,   297,    299,    315,    412,    433   sq., 

463  sqq.,  478. 
Saragossa,  156  sqq.,  411,  435  sq.,  494. 
Saranza,  94. 
Sardinia,    island,    426   sqq.,  464   sq., 

495- 
Sarwar,  205. 
Sassen,  54. 
Save,  R.,  496. 
Savoy,  419. 
Savuto,  R.,  495. 


560 


INDEX. 


Sax,  sacks,  54. 

Saxon  bishoprics,  144,  151  sq. 

Saxon  hostages,  142. 

"  Saxon  War,*'  101  to  153. 

Saxons,  26,  27,  39,  54,  passim  to  153, 
192,  and  passim. 

Saxony,  passim. 

Saxony,  modern,  495. 

Sca&ini,  66,  382  sq. 

Scara,  scarce,  102,  109,  282,  and  pas- 
sim. 

Scaramangium ,  408. 

Scheldt,  R.,  463,  495. 

Schessel,  389,  406. 

Schlettstadt,    Alsatia,     P.,    167,    170, 

399- 

Scholars,  265  sqq. 

Schools,  264  sqq. 

Schools  of  Rome,  93,  351,  354. 

Schwante,  on  the  Warnow,  137  note. 

Schwentine,  R.,  137. 

Sclaomir,  prince  of  the  Abodrites,  444. 

Sclavonians,  63,  77,  105,  116  sq.,  127, 

179.  208,  211  sq.,  2S0  sq.,  405  sq., 

407,  441  sq.,  469,  489,  493,  495  sq. 
Scotchmen  from  Ireland,  258  sqq. 
Scots,  462. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  160. 
Segre,  R.,  434. 
Seligenstadt,  Miihlheim  on  the  Main, 

256. 
Selz,  Alsatia,  under  Carloman,  6. 
Semela,    prince    of    the    Demelcians, 

281. 
Sendfeld,  between  the  Alme  and  the 

Diemel,  130. 
Seneschal,  379. 
Sens,  2i,  454. 
Septimania,    21,   24,   26,   51  sq.,   284, 

289  sq.,  297,  299,  419  sq.,  495. 
Septimanians,  155. 
Serenus,  bishop  of  Massilia,  332. 
Serenus  Sammonicus,  271. 
Sergius,  S8  note. 
Servia,  495. 

Sicily.  304.333  note,  407,  427,  464. 
Sicily,  patrician  of,  465  sq. 
Siegfried,    claimant    of     the    Danish 

throne,  461. 
Siena,  bishop  of,  368. 
Sigburg,    Sigiburg,    Hohensyburg  al., 

fortress,  109,  111. 
Sigfrid,  king  of  the  Danes,  113. 
Sigidio,  abbot  of  Weltenburg,  208. 
Signers  of  the  testament  of  Charles, 

list  of,  456  sq.,  457  note. 
Sigulf,  Vetulus,  abbot  of  Ferrieres,  bi- 
ographer of  Alcuin,  242  note,  300 

sq. 


Silida,  R.,  436. 

Sindpert,  bishop  of  Ratisbon,  193, 
207. 

Sirmium,  494. 

Sizer,  Pyrenees,  159. 

Slavery,  64. 

Slave-trade  in  Italy,  172. 

Sleswig,  town,  see  Sliesthorp. 

Slesvvig.  country,  141. 

Sliesthorp,  Sleswig,  441. 

Sluis,  405. 

Smaragdus,  abbot  of  St.  Mihiel  on  the 
Meuse,  260,  265,  449. 

Smeldings,  440  sqq. 

Social  condition  under  the  Merovingi- 
ans, 54-68. 

Social  condition  in  Lombardy  and 
Italy,  171  sqq. 

Soissons,  19,  36,  74. 

Solatium,  130. 

Solimary,  Arab  chief,  52. 

Solomon,  352. 

Somme,  R.,  142. 

Songs,  240. 

Sora,  178. 

Sorabians,  54,  116,  128,  282  sq.,  496. 

Soracte  Mount,  M.,  33,  397. 

Sovana,  178. 

Spain.  21,  154-165  passim. 

Spanish    Marche,   287,  290,  294,  435, 

451,  489.  496- 
Spatharius,  spatharii,    304,    407    sq., 

408  note  ;  430,  451  sq.,  464. 
Spectacular  displays,  239. 
Splugen,  pass  of,  171. 
Spoleto,  duchy,  94,  354,  428,  470. 
"        duke  of,  99,  166. 
"         city,  343  sq. 
St.  Augustin,  236. 
St.  Basil,  285. 
St.    Boniface,    27,     28,    34,     35,     37, 

55  sqq.,  108,  114,  123,  149,  153. 
St.  Columbanus,  abbot  of  Bobbio,  503, 

521  note. 
St.  Corbinianus,  relics  of,  208. 
St.    Eucherius,  bishop  of  Orleans,  28, 

29. 
St.  Germanus,  relics  of,  73. 
St.    Marcellinus  and  St.   Peter,   relics 

of,  490. 
St.  Martin,  299. 
St.  Pachomius,  285. 
St.  Paul,  the  apostle,  315,  343. 
St.    Peter,    the    apostle,    literally   and 

figuratively,    43,    44.  49   and   note, 

7S,  169,  172,   17S  sq.,  note    1,  303, 

305,  341,  427,  and  passim. 
St.  Peter,  chair  of,  352,  356. 
St.  Peter,  church  of,  423. 


INDEX. 


56l 


St.  Peter,  territory  of,  420,  and  passim. 
St.   Peter,   tomb  of,   29,  94,  216,    361 

sqq.,  397.  45°- 
St.  Valentinus,  relics  of,  20S. 
St.  Vandrille,  Wandregesilus,  266. 
St.  Wigbert,  relics  of,  145  sq. 
St.  Alban's,  Mayence,  224. 
St.  Amand,  M.,  211. 
St.  Ambrose,  Milan,  445  sq.  note. 
St.  Aniane,  M.,  in  Aquitaine,  265. 
St.  Ansanus,  M.,  368. 
St.  Arnulf's,  M.,  Metz,  213. 
St.  Benedict,  M.,  Monte  Casino,  33. 
St.  Columba,  433. 
St.  Denis,  church  of,  29,    50,    53,    72, 

213  sq.,  483. 
St.  Denis,  fair  of,  405. 
St.  Denis,  M.,  41,  51  sq.,  222,  267  sq., 

398.  483. 
St.  Die,  M.,  Vosges,  483. 
St.  Erasmus,  M.,  Rome,  342. 
St.  Faro  apud  Meldos,  Meaux,  M.,  83. 
St.  Gall,  M.,  221,  273. 
St.  George's,  Rome,  342. 
St.  Germain  d'Auxerre,  266. 
St.  Germain  des  Pres,    M.,  Paris,  51, 

398. 
St.  Goar,  M.,  182,  224  note. 
St.  Guillelm,  St.  Guillaume  du  Desert, 

M.,  288. 
St.  John  Baptist,  altar  of,  486. 
St.  Josse-sur-Mer,  242. 
St.  Laurentius  ad  craticidam,   Rome, 

342. 
St.  Loup  {Lupus),  M.,  dioc.  of  Troyes, 

242. 
St.  Maria  Maggiore,  basilica  of,  Rome, 

94. 
St.  Martin's,  Mayence,  493. 
St.    Martin,    M.,  Tours,   51  sq.,   213, 

225,  242. 
St.  Mary  the  Virgin,  basilica  of,  Aix- 

la-Chapelle,    85,    271   sq.,    274  sq., 

416,   459,  474.  479.  433,  485,  487, 

490  sqq. 
St.  Mary's  Freising,  208. 
St.  Mary's,  Reichenau,  203. 
St.  Maurice,  M.,  40,  416. 
St.  Maximin,  M.,  Treves,  183. 
St.  Medard.  M.,  near  Soissons,  416. 
St.  Michael,  the  archangel,  sanctuary 

of,  Mount  Gargano,  397. 
St.    Mihiel,    M.,  on  the  Meuse,  260, 

265. 
St.  Paul,  basilica  of,  Rome,  363,  450. 
St.   Peter,  basilica  of,   Rome,  93  sqq., 

351,  354   sqq.,    360  sqq.,   450,   456, 

459-  474- 
St.  Peter's,  Bremen,  150. 

36 


St.  Peter's,  M.,  Lotusa,  Brabant,   148. 

St.  Peter's,  Salzburg,  208. 

St.  Quentin,  M.,  398. 

St.  Remi,  Remigius,  M.,  near  Rheims, 

365.  4i6- 
St.    Riquier,   M.,    254,    267,   300.  313 

note. 
St.  Sabas,  M.,  Jerusalem,  358,  449. 
St.  Saturninus,  hermitage,  285. 
St.  Seine,  M.,  diocese  of  Langres,  285. 
Sts.  Simon  and   Thaddeus,  M.,  Hers- 

feld,  145. 
St.  Sithiu,  M.,  at  St.  Omer,  39. 
Sts.  Stephen  and  Sylvester,  M.,Rome, 

342- 
St.  Stephen's.  Tours,  300. 
St   Symphorian,  chapel  of,  73. 
St.  Vincentius,  church  of,  73. 
St.  Vitale,  Ravenna,  274. 
St.  Wandrille,  M.,  diocese  of  Rouen, 

266  sq. 
St.  Zeno,  Verona,  446  note. 
Stephanus,  papal  legate,  327. 
Stadtberge,  see  Eresburg. 
Standard  of  the  Cross,  358. 
States  of  the  Church,  496. 
Stauracius,  Byzantine  emperor,  458. 
Stebilinius,  count  of  Treviso,  167  sq. 
Stein  am  Anger,  195. 
Stephen  III.,  pope,  36,  39,  40-50,  53, 

72,  76,  sqq.,  85,  87  sq.,  note,  498. 
Stephen  V.,  pope,  365. 
Stephen,     Stephanus  (?),    count,    382, 

456- 
Stor,  R.,  443. 

Strasburg,  204,  264,  477  note. 
Sturm,  Sturmi,  abbot  of  Fulda,  63,  77, 

150,  210,  270,  406. 
Styria,  208. 
Suabia,  Sitavia,  Alemannia  al,,  20,  30, 

180,  495. 
Suabians,  20,  22. 
Sualafeld,  277. 
Suentana,  Zventinefeld,  137. 
Suetonius,  Life  of  Augustus,  254,  491, 

and  note. 
Siintel  Range,  117,  119,  142. 
Superstition,  59  sqq. 
Susa,  420. 

Suza,  Marche  of,  496. 
Swanahild,  mother  of  Grifo,  20,  30. 
Sweden,  462. 
Sylvester,  pope,  341. 
Symbolical  gifts  from  Jerusalem,  358. 
Syria,  21,  439. 

T 

"  Table  of  Alcuin's  epistles  to  Charles," 
5ii. 


562 


INDEX. 


"  Table  of  the  Winds,"  516. 

Tanchon,  monk,  273. 

Tarantaise,  419. 

Tarragona,  433. 

Tassilo,  duke  of  Bavaria,  33,  51,  76 
sq.,  82,  175  sq.,  179-188, 
189,    206-210,     306,     314, 

385,  4*9.  499- 
"         daughters  of,  183  note. 
Tatar,  197. 
Tatto,  264. 
Taxes,  396. 
Teano,  178. 

Teatensian  territory,  470. 
Termini,  191. 
Terzatto,  Tharsatica,  203. 
Testaments  of  Charles,  426,  453. 
Testry,  battle  of,  17. 
Tharsatica,  Terzatto,  203. 
Thegani  Vita  Hludowici  imperatoris, 

537- 
Theganus,  Thegan,    Degan,  chorepis- 

copos  in  the  diocese  of  Treves,  477 

note. 
Theiss,  R.,  197.  202,  494  sqq. 
Theodelinda,  queen  of  the  Lombards, 

100. 
Theoderic,    king   of    the    Ostragoths, 

equestrian  statue  of,  275. 
Theoderic,  Saxon  chief.  32. 
Theoderic,  or  Thierry  IV.,  18,  20. 
Theoderic,    count    in    Ripuaria,    117, 

129,  192,  196. 
Theoderic,  infant  son  of  Charles,  474. 
Theodo,  son  and  associate  of  Tassilo, 

181,  183,  185,  210. 
Theodoald,     grandson     of     Pepin     of 

Heristal,  iS. 
Theodoin,  count  of  Vienne,  39. 
Theodore,  khakhan,  205  sq. 
Theodore,  musician,  1S0. 
Theodore,    prefect    and    patrician    of 

Sicily,  310. 
Theodrada.  daughter  of  Charles,   225, 

22S  sqq.,  233. 
Theodrada,  daughter  of  Pepin,  k.   of 

Italy,  446  note. 
Theodulf,  Pindar,  bishop  of  Orleans, 

200,  222,  224  note,  226,  22S  sq. ,  243 

sq.,  254,  257  sq.,  266  sq..  297,   300, 

321.  329.  337.  351  sq.,  355  sq.,  364, 

449.  456.  473.  502. 
Theognostus.  proiospatharins,  459. 
Theophanis  chronographia,  538. 
Theophylact.  papal  legate,  327. 
Theophylactus,   son    and  associate  of 

Michael  I.,  459. 
Theotbert,  son  of  Tassilo,  183. 
Theotmalli,  Detmold,  119. 


Theudald,  count.  219. 
Thierry  IV.,  see  Theoderic. 
Thionville,   Diedenhofen,    P.    on    the 

Moselle,  399.  417  sq.,  474. 
"  Third  estate  of  men,"  65. 
Thomas,  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  438. 
Thomas,  archbishop  of  Milan,  175. 
Thrasco,  prince  of  the  Abodrites,  137, 

140,  440  sqq. 
Thrasybulos,  221  note. 
Thrianta,  Frisia,  149. 
Thungini,  380. 
Thuringia,  30,  116,  120,  133,  216,419, 

and  passim. 
Thuringians,    22,   54,   120,    215    sqq., 

282,  and  passim. 
Tiber,  R.,  494. 
Tiberius,  491  note,  sq. 
Ticinum  =  Pappia,  Pavia,  309. 
Titles  : 

Charles  Martel,  30  note. 

Pepin,  31  note. 

Carloman,  31  note. 

Charles  the  Great,  74  note,  99, 
331,  362,  364,  371  sq.  418. 
429,  453.  484,  502. 

Louis  the  Pious,  480. 
Toledo,  council  of,  448. 
Tolls,  396  sq. 
Torgan,  419. 
Tortosa,  433  sqq.,  463  sq. 
Toscana,  see  Tuscia,  420. 
Toscanella,  178. 
Toulouse,  city,  21,  58,  289,  294. 
Toulouse,  county,  duchy  of,  284. 
Tours,  22  sqq.,  52,  225,  227,  264,  299 
sq.,   313  note,  351  sq.,  390, 

454.  503- 
"       territory,   Touraine,  419. 
Tours,  battle  of,  25  sq. 
Transpadana,  420. 
Trasarus,  M.,  266. 
Trave,  R.,  496. 
"Treatise  of  the  Order  and  State  of 

the  Palace,  etc.,"  253. 
Treaty  of  peace  with  the  Byzantines, 
452. 
"     the  Danes,  461  sq. 
"     the  khalif  El  Hakem,  467. 
Trebbia,  R.,  503. 
Trent,  Trident,  Trient,  208. 
Trent,   Marche  of.  496. 
Treves  Trier,  272  note,  454. 
Treviso,  168  sq.,  430,  43S. 
"  Trial  by  Combat,"  59  sq. 
Tributarii  aclesiarum,  3S5. 
Triduum   of    prayers,    123,    I93   sq., 

447- 
Trudo,  M.,  28,  521  note. 


INDEX. 


563 


Trustes,  385. 

"  Tudites,"  17. 

Tudun,  196,  200  sq.,  205. 

Tullius,  paramour,  233. 

Tuln,  195. 

Turpin,  164. 

Tuscany,  310  ;  see  Tuscia. 

Tuscia,  Tuscany,  Toscana,  310,  420. 

Tyrinthus,  infant  of,  29S. 

Tyrol,  179,  208. 

Tyrrhenian  Sea,  494. 

U 

United  States,  382. 
Unruochus,  count,  missus,  456. 
Urbino,  duchy,  49. 
Urgel,  La  Seo  de  Urgel,  330. 
Ursio,  bishop  of  Vienne,  386. 
Uto.  abbot  of  Ilmunster,  207. 
Utrecht,  school  at,  146,  265. 

V 

Vacua  annona,  386. 

Val-Carlos,  Pyrenees,   159. 

Valence,  26. 

Valencia,  emir  of,  435. 

Valens,  261, 

Valentinus,  Valentine,  doge  of  Venice, 

430,  458. 
Valla-Ibana.  434. 
Valva,  Spoleto,  304. 
Vandals,  454  note. 
Varghel,  Vargalaha,  on    the    Unstrut, 

72. 
Vasconia,  21,  156,  284,  286,  419. 
Vasconians,  54,  159,  289,  467  sq. 
Veneti,  217. 

Venetia,  415,  431  sq.,  452,  494,  496. 
Venice,  405,  415,  429  sqq.,  457  sq. 
Veni  Creator  Spiritus,  449  note. 
Ver,  P.,  313  note. 
"  Verbruderungsbuch   of   St.    Peter's, 

Salzburg,"  208. 
Vercelli,  Verceil,  414,  420. 
Verden,   on  the  Aller,  118,   144,   151 

sq.,  213,  443,  445,  448,  499. 
Verdun,  272  note,  see  Petrus. 
Verona,  92,  97  sq.,  429. 
Verzenay,  170. 
Vienne,  R.,  22. 
Vienne,  26,  454. 
M.,  42. 
Vigilius,  pope,  358. 
Villa-Rubea,  434. 
Villas,  399-405. 

"       list  of,  399. 
Villedaigne,  battle  of,  291. 


Vincy,  battle  of,  19. 

Virgil,  347. 

Virgilius,  bishop  of  Salzburg,  56,  207 

sqq. 
Visio  domni  Ca?-oli,  539. 
Visio  Wetini,  203  note,  228  note. 
"Vision  of   Charles  the   Great,''  492 

sq. 
Vita  S.  A7'noldi,  539. 
Vita  Caroli,  by  Einhard,  536. 
Vita  Hadriani  I.,  538. 
Vita  Hludowici  imperatoris,  537. 
Vita    Hludowici   imperatoris,  by   As- 

tronomus,  537. 
Vita  S.  Lebuini,  by  Hucbald,  537. 
Vita  Leonis  III.,  538. 
Vita  S.  Liudgen,  by  Altfrid,  537. 
Vita  Stephani  III.,  538. 
Vita  S.  Sturmi,  by  Eigil,  537. 
Vita  S.   Willehadi,  537. 
Vitae   Pontijicum    Pomanorum,    sive 

Liber  Pontificalis,  538. 
Viterbo,  89,  178. 
Vitiza,  see  Benedict. 
Vdgte,  389. 
Vulcan,  258,  297. 
Vulgares  cantilenae,  236  note. 
Vussinus,  son  of  Einhard,  256. 

W 

Waifre,  duke  of  Aquitaine,  33,  51,  74, 

156. 
Wala,  count,  cousin  of  Charles,   264, 

456. 
Wala,   Arsenius,  Jeremiah,    abbot   of 

Corbie,  244. 
Waladala,  Thuringia,  282. 
Walafrid  Strabo,  254,  264. 
Waltgaudus,  bishop  of  Liege,  456. 
Wantia,  Greek  princess,  wife  of  Gri- 

moald,  307. 
Warna,  R.,  496. 
Warnarius,    commissioner    of    Louis, 

233- 
Warnefrid,  260. 
Warnerius,  abbot,  43. 
Wars,  see  Chronological  Annals. 
Way  of    the  Franks,  via  Francorum, 

91. 
Weiler,  63. 

Weissenburg  on  the  Rezat,  278. 
Welatabians,    Wilzen,    127,    139,    440 

sqq.,  469,  496. 
Wends,  115,  128,  472. 
Werden,  M  ,  on  the  Ruhr,  148. 
Weregeld,  61  sq.,  63,  207. 
Werinarius.  general,  281. 
Werinofelde,  281. 


564 


INDEX. 


Wernekind,  Warnechinus,  king  of  the 

Angrians,  1 13,  123. 
Werra,  R.,  63. 
Weser,  R.,  55,  107,  nosq.,  117,  120, 

132,  137,  149,  and  passim. 
Westarfalda,  461  sq. 
Westergau,  123. 
Western  Francia,  495. 
Westphalia,    120,   134  note,   148,  499, 

and  passim. 
Westphalians,  54,   110,   114,  119,  133- 

135.  and  passim. 
Wibodus,  the  hero,  257. 
Widmar,  monk,  285. 
Wido,  count,  311. 
Widukind,  historian,  124. 
Wiener  Wald,  195. 
Wigmodia,  131  sq.,  140,  149. 
Wigmodians,  141. 
Wilhelmus,  William,  Guillelme,    Guil- 

laume,  288  sq.,  291,  see  William. 
Willehad,  Vilhaed,  missionary,  bishop 

of  Bremen,  14S  sqq.,  267. 
Willerich,  bishop  of  Bremen,  150. 
William,  count,  or  duke  of  Toulouse, 

411  sqq. 
William,  see  Wilhelmus. 
William  of  Malmesbury,  255,  349. 
Willibert,  commissioner,  293. 
Willibrord,  bishop  of  Utrecht,  27,  104, 

146  sqq. 
Wihen,  see  Welatabians. 
Winds,  table  of  the,  516. 
Winigisus,   missus,    count,  afterwards 

duke  of  Spoleto,  310,  343,  410. 
Winthari,  Winter,  physician,  270  and 

note. 
Wirundus,  abbot  of  Stablo,  343. 


Wisurich,  bishop  of  Passau,  207. 
Witgarius,  bishop  of  Augusta,  493. 
Witta,    Wizo,     Candidas,     Albuinus, 

bishop  of  Buriaburg,  145,   153,  242 

note,  244,  265. 
Wittekind,  Widukind,  101,    113,    115 

sqq.,  121  sqq.,  124,  127,  150. 
Witzan,  Witzin,  prince    of   the    Abo- 

drites,  130. 
Woinimir,  Sclavonian  chief,  197. 
Wolchanhart,    abbot    of     Osterhofen, 

208. 
Wolfarius,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  456. 
Wolfpert,  abbot  of  Niederaltaich,  207. 
Worado,  count-palatine,  116. 
Worms,    106,    171,   176,    180,  216  sq., 

287,  405. 
WiArzburg,  151  sq. 

"  school  at,  265. 


Yeu  —  Dieu,  island,  312. 
Yoree,  420. 
York,  240. 


Zacharias,   pope,   34,    35,   37,   39,   50, 

55- 
Zacharias,  presbyter,  358,  377. 
Zara,  in  Dalmatia,  458. 
Zeid,  governor  of  Barcelona,  295,  .409 

sqq. 
Zeno,  Byzantine  emperor,  275. 
Zizania,  428. 
Zurich,  198. 
Zventinefeld,  137,  140. 


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